俄羅斯與阿根廷的經濟改革在「華盛頓共識」下揭開了序幕。1991年蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯的政治由一黨專政走向多元的民主，而經濟體制也從過去的社會主義所有制轉向市場經濟體制發展。相對阿根廷則是在1983年軍政府的威權官僚統治被推翻後，開始施行民主政治。而國內的經濟也在1984年開始從過度干預的市場向自由放任的資本主義市場移動。但在兩國國內經濟改革的過程中，國會及西方國際金融組織的影響為經濟改革帶來莫大的變數。因此本文旨在透過剖析國會、國家政府、和西方國際金融組織三者之間的互動與關係，分析穩定化經濟政策的產出、施行的過程、及所帶來的結果。本文也著重地探討和穩定化相互關連與影響的通貨膨脹與西方外援這兩個因素，探究權力均衡、穩定化、通貨膨脹、經濟表現、與西方外援對俄羅斯與阿根廷國家經濟轉型過程所產生的影響。 本論文主要採用國會、國家政府、與西方國際金融組織，權力均衡的研究途徑，透過選舉週期與經改週期的因素影響，探討俄羅斯與阿根廷經濟轉型的過程與發展。因為受到上述三邊角力的影響，穩定化(stabilization)成了國內經濟改革最主要的問題，因此本文著重在經濟改革穩定化層面的發展，及與穩定化息息相關，相互影響的因素-通貨膨脹與西方外援，提出更進一步的剖析。在這樣的架構下，本論文第一章除了說明研究動機與目的、研究架構、章節安排外，還介紹與研究題目相關的文獻，並指出過去文獻的優缺點，以做為論文研究之基礎。第二章敘述俄羅斯與阿根廷經濟改革前的歷史背景，探討前蘇聯與阿根廷軍政府為之後經濟改革所留下的伏筆；第三章闡述俄羅斯與阿根廷經濟轉型穩定化之成效、透過國內政治週期對兩國國家領導人：葉爾欽(Boris Yeltsin)、普欽(Vladimir Putin)、阿芳辛(Raúl Alfonsín)、美能(Carlos Menem)、與德拉魯阿(Fernando De la Rua)所產生的影響為論述的焦點；第四章則論述通貨膨脹與西方外援對兩國國內經濟改革的相互影響，並指出它們在穩定化政策執行下的表現，及如何再次回歸影響到穩定化制程的發展；第五章為結論。 本論文所得到的結論是國會、國家政府、與國際金融組織的權力均衡決定了俄羅斯與阿根廷國家經濟轉型穩定化的走向，而穩定的經濟政策是帶動國家經濟成長的關鍵。目前在普欽強勢的帶領之下，俄羅斯已逐漸擺脫金融風暴的陰霾，而阿根廷在新總統基什內爾(Nestor Kirchner)的領導下，是否有辦法帶領阿根廷的經濟走向復甦與成長，還有待時間的考驗。 / Under the “Washington consensus”, Russia and Argentina have started their economic transition. The collapse of the Soviet Union has led Russia from one-party dictatorship to plural democracy in politics and from socialistic ownership to free-market system in economy. In contrast in 1983, after the demolition of Argentina Military Dictatorship Bureaucratic authoritarianism regime, the country started to apply democracy. And soon, in 1984, Argentina’s economy started to move from over control market toward free individual capitalism market. However, in the economic reform process of both countries, the Parliament and Western International Financial Organizations have brought immense impact on their economic transitions. Therefore, this thesis is aimed to understand the interactive relationships among Parliament, Government, and Western International Organizations, and also to study the formulation of the economic stabilization programs, the application process, and the conclusion. Also, in the thesis we will discuss inflation and western aid factors that have close relationship and mutual influences with the stabilization programs, so to find out the impacts and the developments brought by balance of power, stabilization, inflation, economic performance, and western aids in the process of economic transition. In this thesis, we adopt the Parliament, Government, and Western International Organizations’ balance of power as the research approach, through the impact of election’s cycle and economic transition’s cycle, we discuss the process and developments of Russian and Argentina’s economic transition. Because the influences brought by above authorities, stabilization becomes the most important concern for countries which are performing economic transition. As so, the thesis is focused on stabilization sphere, and the factors of inflation and western aids that brought mutual influences to stabilization. Under this framework, the first chapter includes the research motives and objectives, the research framework, chapter arrangements, and the advantages and disadvantages of relevant literature. The second chapter describes Russian and Argentina’s historical background before the economic transition, and we also analyze the hints left by the Soviet Union and Argentina military government. The third one, we focus on the effects of stabilization program in Russian and Argentina economic transition, through the interaction of election’s cycle and both countries’ leader: Boris Yeltsin, Vladimir Putin, Raúl Alfonsín, Carlos Menem, Fernando De la Rua. The fourth chapter analyzes the interaction among inflation and western aids with country’s economic transition, we also point out the inflation and western aids’ performances under different periods of stabilization program, and how they come back to influence the formulation of the stabilization program. The fifth one is the conclusion. We come to conclusion that the balance of power among the Parliament, Government, and Western International Organizations decide the tendency of Russian and Argentina’s economic stabilization, and the key to bring the country economic growth is to settle a stable economic policy. Now, under Putin’s strong leadership, Russian has started to get over from the shadow of 1998 crisis. But Argentina with the guidance of the new president Nestor Kirchner, whether the country will be lead to a revival and growth way or not, it will still remain under the question.

在民主政治中，所謂「第四權」的大眾傳播媒體，具有監督國家的功能。大眾傳播媒體的自由與獨立的程度，乃是民主化的重要指標之一。本論文旨在探究普丁時期，俄羅斯大眾傳媒體與政權的關係。 俄羅斯大眾傳播媒體的功能與運作模式，隨著蘇聯解體與民主轉型，有著重大的改變。然而，普丁政權藉由「愛國主義」和「管理式民主」，對俄國傳媒進行控制，從新聞自由的角度來看，此舉造成了俄國民主的倒退。 普丁藉由國家控股公司、大眾傳播媒體法，以及限制國外媒體等手段，達成媒體國家化的目標。雖然電視深受俄國人民喜好與信賴，但是多屬國營電視台。作者分析了政治對大眾傳播媒體的影響，尤其是電視台在處理俄國總統大選及對於反恐怖行動的新聞及議題設定上，均可看出克里姆林宮高層所操作的痕跡。 / The mass media, the so-called fourth estate, have a function of oversight over the state in democratic politics. The extent of the mass media’s freedom and independence is one of the important criteria of democratization. The thesis aims to explore the relations between the mass media and regime in Putin’s Russia. The functions and operational mode of Russian mass media have changed significantly after the collapse of the Soviet Union and during democratic transition. However, the mass media have been under regime’s control through “patriotism” and “managed democracy” in the Putin era, and that has caused Russia’s democratic setbacks from the perspective of press freedom. The Putin regime used state holding companies, laws on the mass media, and limitations on foreign media to achieve the goal of nationalizing the mass media. Television is popular and trusted by Russian people, but most of Russia’s TV stations are under state control. The author analyzes the political effects of the Kremlin-controlled mass media, especially the impact of television broadcast on presidential elections and anti-terrorism campaign.

本文探討俄羅斯的社會福利改革過程。透過說明俄羅斯社會福利制度改革模式的選擇，解釋影響改革的因素，具體描述了蘇聯解體以來的俄羅斯福利制度改革過程，特別是普丁政府的改革策略。討論主題為俄羅斯的福利制度改革模式為何？影響俄羅斯福利制度改革的因素有哪些？何以普丁政府得以克服阻礙推動福利制度改革？ 本文套用Esping-Andersen的分類法來分析俄羅斯的福利模式，發現俄羅斯福利制度轉型採用自由模式作為改革方法。至於普丁政府何以克服困難進行福利制度改革，本文從經濟、政治和國家治理三個角度分析之，發現國家治理能力的改善是普丁政府得以推動福利改革的重要原因。 / This study aims at exploring the process of social welfare reform in Russia. To fulfill this goal, the author describes the pattern and factors of reform during the Post-Soviet era with a specific focus on the Putin government's policy. The main subjects of the study are the pattern of reform, the factors contributing to reform, and the Putin government’s reform strategy. By applying Esping-Anderson’s classification of welfare reform to Russia, the author finds that the Russian government has taken a liberal approach to reform. The thesis analyzes Putin government's reform policy from three perspectives, economy, politics, and state governance, and concludes that the improvement of state governance plays the main role in advancing Russian social welfare reform.

本論文採取改革-反改革循環研究途徑與克里姆林政治研究途徑，闡釋俄羅斯總統普欽重新定位民營化政策的驅動因素。 2000年，普欽當選總統後，以迅雷不及掩耳的霹靂手段，徹底解構金融工業集團，並將業已民營化的大型企業，特別是能源企業，收歸國有；同時，以漸進的方式，逐步推動以中小企業為主的民營化。 本論文認為，普欽重新定位俄羅斯民營化走向的主要目的在於，解構葉里欽勢力集團、拓展國際戰略空間、以及創造經濟改革條件；而這三項努力的終極目標，則在於掃除異己、改善經濟、攏絡民心、提升大國地位、從而鞏固個人政治權位。 / Applying reforms/counter-reforms cycle approach and kremlinological politics approach, the purpose of this study is aimed at exploring driving forces behind Russian president Putin’s efforts to reorient Russia’s privatization policy line. Immediately after his inauguration in 2000, Russian president, Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, took quick and decisive steps to thoroughly undermine the financial industrial groups and renationalize those privatized big enterprises, especially, energy enterprises. At the same time, step by step, he pushed forward a new privatization policy line, concentrate on small and medium-sized enterprises. This author argues in this study that main driving forces behind Putin’s efforts to reorient Russia’s privatization policy line are identified as attempts to undermine the pro-Yel’tsin group, to develop international strategic maneuvering room, and, to create favorable conditions for economic reforms. This author contends that the ultimate aim of these efforts is to wipe out political rivals, to improve economic life in order to win support from the populace, to promote Russia’s status as a great power, and, eventually, to consolidate Putin’s personal power. Key wods: Putin, Yel’tsin, Russia’s privatization, financial oligarchs, FIG.

本研究以普丁於2012年後所提出之「傳統價值」──東正教、愛國主義與中央集權為出發，在其談話與文件為基礎上，以文獻分析法分析自2000年以後普丁執政以來之傳統價值意涵。並以歷史研究方法分析，其所提出的傳統價值在俄羅斯歷史上的意義與形成模式，以及在俄羅斯歷史上的作用，並藉此比較傳統價值在普丁執政期間的復甦現象，以及探討其意欲復甦傳統價值的原因、目的與政策執行。 / This study focuses on the emphasis on traditional balues by Vladimir Putin since 2012. Various documents including speeches by Putin since he first took presidency in 2000 are analyzed to decode the true meaning of what the Russian leader considers as the traditional values of Russia. The study explores the evolutions of Orthodoxy, patriotism and government centralization in the history of Russia, compares them with the modern definition of traditional values today, and by analyzing how Putin proactively formulates his policies to resurrect these traditional values, the study attempts to explain the reason and intention of Putin’s such policies.

The aim of this thesis is to evaluate shifts in the EU - Russia co-operation in the last decade. It is based on the analysis of relations in terms of their content and their institutional framework. This work efforts to assess the potential of building the Four common spaces between Russia and the EU on the basis of the Russian and the European frame of reference.

葉立欽時期十多年的自由民主改革實踐，使俄羅斯陷入了嚴重的困境。在殘酷的現實面前，俄羅斯人民希冀政治權威的產生。 藉由觀察尤科斯集團的崛起以及日後的「尤科斯事件」，我們發現俄羅斯社會轉型時期金融寡頭集團勢力的形成有其深刻的社會因素。隨著金融寡頭們自身實力的不斷增強，其對社會的阻礙作用日益顯露。普京上台後欲推行權威政治改革，不斷的加強總統集權，然而他所面臨的挑戰之一即是俄羅斯金融寡頭問題。為此，普京企圖以打擊經濟犯罪為名，打擊金融寡頭，藉以收攬人心，從而裂解葉立欽時期所遺留下來的「家族」集團勢力，建立以國家安全團隊為主幹的執政團隊，以鞏固其政權基礎。 普京執政以來，放棄空洞的「民主」口號，在社會政治領域建立以總統集權為核心的「可控式民主」，為社會發展和經濟提升提供了有力的保障。觀察俄羅斯近來所舉行的議會選舉和總統大選顯示出俄羅斯的政治力量對比、社會情緒和社會意識型態已發生變化。總統普京的聲望亦達到頂點。俄羅斯政治將進入以可控式民主為特點的新時期。 關鍵詞：金融寡頭、尤科斯事件、葉立欽、普京、可控式民主 / More than ten years of free demorcratic reforms of the Yeltsin’s era made the Russia society get into serious trouble. In face of the ruthless reality, Russian people call for the return of political authority. Through observing the establishment of “Yukos Group” and the development of “Yukos Incident”, we know that at the beginning of Russia transition, the financial oligarch groups came into being for deeply social reasons. With amplifying in energy, the financial oligarch groups have hampered the social development more and more seriously. After coming into power, Putin wants to promote the authoritarian political reforms and enhance president’s absolute power continuously. However, one of the challenges he faced to is the problem of Russian financial oligarch groups. Because of this, Russian president Putin was attempted to wipe out some of these oligarchs in the name of combat against economic crimes, in order to rally the popular support, to wipe out the “Family” force left by Yeltsin’s regime and replace them with a new ruling command of national security elite, and to consolidate his own power. Since Putin took power from Yeltsin, he has dropped empty “ Democratic” slogans and instituted “ Controllable Democracy” in the socio- political field with presidential power as the core, providing powerful guarantee for socio- political development and economic rejuvenation. Through observing the recent parliamentary and presidential elections held in Russia, it shows that Putin’s power and influence have reached the climax with the change in the balance of political forces, social mood and social ideology in Russia. With this, Russia has entered into a new period featuring “ Controllable Democracy”. Keywords: Financial Oligarchs, Yukos Incident, Yeltsin, Putin, Controllable Democracy

蘇聯時期性質單一的「意識型菁英」在戈巴契夫的政經改革下開始分化成政治菁英與經濟菁英兩大類。到了葉爾欽時期，由於國家制度不彰、政府職能紊亂以及聯邦從屬關係被破壞，再加上總統本人執政後期健康情形不佳而導致大權旁落等緣故，造成各方菁英團體為了自身利益而彼此傾軋不已，也形成了以地方勢力、反對派政黨以及經濟寡頭為箭頭的「分散型菁英」。進入普丁時期，新執政者承繼了前朝唯一「正面」的遺緒 –「集權總統制」，再佐以個人的施政風格與高人氣支持，於第一任期內便大抵完成收編菁英的政治改革：於新設立的七大聯邦區派駐聯邦權力代理人 – 總統全權代表；改革聯邦委員會以削弱地方首長勢力；組建權力黨「統一俄羅斯黨」 並掌控國家杜馬。而在「共識型菁英」的氛圍下，作為普丁政權主要幹部甄補來源的「聖彼得堡幫」成員當中，又以所謂的「強力部門幹部」為大宗。其軍警情治背景與國家治理手法不僅為普丁治下的俄羅斯型塑了「軍事政體」的外觀，更讓後共俄羅斯或多或少出現了「蘇維埃化」的傾向。 / The single-natured “ideocratic elite” of the Soviet Union begins to differentiate into political and economic elite under the impact of Gorbachev’s reforms. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yeltsin’s elites jostled with each other for their interests and transformed into the “fragmented elite,” characterized by regional leaders, opposition parties and economic oligarchs. This occurred due to the malfunction of state institutions, disorder of government functions, destruction of central-peripheral relations and the regency by the President’s cronies during his illness in the second term. Later in Putin’s Russia, with the only “positive” legacy – “authoritarian presidential rule” that the new ruler inherits from his predecessor as well as his own personal ruling styles and high popularity, Putin achieves the approximate incorporation of Russian elites with the political reforms in his first term, including the delegation of Presidential Plenipotentiary Envoys as federal agents in the seven new federal districts, the weakening of regional elites by reforming the Federation Council, and the seizure of the State Duma with the party of power – “United Russia.” Under the atmosphere of the “consensual elite,” the “Petersburgers” – especially the so-called “siloviki” – constitute the main source of cadre recruitment in Putin’s Russia. The security-intelligence background and state governance tactics of these siloviki not only mold the façade of “militocracy” for Putin’s regime, but more or less contribute to the tendency of “sovietization” in post-communist Russia.

本論文之研究目的在於探討1992-2000年期間俄羅斯政經環境對台俄經貿關係之影響。台灣與俄羅斯的貿易自1992年開始，貿易量雖有起伏，但大體來說仍可謂是正成長。然而，當俄羅斯開始走向市場經濟路線、施行震盪療法，經濟轉型不如預期中的順利，再加上金融風暴的發生，導致俄羅斯經濟一蹶不振。到1998年時，由於受到盧布大幅貶值，造成我國部分業者無法收到貨款或訂單被取消，使得業者暫停對俄貿易而改採觀望的態度，台俄貿易量也為之遽減。由此我們發現，俄羅斯政經狀況對台俄經貿關係有相當程度的影響。本論文認為俄羅斯的政治環境與經濟情勢是影響台俄經貿之主因；而由於當前俄羅斯的政經情勢逐漸轉好，因此可以預期未來的台俄經貿情況將會漸至佳境。此一假設命題可再引申為下列邏輯相關的子命題： （一）俄羅斯的政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響有正、負兩方面 1. 俄羅斯的國內政治環境與對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 2. 中俄關係對台俄經貿關係的影響為負相關 （二）俄羅斯的經濟情勢對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 1. 俄羅斯的經濟改革對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 2. 俄羅斯的經濟體質對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 3. 俄羅斯的銀行體系對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 （三）根據H-O定理，台俄經貿仍有相當大的發展空間。加上普欽執政後，俄羅斯政經情勢逐漸改善，因此可以預期未來的台俄經貿情況必然會漸至佳境。 上述的三個子命題，構成本論文的核心論點；而對應此三個論點，本論文將分六章探討。第一章為緒論，說明研究動機與研究目的、文獻述評與研究方法、假設命題與研究架構。第二章：台俄經貿之開展及商品結構。此章分為兩節：分別為台俄經貿之開始與推展及台俄貿易之商品結構。第三章：俄羅斯之政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響。此章分為三節：分別為俄羅斯國內政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響、中俄關係對台俄經貿關係的影響及小結。第四章：俄羅斯之經濟情勢對台俄經貿關係的影響。本章將先說明俄羅斯的經濟改革，再從俄羅斯的經濟體質及銀行體系兩方面，探討俄羅斯之經濟環境對台俄經貿關係的影響。第五章：台俄經貿的未來走向。本章將依據三、四章之討論結果，對台俄經貿的未來走向做預測。本章分為三節：普欽執政後的政治環境、普欽執政後的經濟情勢及小結。第六章：結論。總結整個論文之重點及研究之結果。 / This thesis is to discuss the influence of Russian Political and economic environment to Taiwan-Russia economy and trade during the period of 1992-2000. Taiwan-Russia trade has started since 1992. Roughly speaking, the amount of the trade was growing. However, when Russia started to change their economic strategy, and carried out the shock therapy, the route of economic reform was not as smooth as expected. The outbreak of financial crisis leaded to the crash of Russia economy. In 1998, some Taiwanese businessmen couldn’t receive payment of goods or the orders were canceled because of the evaluation of ruble. It has made those businessmen change their attitude and stop trading with their Russian counterparts. The amount of Taiwan-Russia trade became decreasing. According to this reason, we found that Russia political and economic situations have great impact upon Taiwan-Russian economic and trade relationship. This dissertation is taking the position that Russian political environments and Russia economic situations are the main reason which influent the economy and trade relation between Taiwan and Russia’s economy and trade relation between Taiwan and Russia. The present Russia political and economic situations are getting better, so we can forecast that Taiwan-Russia economic and trade situation will be better and better in the future. This hypothesis can be further developed into the following three logically intertwined propositions： (一) The impact of Russian political environments upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship has both positive and negative sides. 1. The impact of Russian domestic political environments upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 2. The impact of China-Russia relation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is negative. (二) The impact of Russian economic situation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 1. The impact of Russian economic reform upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 2. The impact of Russian economic construction upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 3. The impact of Russian banking system upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. (三) According to H-O therapy, the economy and trade between Taiwan and Russia still have large potential. After Putin took power, the Russia political and economic situation gets better. Therefore, we can forecast that Taiwan-Russia economic and trade situation will be better and better in the future. These three interwoven propositions above constitute the core points of this thesis. In accordance with these points, this thesis will be discussed in six chapters. Chapter 1 is introduction, it will explain the motivation, purpose, method, hypothesis and framework of this study. Chapter 2：The start and goods structure of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade. This chapter has two sections, they are the start of Taiwan-Russia economy and trade and the structure of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade. Chapter 3：The impact of Russian political environment to Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relation. This chapter has three sections, including the impact of Russian domestic political environment upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship, the impact of China-Russia relation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship, and the initial conclusion. Chapter 4：The impact of Russian economic situation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship. In this chapter, first we explain the Russian economic reform. Then we discuss Taiwan-Russia economic and trade relation through the aspects of Russian economic construction and the Russian banking system. Chapter 5：The trend of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade relation in the future. This chapter will make a forecast to the trend of Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relation. This chapter has three sections, including the political environment after Putin took power, the economic situation after Putin took power, and the initial conclusion. Chapter 6：Conclusion.

國家社會主義制度下的蘇聯，政治和經濟集權化，國家對社會進行全面而深入的干預與管控。一直到了蘇聯末期，戈巴契夫推動「重建」與「公開性」等重要的改革政策之後，公民社會才開始萌芽。一九九一年蘇聯正式解體後，共產黨的威權統治被民主制度取代，因此，俄國的公民社會、民主制度和市場經濟的建立，幾乎是同步進行的。由於葉爾欽為了能順利進行改革而不受到社會的牽絆，因而對公民社會刻意疏離。公民社會就在政治混亂與經濟衰退的條件下，自謀生路。 在進入了普丁時代後，為結束俄國轉型過程中的混亂，普丁透過「垂直的總統權力」與「法律獨裁」手段來打造強大的國家。俄羅斯原本的混合政權在普丁「管理式民主」的治理下，以轉型為某種準威權主義政權。 在普丁「管理式民主」框架下的國家與公民社會關係是：國家承認公民社會的存在，並為公民社會提供制度性的法律保障，同時，國家也要對公民社會進行必要的干預和調節，為公民社會確立人人適用的普遍法律規則、對公民社會自身無力解決的矛盾或衝突進行干預協調；然而在這裡，存在一個國家對公民社會干預的界限確定問題。而二ＯＯ一年十一月由克里姆林宮所舉辦的「公民論壇」則是最受爭議也最具有代表性的例子。普丁透過公開的對話正式地承認了公民社會團體在政治和社會上的重要性，但事實上，「公民論壇」只是政府收編俄羅斯支離破碎之公民社會的實質工具。 / Political power and economy were highly centralized under state socialism. Society was intervened thoroughly and overwhelmed by the Soviet state. Civil society was unable to emerge until the final years of the Soviet Union due to Gorbachev’s reform programs of perestroika and glasnost. Since the Soviet Union disintegrated in 1991, Russia’s civil society, democratic institutions, and market economy have to develop simultaneously. Because of Yeltsin’s alienated attitude toward civil society for the sake of smooth reforms without considering social demands, civil society had to develop on its own under the conditions of political chaos and economic depression. In order to end the transition turmoil left by Yeltsin, Putin has been trying to craft a strong state through the “presidential vertical” and the “dictatorship of law.” Russia’s hybrid regime under Putin has been transformed to a sort of quasi-authoritarianism which is caused by the so called “managed democracy.” The relationship between the state and civil society under the framework of “managed democracy” is the following: State recognizes the existence of civil society and provides legal regulations for the latter’s development. The Civic Forum which was held in November 2001 by the Kremlin authorities represented the most controversial case of state’s role in the development of civil society. Putin officially recognized the importance of civil society through open dialogue, but in fact the Civic Forum was just a tool for the government to co-opt Russia’s fragmented civil society.