The aim of this report is to explain the effect and the outcome of the Swedish-Finnish military cooperation and propose political courses of action to improve its deterrent qualities. It gives an extensive background on the defense policies in Sweden and Finland after the breakdown of the Soviet Union and the Treaty of Warsaw with a focus on the two countries reactions to Russian aggression in Georgia and the Ukraine. The report establishes that the cooperation is in fact a military alliance and analyzes the cooperation from a realistic perspective with elements based on social constructivism. Official documents, laws and legal documents are examined and an interview with a senior ranking Swedish military officer is made to provide the necessary factual base and input for the analysis. The analysis is performed with a view to both a short term and a long-term perspective. This report concludes that there is need for a binding treaty between the two countries concerning military assistance in case of an armed conflict with Russia. That there is urgent need especially for Sweden to increase defense spending. But also, that a military alliance between the two countries is a rational and politically sound idea. The cooperation should focus on mutual defense plans to increase military effectiveness, economic efficiency, and political resolve in the alliance.

This study presents a detailed examination of the Arab League¿s history, development, structure and roles in an effort to understand the cause of its failure as a regional security organisation. The research¿s point of departure is a questioning of the nature and scope of this failure in terms of the interplay between the conditions under which it was formed and the many actors and dynamics that had a long term-impact on the prospects for the League. To this end, the study looks at the League¿s conditions of emergence and Arab-Arab relations with the focus on Arab national security as the main concept determining its security role. The research synthesises methods of analysis from the existing literature and schools of thought so as to identify where and why failure and success occurred in relation to international relations theories, the security and international organisations literature, and comparable international models. The development and conditions affecting the League as discussed in the research demonstrate that none of the existing broad theories or approaches can fully explain the League¿s failure; however, the constructivist approach, although never before applied in this context, is shown to offer the most relevant approach for explaining this organisation and its unique parameters. The research also examines the role played by the Arab League in regional peacekeeping and conflict prevention in the context of Arab national security, with Palestine as a case study.

Never before have developing nations been able to compete at the international level, both economically and militarily. But, we are currently in an age where developing nations, such as Brazil, Russia, India, and China, are able to develop so rapidly that they are able to excel within the international economy, which allows for an increased investment in military and technological capabilities. Consequently, these rapidly developing nations are able to influence the international system. To see how much of an effect these rapidly developing nations are having within the international system, they will be measured against 5 indicators that correlate with becoming a rising regional hegemon, a feature of a multi-polar system. The multi-polar international system that we see emerging is contrary to Kenneth Waltz's assertion that a multi-polar international system is unstable, and a bi-polar international system is preferred. New global conditions indicate that Waltz's analysis may not stand the test of time. / Master of Arts

The diploma thesis captures the contemporary security situation of Slovakia, identifies security problems by which it feels threatened, then goes on to point out whom and what Slovakia wants to protect and which strategy it plans to use in order to do that. At the same time it identifies the main insecurities of EU as a whole and those of Russia. These two powers are seen to play a major role in formation of relationships of amity and enmity, of cooperation and hostility in European regional security supercomplex of which, Slovakia is inseparable part. To describe and conduct analysis, author applies theories and analytical tools formulated by Copenhagen School. Most used were analytical frameworks and concepts of securitization, regional security complexes and sectoral approach to security.

[pt] Constatou-se que os atos piratas no Golfo da Guiné, especialmente em Nigéria, estão fortemente associados ao roubo de cargas de petróleo e à pilhagem das instalações de exploração do produto. As ações dos perpetradores de tais atos, como é o caso da Nigéria que se debruçou mais, visam atingir o Estado Federal e as multinacionais exploradoras do petróleo bruto nacional. Com base na Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança e nos conceitos teóricos sobre a securitização, procurou-se analisar a pirataria na região estudada como uma ameaça existencial socialmente construída e como um objeto securitizado por uma variedade de atores políticos (regionais e internacionais). O objetivo cabal é mostrar que, no atual contexto da corrida pelo petróleo no Golfo da Guiné, a securitização da pirataria provoca a despolitização de questões econômicas e sociais inerentes aos Estados locais e a ameaça suas soberanias e integridades territoriais. / [en] It was found that pirates acts in the Gulf of Guinea, especially in Nigeria, are strongly associated with the theft of oil cargo and the pillaging of the product exploration installations. The actions of the perpetrators of such acts, as is the case of Nigeria which leaned more, aim to achieve the Federal State and the multinationals exploiting the national crude oil. Based on the Theory of Regional Security Complex and on the theoretical concepts of securitization, we tried to analyze piracy in the region studied as a socially constructed existential threat and a securitized object by a variety of political actors (regional and international). The full goal is to show that, in the current context of the race for oil in the Gulf of Guinea, the securitization of piracy causes the depoliticization of economic and social issues related to local states and threatens their sovereignty and territorial integrity.

冷戰結束後，由於蘇聯的崩解，致使中亞地區權力出現真空狀態。中亞新興獨立的五個國家援引俄羅斯、美國、中國等外力，來協助國家的進步。俄羅斯自詡為中亞的保護者，並且認為中亞為其勢力範圍。美國為霸權擴張、西方式民主鼓吹者，致力於反恐戰爭與中亞資源的開發。中國的崛起需要的是中亞區域的穩定以及中亞各國與中國的相互合作。本研究試圖透過中亞本身內部安全、資源、民族、文化等因素以及外部國際環境變化，來探討俄、美、中三國與中亞五國之間的關係發展與演變。 / After the cold war, the disintegration of the Soviet Union has caused a power vacuum situation in Central Asia. The five newly independent Central Asian states have cited external forces, including Russia, the United States and China, to assist their own countries’ progress. Russia treats itself as Central Asia’s protector, and considers Central Asia under its sphere of influence. As a hegemony expansionist and western-style democracy promoter, the US strives for anti-terrorism and the extraction of natural resources in Central Asia. For China’s rise, China needs regional stability and maintains mutual cooperation with Central Asian states. This study explores Central Asian states’ relationship with Russia, America and China through domestic security, natural resources, nationalities, cultures, and international situation.

The EU has since 2003 carried out six military operations.  This thesis seeks to determine the circumstances under which the EU will, or will not, undertake military operations.  It does so through the study of two main cases of EU military operations: the case when an operation was planned in the Lebanon war 2006 but did not occur, and the positive case of EUFOR RD Congo that same year which did occur. Three additional cases are presented. An analytical tool built on the techniques of defence planning and concepts derived from the scholarly literature is applied to the cases for the purpose of identifying the main driving and inhibiting factors behind the operations. The functional  theme of the use of force and the organizational theme of the multilateralisation of intervention serve as the main scholarly concepts.  The interaction between the intervener and the local actors, as well as between political and resource factors, is introduced in order to create an integrated framework for the analysis of the dynamics at play in the EU’s use of force. The limitations to the "jus bellum" tradition is noted in the analysis of the EU´s operations that have situated themselves in a low-to-middle bandwidth in terms of interests and risks at stake. Among the findings, the growing importance of local actors in shaping the room for the EU´s deployment of military force stands out, as do resource constraints, in the EU´s case primarily in the form of its limited command and control structures but also through the overstretch of the global pool of expeditionary forces felt around 2006. As seen from the organizational perspective, the EU´s first military operations can best be understood in the context of the increasing role of regional security providers in an unofficial division of labour with regard to the multilateralisation of intervention. / <p>Avaliable in revised and extended version: "The EU and Military Operations. A comparative analysis".</p><p>http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415821360</p><p> </p>

Na última década, o Brasil aumentou significativamente sua presença na região do Atlântico Sul. Esse crescimento foi percebido por acadêmicos e decision-makers como evidência do novo perfil e do novo status do país enquanto poder emergente nas relações internacionais. Nesse sentido, especialistas, militares e diplomatas previram que o Brasil assumiria, paulatinamente, o papel de um líder regional e de um aglutinador de uma identidade sul-atlântica, possivelmente fundindo a costa ocidental africana e a costa leste sul-americana em um Complexo Regional de Segurança unificado, insulando outras potências da região. O objetivo dessa tese é comparar os esforços da política externa brasileira na costa africana sul-atlântica vis-à-vis a presença de outras potências principalmente Estados Unidos, China, França e o Reino Unido para poder avaliar, empiricamente, a performance do Brasil na região, entre 2002 e 2016. A hipótese principal desta tese é que a ascensão do Brasil nesse quadrante estratégico é menos pujante do que análises anteriores demonstraram e que parte do crescimento brasileiro na região pode ser compreendido como parte de tendências sistêmicas, uma vez que praticamente todas potências aumentaram significativamente seus esforços diplomáticos e cooperativos na região durante esse período. Logo, busca-se demonstrar como o papel do Brasil na região é, apesar do crescimento, menos superlativo e menos diferenciado do que outras análises acadêmicas sugeriram. Adicionalmente, os resultados ilustram como a região está se tornando profundamente fragmentada, na forma de uma governança da segurança complexa, marcada por intricadas dinâmicas de cooperação e competição entre poderes regionais e extrarregionais. Finalmente, as conclusões desse trabalho são uma contribuição para se repensar a ascensão do Brasil no sistema internacional, uma vez que demonstra alguns dos desafios e dos problemas envoltos na projeção do país enquanto potência emergente em uma região fundamental para as ambições brasileiras em matéria de política internacional. / In the last decade, Brazil increased its presence in the South Atlantic region. This growth was perceived by both scholars and officials as evidence of Brazils new profile and status as a rising power in international affairs. In this sense, pundits, military, and diplomats predicted that Brazil would slowly assume the role of a regional leader and the sponsor of a South Atlantic identity, possibly merging West Coast Africa and East Coast South America into a unified Regional Security Complex, insulating great powers dominance in the region. The objective of this thesis is to compare Brazilian foreign policy efforts in South Atlantic Africa vis-à-vis the presence of other powers mainly the United States, China, France and the United Kingdom in order to empirically assess Brazils performance in the region, between 2002 and 2016. The main hypothesis is that Brazilian performance in the region is less impressive than suggested by previous analysis and that some of the Brazilian achievements can be partially understood as systemic trends in Africa since practically every power active in the region has significantly increased its presence and material resource allocation in the region. Therefore, conclusion defends that Brazils role in the region is less superlative and less differentiated than previous academic analyses suggested. Additionally, results illustrate how the region is becoming increasingly fragmented, in the form of a complex security governance arrangement marked by intricate cooperative and competitive dynamics. Finally, the conclusions of the thesis are an important contribution to rethink Brazilian emergence in the international system, by highlighting some of the pitfalls and challenges in Brazils projection in this fundamental region for the countrys ambition in foreign affairs.

Orientador: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: Amado Luiz Cervo / Banca: Shiguenoli Myamoto / Banca: Tullo Vigevani / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Resumo: A tese apresenta as relações militares que se estabeleceram entre os Estados do Cone Sul (Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai) a partir da década de 1960 com o objetivo de analisar a construção da cooperação no campo da segurança. A análise foi balizada pelos entendimentos que essas relações foram ditadas pelos interesses internos de cada Estado; que a busca pela consecução desses objetivos sofreu a influência de fatores externos (mundial, regional e sub-regional), resultando em períodos de inimizade/amizade, cordialidade/rivalidade, conflito/cooperação; e que o processo de segurança se deu por interações (públicas e privadas, civis e militares) que permitiram alterações nas percepções de ameaças e, por conseguinte, nas práticas de segurança e defesa. Priorizando a representação documental da história e a empiria sobre a teoria e entendendo que a dinâmica de segurança faz com que haja uma interconexão por meio da qual a estabilidade global influencia na estabilidade regional e vice-versa, a análise englobou o sistema internacional, as organizações internacionais, os interesses dos Estados Unidos (EUA) e sua influência nos arranjos regionais de segurança; e os relacionamentos bilaterais e multilaterais dos Estados e os fatores internos que influenciaram o processo. Durante a Guerra Fria, os regimes militares, a estruturação do aparato de defesa dos Estados do Cone Sul e as relações que se estabeleceram entre eles relacionaram-se aos interesses de segurança dos EUA e a concepções geopolíticas próprias. Nesse período, alguns fatores conduziram a momentos de divergências ou rivalidade ao mesmo tempo em que sua lógica permitiu relações amistosas em decorrência da necessidade de preservação... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The thesis shows the military relations that were established between the states of the Southern Cone (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) from the 1960s, aiming at analyzing the construction of cooperation in the field of security. The analysis was marked by the understandings that these relations were dictated by the internal interests of each state, the quest for achieving those goals has suffered the influence of external factors (global, regional and sub regional) resulting in periods of enmity/friendship, cordiality/rivalry, conflict/ cooperation, and that the security process was made by interactions (public, private, civil and military) that allowed changes in perceptions of threats and, therefore, in the security and defense practices. Prioritizing the documentary representation of history and empirism above the theory and comprehending that the dynamics of security means that there is an interconnection through which global stability influences on regional stability and vice versa, the analysis included the international system, international organizations, the U.S. interests and their influence on regional security arrangements; and the states' bilateral and multilateral relations, and internal factors that influenced the process. During the Cold War, the military regimes, the structuring of the apparatus for the Southern Cone's protection and the relationships established between them related to the security interests of the U.S. and geopolitical designs. In this period, some factors led to moments of disagreements and rivalry, in the same time that your logic allowed friendly... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

The fall of authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya has changed political dynamics on the African continent. One immediate concern has been the implications of these developments for the African Union (AU) and its member states. Would overall political dynamics in the AU be changed? Would the most powerful member states use the altered circumstances to enhance their influence on AU policies andframeworks? What would the impact be for the AU's overall authority? In this Discussion Paper series, three edited papers are presented that tackle AU political and institutional dynamics in light of the Arab revolts. A particular puzzle addressed is the current postures of South Africa,Ethiopia and Algeria within the AU. A separate analysis of Nigeria's role was published earlier in the NAI-FOI Lecture Series on African Security. The work in this discussion series reflects the longstanding collaboration between the Swedish Defence Research Agency's Project Studies in African Security and the Nordic Africa Institute to build Africa-related research capacity on peace and security.