Während des deutsch-sowjetischen Krieges war ab Herbst 1941 das Gebiet um die russische Stadt Brjansk von der Wehrmacht besetzt. Die 2. Panzerarmee verwaltete dieses Territorium über den Kommandanten des rückwärtigen Armeegebietes 532. Wie überall im besetzten Gebiet verübten die Einsatzgruppen des SD zahlreiche Morde und es kam zum Massensterben der Kriegsgefangenen in den Durchgangslagern. Starke, in den ausgedehnten Waldmassiven versteckte sowjetische Partisanenverbände erschwerten die Beherrschung des ausgedehnten Raumes. Aufgrund des Mangels an deutschen Soldaten wurden zahlreiche Bewachungseinheiten aus Einheimischen und Kriegsgefangenen gebildet. Der Kommandeur der Armee Generaloberst Rudolf Schmidt ging sogar so weit, einen von der russischen Bevölkerung vollständig selbst verwalteten Bezirk zuzulassen. Kollaboration mit den deutschen Besatzern war ein weit verbreitetes Phänomen, während gleichzeitig in den Wäldern die Partisanen herrschten. Die Sicherungsverbände führten zahlreiche Antipartisanenunternehmen durch, die meist ohne anhaltende Erfolge blieben, aber in deren Verlauf zahlreiche Zivilisten als vermeintliche Partisanen getötet wurden. Obwohl die Besatzungsherrschaft der Wehrmacht in diesem Gebiet von der in Berlin beschlossenen Generallinie der Ausbeutung, Unterdrückung und Vernichtung in vielem abwich, wurde nicht für eine ausreichende Ernährung der Bevölkerung gesorgt. Dem Hunger und dem Partisanenkrieg fielen bis zum Rückzug der Wehrmacht im Herbst 1943 tausende Zivilisten zum Opfer. / During the German-Soviet war by autumn 1941 the area around the Russian city Bryansk was occupied by the Wehrmacht. The Second Tank Army administrated this territory through the commander of the backward area of the army 532. Like everywhere in the occupied territories the Einsatzgruppen of the SD committed numerous murders and it came to the widespread deaths of the prisoners of war in the transit camps. Strong Soviet partisan groups hidden in the vast forest massifs complicated the control of the vast area. On account of the lack of German soldiers numerous guarding units from locals and prisoners of war were formed. The commander of the army senior general Rudolf Schmidt went even so far of admitting a district completely administered by Russians themselves. Collaboration with the occupying forces was a widespread phenomenon, while at the same time in the woods the partisans ruled. The guarding troops carried out numerous anti-partisan operations which mostly remained without during success but killed numerous civilians as putative partisans in the course. Although the occupation of the Wehrmacht in this area in many aspects deviated from the in Berlin concluded general line of exploitation, suppression and destruction, it was not provided for a sufficient supply of food for the population. Until the retreat of the Wehrmacht in autumn 1943 thousand of civilians fell victim to hunger and partisan warfare.

Cette thèse étudie certains des facteurs liés au développement de l'intérêt pour la politique chez les adolescents à l'aide de trois articles. J'utilise des données provenant d'une enquête par questionnaires, conduite durant trois ans auprès de jeunes Montréalais étudiant au secondaire. Le premier article examine le rôle du réseau social (parents, amis et enseignants) dans le développement de l'intérêt. Je démontre que les parents qui discutent souvent de politique sont plus susceptibles d'avoir des enfants intéressés par la politique et dont l'intérêt se développera. Cependant, le rôle des autres agents de socialisation ne devrait pas être sous-estimé. Les amis ont souvent un effet similaire aux parents lorsqu'il s'agit du changement dans l'intérêt, et les résultats suggèrent que les enseignants, à travers certains cours comme ceux d'histoire, peuvent jouer un rôle civique important. Le deuxième article aborde la question de la causalité entre l'intérêt politique et trois attitudes: le cynisme, l'attachement partisan et le sens du devoir. Il s'agit de voir quel effet la présence de ces attitudes chez les adolescents a sur le développement de leur intérêt politique, et inversement, si l'intérêt a un effet sur le changement dans ces attitudes. Je démontre qu'il existe une relation de réciprocité entre l'intérêt et le cynisme, de même qu'entre l'intérêt et le sens du devoir. Cependant, dans le cas de l'attachement partisan, l'effet est unidirectionnel: le fait d'aimer un parti n'est pas lié à la présence d'intérêt ou de désintérêt politique, alors que cette attitude influence le développement de l'intérêt pour la politique. Le troisième article aborde la question du développement de l'intérêt à l'aide d'entrevues. Treize jeunes ayant répondu aux trois vagues de l'enquête par questionnaires ont été rencontrés et leurs commentaires permettent de répondre à trois questions de recherche: les jeunes ont-ils une image négative de la politique? Les jeunes fuient-ils la controverse? Leurs amis occupent-ils une place prépondérante dans le développement de leur intérêt? Ces jeunes expriment une opinion très nuancée de la politique, de même qu'un goût pour les débats et autres images concrètes de la politique. Par contre, leur intérêt ne se reflète pas dans un engagement soutenu. Enfin, leurs parents sont plus importants que leurs amis lorsqu'il s'agit du développement de leur intérêt pour la politique. / This dissertation studies factors linked to the development of political interest among teenagers through three articles. I use panel data from questionnaires distributed each year for three years to Montreal high school students. The first article examines the role of the social network (parents, friends, teachers) in the development of political interest. I demonstrate that parents who often discuss politics have children who are more interested in politics and who are more likely to develop political interest. The effect of other agents of socialization should not be underestimated, however, as friends were often found to be on par with parents concerning their influence on change in political interest, and results concerning teachers suggest that some classes, history in this case, can play an important civic role. The second article addresses the question of causality between political interest and three attitudes: cynicism, party attachment and civic duty. I investigate the extent to which these attitudes have an effect on change in political interest, and, conversely, the extent to which political interest affects change in these attitudes. Analysis of the data shows a reciprocal relationship between cynicism and interest, as well as between civic duty and interest. In the case of party affinity, however, the effect is unidirectional. Party affinity does not emerge as a result of political interest or disinterest, while this attitude was found to influence the development of political interest. The third article uses interviews to address the question of the development of political interest. Thirteen teenagers, each of whom participated in all three waves of the panel survey, were interviewed. Their comments were analyzed in light of three research questions: Do young people have a negative image of politics? Are they conflict-averse? Are their friends central in the development of their political interest? Teenagers express a moderate opinion of politics, often devoid of the cynicism attributed them, as well as a taste for debates and other concrete practices of politics. Their interest, however, does not reflect strong engagement. Finally, their parents are more important than their friends when it comes to the development of their political interest.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2538.pdf: 3718258 bytes, checksum: 4f8124ece498120473e681a7a6c716e0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-28 / The objective of this work is to analyze the partisan vote in elections for the Executive in the State of São Paulo, as much with the vote for Governor how much for President. The clipping that was made for this work is the period that understands the elections of 1998, 2002 and 2006, being that the analyzed parties are: PSDB (Brazilian Social democracy Party) and PT (Labor Party). The studied data had been collected in TSE (Electoral Superior Court) e, from them, made crossings between candidate the President for a party and candidate the Governor for the other party and vice versa, in order to observe the coherence of the vote in the parties in distinct disputes. From this maps of the vote in the State was made, having shown where each party gets better resulted and also to verify if in such a way in the dispute for the government of the State how much for the Presidency it has coherence in the partisan vote. / O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o voto partidário em eleições para o Executivo no Estado de São Paulo, tanto com o voto para Governador quanto para Presidente. O recorte que foi feito para este trabalho é o período que compreende as eleições de 1998, 2002 e 2006, sendo que os partidos analisados são: PSDB (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira) e PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores). Os dados estudados foram coletados no TSE (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral) e, a partir deles, feitos cruzamentos entre candidato a Presidente por um partido e candidato a Governador pelo outro partido e viceversa, de modo a observar a coerência do voto nos partidos em disputas distintas. A partir disso foi feito um geoprocessamento do voto no Estado, mostrando onde cada partido obtém melhor resultado e também verificar se tanto na disputa para o governo do Estado quanto para a Presidência há coerência no voto partidário.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-08-06 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / The present work aims to provide a general panorama of Brazilian anti-corruption system with the scope of checking in which dimention the current public probity control mechanisms are effective, as well as, on the contrary, if there are legal instruments which, despite appearing to protect probity, actually, militate against it. The study seeks to investigate the links between policy corruption and the current stage of democratic representation in the contemporary state. This work raises three hypothesis about political affairs that relate with probity. The first regards party-voter links and its reflexes, including the private financing of electoral campaigns, the re-election, the need to create mechanisms that oblige governments to fulfill campaign promises and the possibility to carry out the policy reform through specific constituent assembly. The second theme is the nomination of high state authorities, including the Superior Courts, questioning the existence of political nominations for positions that require knowledge of a technical nature. The final hypothesis regards the unreasonable growth of commissioned positions in the government. Finally, the research indicates some elements which would have the power to strengthen the protection of integrity, as the growth in public administration transparency, the articulation of institutions involved in probity protection, the universalization of public services, valuing career servers, the protection of whistleblowers and citizenship education. / O presente trabalho pretende fornecer um panorama geral do sistema brasileiro anticorrupção com o escopo de aferir em que medida os atuais mecanismos de controle da probidade pública são eficazes, bem como, ao revés, se existem instrumentos legais que, a despeito de aparentarem tutelar a probidade, na verdade militam contra ela. O estudo busca, ainda, investigar os vínculos da corrupção política com o atual estágio da representação democrática no estado contemporâneo. No bojo do trabalho são levantadas três hipóteses de questões políticas que guardam relação com a probidade. A primeira trata dos vínculos partidários-eleitorais e seus reflexos, abrangendo o financiamento privado de campanhas eleitorais, a reeleição, a necessidade de criar mecanismos que obriguem os governantes a cumprirem as promessas de campanha e a possibilidade de realizar a reforma política por meio de assembléia constituinte específica. A segunda é a nomeação de altas autoridades de Estado, inclusive das Cortes Superiores, em que se questiona a necessidade da existência de nomeações de natureza política para cargos que demandam conhecimento de natureza técnica. A hipótese final toca o crescimento desarrazoado dos cargos em comissão. Por fim, a pesquisa indica alguns elementos que teriam o condão de fortalecer a proteção da probidade, ainda que de forma indireta, como o crescimento da transparência na administração pública, a articulação das instituições ligadas à tutela da probidade, a universalização de serviços públicos, a valorização dos servidores de carreira, a proteção de denunciantes (whistleblowers) e a educação para a cidadania.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-07-11T19:54:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 brunosilvademoraesgomes.pdf: 1747428 bytes, checksum: 7e53b68b70076b1659f5a8389f52ebbb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-08T15:42:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 brunosilvademoraesgomes.pdf: 1747428 bytes, checksum: 7e53b68b70076b1659f5a8389f52ebbb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-08T15:42:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 brunosilvademoraesgomes.pdf: 1747428 bytes, checksum: 7e53b68b70076b1659f5a8389f52ebbb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-31 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa tese busca analisar as questões espaciais de saúde nos municípios brasileiros. Dessa forma, o artigo 1 investiga as evidências de ciclos eleitorais e partidários e interação espacial nas despesas com saúde e saneamento. O modelo de painel dinâmico espacial propiciou observar se ocorre o aumento das despesas com saúde e saneamento nos anos de eleição municipal e quais os partidos que mais gastam com saúde e saneamento. Identificou que o padrão dessas despesas é influenciado pelo comportamento das despesas nos municípios vizinhos. Nota-se a presença do efeito spillovers, pois os governantes reduzem suas despesas com saúde e saneamento ao observarem que os vizinhos aumentam as despesas. O artigo 2 analisa as questões espaciais da Estratégia Saúde da Família (ESF) capazes de influenciar a taxa de mortalidade infantil e de crianças de 1 a 4 anos nos municípios brasileiros entre 1998 e 2012. A estimação se dá por dados por painel espacial. Como resultado, observa-se a presença dos efeitos do tipo feedback, em que os efeitos diretos da ESF passam para os vizinhos e retornam e o espraiamento da razão de cobertura dos vizinhos na redução da mortalidade infantil e de 1 a 4 anos. Assim, conclui-se que um aumento da ESF em um município reduz as taxas de mortalidade infantil e de 1 a 4 anos nos vizinhos, sendo esse efeito maior para mortalidade infantil. E o artigo 3 analisa a migração médica identificando se há efeito gotejamento nos municípios brasileiros para médicos generalistas e especialistas. Utiliza-se os dados do Censo 2010 e o modelo hierárquico espacial de dois níveis, o primeiro com os dados individuais e o segundo com os dados municipais (incorporando as defasagens espaciais). Como resultados confirma-se a importância da inclusão das variáveis individuais, municipais e espaciais e verifica-se a inexistência do efeito de gotejamento para migração médica tanto de generalistas (que estão dispersos pelos municípios aleatoriamente) quanto de especialista nos municípios brasileiros. / This thesis aims to analyze spatial health issues in Brazilian municipalities. Thus, article investigates the evidence of electoral and partisan cycles and spatial interaction in health and sanitation expenditures. The spatial dynamic panel model allowed us to observe whether there is an increase in health and sanitation expenses in the years of municipal elections and which parties spend the most on health and sanitation. Identified that the pattern of these expenditures is influenced by the behavior of expenditures in neighboring municipalities. The spillovers effect is noticeable, as governors reduce their health and sanitation expenditures by observing that neighbors increase expenditures. Article 2 analyzes the spatial issues of the Family Health Strategy (FHS) that can influence the infant and child mortality rate of 1 to 4 years in Brazilian municipalities between 1998 and 2012. The estimation is given by data per space panel. As a result, the effects of the feedback type are observed, in which the direct effects of the FHS pass to the neighbors and return and the spreading of the coverage ratio of the neighbors in the reduction of the infant mortality and from 1 to 4 years. Thus, it is concluded that an increase in FHS in one municipality reduces infant and 1 to 4 year mortality rates in neighbors, and this effect is higher for infant mortality. And article 3 analyzes the medical migration, identifying if there is trickle down effect in Brazilian municipalities for general practitioners and specialists. Data from the Censo 2010 and the two-level spatial hierarchical model are used, the first with the individual data and the second with the municipal data (incorporating spatial lags). As a result, the importance of including individual, municipal and spatial variables is confirmed and there is no trickle down effect for medical migration, either by generalists (who are dispersed by the municipalities at random) or by specialists in the Brazilian municipalities.

No description available.

No description available.

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.

Cette thèse étudie dans une perspective comparée les modalités du travail de représentation en matière d’impôt sur la fortune, au Bundestag et à l’Assemblée nationale. S’appuyant sur des approches empiriques complémentaires (entretiens semi-directs, observation non-participante, bases de données prosopographiques, travail d’archive codé), cette enquête entend expliquer la variété des pratiques constatées. La recherche montre que les débats en matière d’impôt sur la fortune se caractérisent par la place centrale prise par les mondes de l’entreprise, faisant émerger le constat d’une forme d’inégalité d’accès à la parole parlementaire pour les groupes sociaux cités au sein des deux Assemblées. L’enquête souligne également que les députés développent des pratiques différenciées entre groupes en utilisant plusieurs registres de représentation visant à justifier et légitimer les différents modes d’investissement observables dans les deux pays. Face à ce constat, cette étude entend proposer un examen des causes des phénomènes observés. Plus d’une trentaine de facteurs explicatifs sont ainsi pris en compte, à des niveaux micro, méso et macrosociologiques (histoire politique, dispositions individuelles, processus de socialisation politique, économique et professionnelle, influence des entourages, effets de positions et de contextes, etc.). La thèse montre alors que les pratiques de représentation sont le résultat de l’articulation d’un système de facteurs qui interdisent de penser ces pratiques de façon réifiée. En cherchant à comprendre la complexité et l’intrication de nombreux éléments intervenant dans les prises de position des élus, la thèse cherche à démêler les fils explicatifs de l’écheveau des pratiques de représentation. / This thesis aims at analysing the methods of representing during wealth tax debates in the French Assemblée nationale and in the German Bundestag. Based on empirical researches (semi-direct interviews, non-participating observations, prosopographic data, coded archival work), this research aspires to explain the variety of identified practices. The research shows on one hand that debates around wealth tax are characterized by the central position of concerns and businesses, highlighting the following acknowledgment: the inequity in accessing speaking time for social groups mentioned in both Parliaments. The thesis also underlines that members of parliament develop differentiated practices between groups by using multiple register of representation, which aim at justifying and legitimating all the different ways of commitment observed in both countries.Facing this observation, the thesis strive to provide a review of the causes of the observed phenomena. More than thirty explanatory factors are taken into consideration on micro, meso and macro sociological levels (political history, individual provisions, political/economical/professional socialisation processes, influence of close circle, effects of positions and environment). The thesis therefore demonstrates that the practices of representation are the result of a very high number of diversifying factors, which prevent from thinking those practices on a reified way. While trying to understand the complexity of new elements intervening in elected representatives’ position statements, the thesis aspires to untangle the explanatory threads of political representation. / Diese Doktorarbeit vergleicht die Modalitäten der politischen Repräsentation in Bezug auf die Vermögensteuer im Bundestag und in der Assemblée nationale. Die Recherche will Erklärungen geben für die Vielfalt der hierbei beobachteten Praktiken. Dafür stützt sie sich auf komplementäre empirische Materialien (Gespräche, Beobachtungen, prosoprographische Daten, codierte Archivarbeit). Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass die Debatten um die Vermögensteuer durch die zentrale Stellung der Unternehmen geprägt sind. Es existiert eine Form von ungleichem Zugang zur parlamentarischen Rede für die sozialen Gruppen innerhalb der beiden Versammlungen. Oft werden bestimmte soziale Gruppen einfach ignoriert. Die Studie verweist auch darauf, dass die Abgeordneten Praktiken von differenzierter Repräsentation zwischen Gruppen entwickeln, indem sie mehrere Register der Repräsentation benutzen, die darauf aus sind, verschiedene Modi der Investitionen zu rechtfertigen und zu legitimieren- in beiden Ländern. Vor diesem Hintergrund bietet diese Arbeit eine Analyse der Gründe der beobachteten Phänomene an. Dazu werden mehr als dreißig explikative Faktoren unter micro-, meso- und makrosoziologischen Gesichtspunkten untersucht (politische Geschichte, individuelle Dispositionen, Prozesse politischer, ökonomischer und professioneller Sozialisierung, Einflüsse des Umfelds, Einflüsse von institutionellen Positionen und Kontexten usw.). Diese Doktorarbeit will nachweisen, dass die Praktiken der Repräsentation das Ergebnis eines sehr hohen Anteils verschiedener Faktoren sind, die es untersagen diese Praktiken gedanklich zu verfestigen. Indem wir versuchen, die Komplexität und die Verstrickung der zahlreichen Elemente zu verstehen, die in den Stellungnahmen der Abgeordneten zum Ausdruck kommen, will diese Doktorarbeit die erklärenden Fäden des Knäuels der Repräsentationspraktiken entwirren.