This thesis aims to discuss the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the sources of Russia&rsquo / s influence over its other member-states. It focuses on the origins of the CSTO and the development of security cooperation within the CSTO framework. The thesis argues that although the CSTO continues to be a Russia-centric regional security organization, Russia&rsquo / s influence over the other CSTO member states has been gradually limited throughout the 2000s due to the increasing diversity in the threat perception of the other CSTO member states and the increasing penetration of the other regional security organizations into the post- Soviet space. Following the Introduction chapter, the second chapter discusses the origins of security cooperation within the framework of the CIS. The third chapter analyzes the CSTO in terms of its structure and activities since its establishment in 2002. The next chapter outlines the transnational challenges to the security of the post-Soviet states and their threat perception, as well as the efforts to promote regional security by the regional actors. The fifth chapter analyzes the increasing involvement of other regional security organizations, such as SCO, OSCE, and NATO into the post-Soviet space. The concluding chapter discusses the main finding of the thesis.

Oceania is an example of a region where traditional security theory based on historical enmity and competition does not fit. A history of amity and cooperation has evolved through regionalism and the region's pre-eminent organisation, the Pacific Islands Forum (the Forum). In 2004, the Forum was tasked to develop the 'Pacific Plan' (the Plan) to facilitate closer cooperation and deeper integration. Security is one of the four pillars of the Plan. The objective of this thesis is to analyse the institutions of the Forum as facilitators of regional security cooperation. The Forum is reviewed and the idea of a logic of action is introduced. To help explain security in an environment with a history of cooperation, traditional security theory is re-defined. A security environment equation is created as a framework to help analyse the Forum's structures and security mechanisms. The Forum Regional Security Committee is examined closely resulting in suggestions to strengthen the region's security environment.

Na última década, o Brasil aumentou significativamente sua presença na região do Atlântico Sul. Esse crescimento foi percebido por acadêmicos e decision-makers como evidência do novo perfil e do novo status do país enquanto poder emergente nas relações internacionais. Nesse sentido, especialistas, militares e diplomatas previram que o Brasil assumiria, paulatinamente, o papel de um líder regional e de um aglutinador de uma identidade sul-atlântica, possivelmente fundindo a costa ocidental africana e a costa leste sul-americana em um Complexo Regional de Segurança unificado, insulando outras potências da região. O objetivo dessa tese é comparar os esforços da política externa brasileira na costa africana sul-atlântica vis-à-vis a presença de outras potências principalmente Estados Unidos, China, França e o Reino Unido para poder avaliar, empiricamente, a performance do Brasil na região, entre 2002 e 2016. A hipótese principal desta tese é que a ascensão do Brasil nesse quadrante estratégico é menos pujante do que análises anteriores demonstraram e que parte do crescimento brasileiro na região pode ser compreendido como parte de tendências sistêmicas, uma vez que praticamente todas potências aumentaram significativamente seus esforços diplomáticos e cooperativos na região durante esse período. Logo, busca-se demonstrar como o papel do Brasil na região é, apesar do crescimento, menos superlativo e menos diferenciado do que outras análises acadêmicas sugeriram. Adicionalmente, os resultados ilustram como a região está se tornando profundamente fragmentada, na forma de uma governança da segurança complexa, marcada por intricadas dinâmicas de cooperação e competição entre poderes regionais e extrarregionais. Finalmente, as conclusões desse trabalho são uma contribuição para se repensar a ascensão do Brasil no sistema internacional, uma vez que demonstra alguns dos desafios e dos problemas envoltos na projeção do país enquanto potência emergente em uma região fundamental para as ambições brasileiras em matéria de política internacional. / In the last decade, Brazil increased its presence in the South Atlantic region. This growth was perceived by both scholars and officials as evidence of Brazils new profile and status as a rising power in international affairs. In this sense, pundits, military, and diplomats predicted that Brazil would slowly assume the role of a regional leader and the sponsor of a South Atlantic identity, possibly merging West Coast Africa and East Coast South America into a unified Regional Security Complex, insulating great powers dominance in the region. The objective of this thesis is to compare Brazilian foreign policy efforts in South Atlantic Africa vis-à-vis the presence of other powers mainly the United States, China, France and the United Kingdom in order to empirically assess Brazils performance in the region, between 2002 and 2016. The main hypothesis is that Brazilian performance in the region is less impressive than suggested by previous analysis and that some of the Brazilian achievements can be partially understood as systemic trends in Africa since practically every power active in the region has significantly increased its presence and material resource allocation in the region. Therefore, conclusion defends that Brazils role in the region is less superlative and less differentiated than previous academic analyses suggested. Additionally, results illustrate how the region is becoming increasingly fragmented, in the form of a complex security governance arrangement marked by intricate cooperative and competitive dynamics. Finally, the conclusions of the thesis are an important contribution to rethink Brazilian emergence in the international system, by highlighting some of the pitfalls and challenges in Brazils projection in this fundamental region for the countrys ambition in foreign affairs.

This study explores the driving forces and motives behind contemporary Nordic security cooperation. It asks and investigates whether the security cooperation has a foundation based on a shared (peace) identity or is founded on rational and functionalistic calculations. Through applying a theoretical model based on the theory of Regional Security Complexes the study reveal how external and internal transformations affect the Nordic nations and forces them to respond. The study reveals how both these factors are important when explaining the responses of the Nordic states and the development of the Nordic security cooperation. While national strategies differ there is a need to look to the own region which has led the Nordic states to search for a security structure at home. The study concludes that all of the Nordic nations have had to respond to a changing external environment which has put pressure on their defense budgets which problematizes their national foreign policy and security strategies. A strong Nordic amity and tradition of cooperation has eased a stronger formal structure which increases cost-effectiveness and functionalism for the Nordic states security structures. This structure has replaced older identity based and influence searching structures. Conclusively, contemporary Nordic security cooperation can be said to increase the Nordic states‟ security while simultaneously letting them follow their national security strategies. Norden is thus regaining importance and Nordic security cooperation show that the region is both active and proactive in dealing with their regional issues.

The regional security aspect is becoming increasingly more important within security studies. The United Nations and the United Nations Security Council has expressed an intent to utilize regional organizations as security actors with regards to maintaining international peace and security, with the purpose of achieving a greater sense of legitimacy for conflict resolution. This study aims to explore the possibilities of using such organizations within regions of varying stability, and how this usage can relate to the idea of legitimacy. Based on regional security complex theory, this study seeks to show how regional organizations have been used by the Security Council within different security sectors, and how this usage is affected by the degree of integration within the region. The result of the study show that the idea of legitimacy is easiest to achieve in regions with a mid-level degree of regional integration and concerning questions of political security. The results also show a tendency within the Security Council to use organizations from other regions with higher levels of integration in regions with lower levels of integration, and raises the question if this way of using regional organizations may risk harming the ultimate goal of legitimacy.

The goal of master thesis Afghanistan as an insulator of regional complexes? Sectoral analysis of Afghan security was to analyze security of Afghanistan based on sectors and from the viewpoint of Regional security complex theory developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver. The purpose of the thesis was to review categorization of Afghanistan as an insulator and identify factors which undermine his status as such. Afghanistan's location is very much unique because it lies among three different regional security complexes - Central Asia, The Middle East, and South Asia. The analysis was conducted through combination of a) discourse analysis of statements and speeches of president Ashraf Ghani and CEO Abdullah Abdullah (2014 - ) and added with information from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and b) material relations in regions, such as trade routes, military aid etc. and c) history. Analysis is based on military, political, and economic sectors. The discursive analysis pays attention to the perception of Afghanistan on itself with focus on institutional discourse and broader debate in the English-speaking afghan media.

The objective of this study is to examine the role of the political élite in the analysis of the causes of conflicts and insecurity as well as the determination of threats to national security in the Third World with particular reference to West Africa using Côte d’Ivoire as a case study. To achieve this aim, the study employed a conceptual framework of national security that highlighted the concept of security and the distinction between the traditional notions and widening views of security as manifested in the post-Cold War approaches to the subject. The differences between the various levels of security, namely national security and state and regime security were examined. A distinction was made between minimal and maximal states on the one hand, and strong and weak states on the other which enabled the application of the concepts to Third World countries, including Africa. The concept of threats and vulnerabilities and how subjective elements of threat assessment blurred the difference between national security and regime security, were also analyzed including the causes of armed conflicts in developing countries and in Africa specifically. Based on these concepts, the study analyzed the political, socio-economic and security conditions of the Ivory Coast in the period before and during French rule, including the post-independence era. The aim of the historical analysis was to highlight the critical role played by the élite in the identification of threats to national security. This role invariably identified with the protection of élite interest or regime security and often reflected a subjective view of threats to security, the management of which created high levels of insecurity leading to the armed conflict in Côte d’Ivoire in 2002. The study established that the preservation of élite interests and power is the root cause of conflicts in Africa and West Africa. Subsequently, élite cohesion becomes critical to the security of the state as élite disunity leads to manipulation of objective threats or risks that generates insecurity that not only transcends borders, but also creates a security dilemma for states as well as conditions for irredentism. / Dissertation (MSecurity Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This qualitative study explores the application of deterrence strategies by the United States and Norway in the Arctic. Using the Regional Security Complex Theory to understand complex interactions in the region, the study finds that the countries have differing perspectives and strategies. The US emphasizes global security interests and employs a new concept of integrated deterrence (including integration efforts of allies), focusing on power projection with a punishing nature. Norway adopts a more defensive deterrence by denial, recognizing the link between the Baltic Sea and the Arctic (High North), aiming to avoid significant disruptions through horizontal escalation. These differences in strategies and perspectives can lead to tensions and potential conflicts in strategic agendas. The study also suggests supplementing the theory with transregional security complexes to enhance understanding at the regional level. In conclusion, this research sheds light on the dynamics of deterrence strategies in the Arctic and their implications for regional stability.

1991年蘇聯解體後，其加盟共和國紛紛獨立，包括哈薩克、吉爾吉斯、塔吉克、土庫曼、烏茲別克等中亞5國亦分別宣告獨立，並立即獲得國際社會廣泛的承認。尤其憑藉著地緣戰略與豐富能源的兩大優勢，更使中亞地區成為國際強權與周邊次強權權力競逐的焦點。與此同時，中亞區域在冷戰時期，其安全維繫於蘇聯黨國體制與紅軍安全保障；然而，蘇聯解體後，非但既存的安全機制消失，造成中亞區域陷入安全意義上的「權力真空」，而且，還面臨著諸多「傳統安全」與「非傳統安全」因素的威脅。因此，對於中亞5個新興國家而言，其面臨的「安全威脅」，以及「回應對策」，即成為本論文研究的核心。 　　本論文採取層次分析，參據華爾茲的「行為體三概念」（個人、國家、戰爭）。從國家、區域與國際三個層次切入分析探討相關議題。首先，國家層次：探討權力結構（諸如：地理戰略、人口條件、自然資源、軍事能力、政治體制、經濟發展、社會結構，以客觀分析5國的基本綜合國力）、武器擴散、跨國犯罪、毒品經濟等議題。其次，區域層次：探討民族宗教結構、民族分離主義、宗教極端主義、國際恐怖主義、水資源運用、區域衝突、疆界糾紛等議題。第三，國際層次：探討國家利益、國家戰略、地緣政治、地緣經濟、國際衝突、國際合作等議題。 　　中亞的國家安全戰略目標旨在確保國家領土完整、主權獨立，以及生存與發展，而其內涵，則可從外交（含政治）、經濟、軍事及社會等四項策略，加以檢視與分析。具體而言，中亞國家由於綜合國力虛弱，實難以憑藉本身力量達成國家安全戰略目標；因此，中亞諸國係以外交戰略為核心，以「平衡大國」與「全面外交」為手段，積極與美國、俄羅斯、中國三大強權發展經貿與軍事合作關係，並以經貿合作為主軸，全面與其他國家交往。雖然，中亞國家對應安全威脅的策略，整體呈現一定實效，但亦存在諸多弱點；尤其，各國領導階層以鞏固與延續現實政權為決策的核心思維，實為中亞區域安全策略形成的關鍵。 / Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, its dependent states such as Kazkstan, Kygyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan declared for independence respectively, which soon won support in the international community. With the advantages of geo-strategic importance and abundant resources, Central Asia region became the arena between superpowers. During the Cold War, the security of Central Asia region was closely tied to the Soviet Union’s party-state system and its red army. Following the collapse of Soviet Union, security mechanism disintegrated and resulted in “power vacuum” in this region. Besides, there are “traditional security” and “non-traditional security” threats behind. Thus, security threats and response strategies of the five newly established countries mentioned above are the nucleus of research of this thesis. 　　This thesis adopts the methodology of levels analysis, with reference to “the concept of actor (nation, region and war)” argued by Kenneth N. Waltz and studies the related issues from three different levels---nation, region and international. First, in terms of national level, the author analyzes state powers of the five countries from the structure of authority (such as geo-strategy, population, natural resources, military capabilities, political system, economic development, structure of society), proliferation of weaponry, transnational crimes, drug economy etc. Second, in regional level, the discussion focuses on the structure of religions, secessionism, religious extremism, international terrorism, utilization of water resource, regional conflicts and territorial disputes. Third, in terms of international level, the main points are national benefits, national strategy, geo-politics, geo-economy, international conflicts and international cooperation. 　　The national security strategy of Central Asian states aims at ensuring the integrity of territory, the independence of sovereignty, the right of existence and continuing developments. The connotations of those issues can be reviewed and analyzed in the aspects of diplomacy, economy, military and society. Generally speaking, for the deficiency comprehensive national power, it is very hard for Central Asian states to achieve the goals of national security strategy on their own. Consequently, these countries resort to “balance of power” and “full engagement diplomacy” and aggressively develop economic and military cooperation with the U.S., Russia, and PRC. In the meantime, they try to enhance relationships of other countries with emphasis on economic cooperation. Although the policy works as a whole, there are still vulnerable points. In particular, the formation of the regional security strategy in Central Asia hinges upon the ultimate pursuit of the consolidation and extension of the realistic regimes by the leaderships of various countries.

<p>Uppsatsen har syftat till att belysa Sveriges närområde ur ett säkerhetspolitiskt perspektiv och samtidigt finna faktorer som påverkat Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval. Vidare ämnade uppsatsen att förklara, det vill säga hitta orsaksförklaringar till varför den säkerhetspolitiska miljön i Sveriges närområde ser ut som den gör. Då uppsatsen är att se som teorikonsumerande har svaren sökts genom vald teori som utgår från en regional säkerhetspolitisk analys. Vidare har även ansatser gjort ur Nils Andréns säkerhetspolitiska struktur. De teoretiska ansatserna har sedan använts som analysmodell där fyra nivåer har applicerats på empirin. Dessa har sedan använts för att förklara Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval under två olika epoker. Uppsatsen har dessutom besvarat vilken roll ett nordiskt försvars och säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete får för stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde.</p><p>Svaren till Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval går att finna på nationell, regional och global nivå. Sedan kalla krigets slut har de säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningarna förändrats drastiskt vilket i sin tur medfört till en omprövning av säkerhetspolitiken. Idag har Sverige betydligt större rörlighet då två supermakter inte längre involverar sig i jordens alla hörn. Av den anledningen har Sverige idag involverat sig i säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete som inryms under EU, Nato och även det nordiska samarbetet. Sammantaget går det att konstatera att det nordiska samarbetet är en viktig komponent till stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde och får dessutom ekonomiska och operativa fördelar, då försvaret blir en allt mindre prioriterad verksamhet.</p> / <p>This project aims to illuminate the surroundings of Sweden trough a security policy perspective and thereby find factors which have had an impact on Sweden. Further on the intention is also to explain the immediate surroundings of Sweden in terms of security and find causes to why it looks like it does. This essay has found its answer trough a theory which uses a regional security perspective. The purpose of this essay has also been to describe the foundations of security policy, which has been done trough the security policy structure made by the author Nils Andrén. Furthermore the theory has been applied to the fact presented in the essay.</p><p> The regional security theory has developed an analyze model with four levels, which is brought in to this paper. There has also been a purpose to find out how the Nordic defence co-operation can be used in a sense to maintain a stabilized environment in the surroundings of Sweden. The answer to the first question is to be found in three different levels, domestic, regional and global. There are always an interaction between these levels, whereby there are different answers to been sought. Since the days after the cold war the security policy conditions have changed rapidly which have made an impact on the Swedish security policy. Today we can se a considerable moveability in the European region. This is a gist of a new world order, when we don’t expect two superpowers intruding in every corner and by that reason Sweden are now involved in several military co-operation. Finaly it can be said that this essay have made the conclusion that a Nordic co-operation is vital for the stability in the region of north Europe.</p>