This study examines and problematizes how the Resolution 1325 has impacted women's inclusion in two developing countries. The study focuses on how the resolution 1325 has affected and increased women's inclusion in peacebuilding since the implementation in Rwanda (2009) and Sierra Leone (2010). To analyse the results a theoretical framing is used, which is Empowerment theory and Feminist Approaches to Peacebuilding. This thesis uses a comparative literature method to compare the impacts in the two cases and critical reading is used while searching for material in e.g. scientific articles and in reports. Based on the theoretical framing and the material that are used in this thesis, the study concludes that Rwanda and Sierra Leone have experienced different results from the implementation of resolution 1325. This study concludes that the implementation of resolution 1325 in Rwanda has worked as a tool to push gender equality further in peace processes as in the parliament and in the security sector, alongside women's organizations and activists since 2009. The results in Sierra Leone concludes that the implementation of resolution 1325 has progressed the work within peacebuilding as the proportion of women has increased in peace processes and in the police and security-sector since 2010. However, the development in Rwanda had come further before the implementation of resolution 1325 and therefore the results differ in these countries.

L’objet de cette thèse en science politique est de dégager, à partir de l’histoire politique du Rwanda et de ses influences ou relations extérieures africaines et internationales (notamment avec le Burundi, la RD du Congo, l’Ouganda, l’Allemagne, la Belgique, la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis, l’ONU, l’UE, l’UA), les causes de l’effondrement de l’État rwandais (lors du génocide de 1994) et les pistes de solutions qui pourraient aider à sa reconstruction et/ou reconstitution. Cela pourrait aussi servir d’exemple à d’autres pays (notamment d’Afrique, d’Asie et d’Amérique latine) qui utilisent l’appartenance ethno-raciale et/ou régionale de la population, la mobilisation des gens sur base de leurs identités réelles ou supposées, la politisation des races ou des différences, la racialisation de la politique, le copinage politique ou tout simplement les ‘’voies négatives’’ de l’ethnopolitique comme fondement intellectuel ou label idéologique du pouvoir. Une réponse durable aux sanglants affrontements et aux crises politiques incessantes qui agitent le Rwanda et le Burundi pourrait être un projet politique autre qu’ethno-racial (basé plutôt sur la paix, la démocratie et le développement humain), la séparation géographique de type "Hutuland" et "Tutsiland" « par des moyens pacifiques et par voie d'accord », (selon les accords d'Helsinki de 1975 de l’OSCE dans le prolongement de la Charte de l’ONU sur le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes de 1945, art.1 et de 1966, art.1) dans le scénario de l’ancien Ruanda-Urundi, mais avec chacun une seule communauté, et l’intégration régionale à l’instar de l’Union européenne, tout en respectant le droit international. / The purpose of this PhD thesis in political science is to pinpoint, based on the political history of Rwanda and its external influences or relations at african and international level (particularly with Burundi, the DR of Congo, Uganda, Germany, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the UN, the EU and the AU), the causes of the collapse of the Rwandan state (during the 1994 genocide) and the potential solutions that could help to rebuild and/or reform it. This could also serve as an example to other countries (particularly those in Africa, Asia and Latin America), which use the ethno-racial and/or regional affiliation of the population, the mobilization of people based on their real or supposed identities, the politicization of races or differences, racialization of politics, political cronyism or quite simply the “negative ways” of ethnopolitics as an intellectual basis or ideological label of power. A sustainable response to the bloody conflicts and endless political crises afflicting Rwanda and Burundi could be a political project rather than an ethno-racial one (based more on peace, democracy and human development), geographical separation in the style of "Hutuland" and "Tutsiland" “by peaceful means and through agreement” (according to the 1975 Helsinki Accords of the OSCE in the extension of the UN Charter on the right of peoples to self-determination in 1945, Art.1 and 1966, Art.1) in the setting of the former Ruanda-Urundi, but each with a separate community and regional integration in a manner similar to that of the European Union, while respecting international law.

In this thesis we aim to study the librarians’ and library users’ views on librarianship and the library at National University of Rwanda. Accordingly, we have gathered information from these groups. The information is based on qualitative interviews as well as observations and participation in a work group for library promotion. The latter made it possible to investigate how respondents consider these issues and how librarians’ self image is expressed in their daily work and in promotion. We analyze the most important frame factors that impede on librarians’ self image and library users’ perception of library services. This makes it possible to understand what probably affects the actual situation at NUR’s library. Marked impeding frame factors established are for example the economy and the organization. Information provided through this thesis could to be shared among library personnel and used as a base for their further development of library services. Our thesis points out library users’ opinions about the library in general as well as the areas that are most critical to improve. These areas are service at the circulation desk, acquisitions and courses in how to retrieve information. It also points out the need for a more explicit professional librarian identity and that the librarians need to work more as knowledge librarians. An explicit identity would imply unified library personnel that would make it possible to work towards common goals and clarify how to conduct daily work.

BakgrundVi har undersökt projektet One Laptop per Child vilket är datorprojekt startat i USA med syfte att förse elever i utvecklingsländer med varsin dator i undervisningen. Sedan år 2000 har Rwanda påbörjat en tydlig satsning för landets utveckling. IKT har en stor roll ochgenomsyrar alla officiella dokument, från regering till läroplaner. I officiella dokument från OLPC figurerar uttrycket Learning by doing, vilket är starkt förknippat med John Dewey och hans pedagogiska tankar. Forskningen kring datorer i skolan och antalet datorer per elev är oenig, men gemensamt för den forskning vi har tagit del av är att skolor som arbetar med datorer avkrävs en tydlig struktur kring upplägget.SyfteSyftet med vår studie är att ta reda på hur elever och lärare i en klass, som ingår i projektet One Laptop per Child, i Rwandas huvudstad Kigali förhåller sig till och använder sig av datorn i undervisningen.MetodVi har genomfört en kvalitativ studie med inspiration från etnografin där vi har använt oss av observationer och intervjuer vid insamlandet av data. Före vår studie tog vi kontakt med ansvariga inom OLPC Rwanda, så kallade gatekeepers, som hjälpte oss att genomföra vår studie på plats i Kigali.ResultatLärarna använde datorn vid steg-för-steg instruktioner i helklass och när eleverna behövde hjälp. Detsamma gäller elev-lärarna men de använde också datorn vid lektionsintroduktioner. Eleverna använde datorn främst vid enskilt arbete för att skapa animationer och utbyta idéer. Datorn framställs ur lärarnas synvinkel som ett kunskapshöjande verktyg som tränar elevernaatt bland annat kommunicera och dela med sig av kunskap. / Program: Lärarutbildningen

This thesis is about agricultural intensification and the role of smallholder farmers in the future of agriculture in Rwanda. Intensification of agriculture has been the central objective of policy in Rwanda since independence in 1962. Over five decades, one of the dominant approaches to achieving this goal has been through mixed farming, i.e. the integration of crop and livestock production. However, despite continued efforts to transform agricultural and rural livelihood through mixed farming, many farmers have not achieved intensification. Thus, there seems to be a critical disjuncture between the government's vision of modern agriculture based on increasing levels of intensification and commercialisation, and the ability of many smallholders to engage with this intensification and commercialisation agenda. In this thesis, I argue that the disjuncture between the long-standing policy objective and Rwanda's rural realities poses serious repercussions to the rural development and the livelihoods of millions of smallholder farmers. I substantiate the argument by addressing the following question: “how does the integration of crop and livestock production contribute to agricultural intensification for smallholder farmers in Rwanda?” Firstly, I situate the research context within the historical development of agricultural policies promoting the mixed farming agenda. Secondly, I study two villages in Rwamagana district as rural and peri-urban cases. Various patterns of interactions between crop and livestock production systems are identified, characterised and analysed within the broader household livelihood strategies. Thirdly, I incorporate the life history accounts of farmers with diverse background and capabilities to engage in mixed farming to better understand the wide-ranging issue of livestock-based asset accumulation which is crucial for the crop-livestock integration. Finally, I discuss the implications for the government's continued efforts to transform agriculture and rural livelihoods through mixed farming and possible ways to assist many farmers who lack the resources required for intensification through integrated crop-livestock production.

Using ethnographic data and James Scott's (1990) concepts of public and hidden transcripts, this thesis examines fow the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) government's public transcript has been institutionalised through the use of 'genocide ideology' laws. It is concerned with understanding how the RPF's use of ‘genocide ideology' is a mechanism to facilitate a continuum of violence, which I argue has led to ‘ethnic' marginalisation. ‘Genocide ideology' is a legally abstract term that refers to discourses that contest – consciously or unconsciously - the government narrative regarding the 1994 genocide. As focusing strictly om the public transcript does not tell the whole storry about power relations between the RPF government and Hutu, it also explores hidden transcript. This is necessary as the Rwandan government employs the category of ‘genocide ideology' to silence dissent and to justify arbitrary arrest. For example, since taking power, the RPF government has strived to eliminate the Hutu/Tutsi identities, replacing the divisive identities with ‘Rwandan.' Those who use Hutu/Tutsi identities outside the context of the genocide are considered génocidaire sympathisers and legally guilty of ‘genocide ideology'. I argue that within the public RPF transcript on the genocide, the victim/perpetrator dichotomy has become intertwined with Tutsi/Hutu identities, creating a hierarchy of victimhood. I concluded by arguing that the violence, fear and marginalisation experienced by participants through the government's use of the public transcript in conjunction with ‘genocide ideology' laws is causing resentment, which could lead to further conflict.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The importance of health enhancing physical activity participation (HEPA) has always been emphasized globally, as one of the means to reduce the risk of Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs) occurrence. In Africa, it is more relevant currently, due to the growing burden of NCDs that is coupled with the existing encumbrance of communicable diseases. In Rwanda, specifically, there are limited national strategies to promote health-enhancing physical activity. Consequently, the level of physical activity among Rwandans, especially government office workers, is likely to diminish, which could possibly be attributed to the rapid urbanization that comes with lifestyle changes. Basically, most people tend to abandon the traditional labour-intensive activities, which are associated with high energy expenditure, to more sedentary activities. Therefore, the need to promote health enhancing physical activity participation is crucial. Physical activity participation is an intricate and multifaceted behaviour that may not be viewed from a linear perspective. This current study adopted a socio-ecological framework to assess the factors that influence Leisure Time Physical Activity (LTPA) among government employees in Kigali City. The study used an exploratory, sequential, mixed methods of qualitative and quantitative designs, in order to comprehensively explore and understand the research problem. Qualitatively, a Case study and exploratory design was used to collect data, specifically from the Rwanda Sport Policy and its implementing stakeholders. Quantitatively, a cross-sectional, descriptive design was used to assess and describe the levels of LTPA among government workers in Kigali City, as well as highlight the various factors that influence, or limit, their participation.

Rwanda experienced genocide from April to July 1994 during which over 800,000 people were murdered. Among the far-reaching changes that followed this event among individuals and in society overall, the Rwandan Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) showed that contraceptive prevalence declined from 13% in 1992 to 4% in 2000 among married women of reproductive age. This dissertation has two hypotheses concerning Rwandan women's fertility preferences and behavior following the genocide. It is hypothesized that, first, high levels of conflict reduced women's desire for a child or for additional children and second, that women who experienced relatively high levels of conflict were more likely to act on their wish to not have a child or another child by using modern contraceptives than were women who experienced relatively low levels of conflict. The study's logistic regression dependent (outcome) variables were desire for a or another child and the use of modern contraceptives; the source for these data was the 2000 DHS. Three groups of independent variables were included: socio-demographic variables, also from the 2000 DHS, included age, number of living children, education level, urban/rural residence and socio-economic status; availability of family planning services, assessed using women's perception of distance as a barrier to obtaining health care for themselves, from the 2000 DHS, and quality of health services, assessed with data from the 2001 Service Provision Assessment; and experience of conflict, measured as the percentage of the 1994 commune populations that resided in refugee camps in 1995. Communes were considered `high migration' if 10 percent or more of their populations migrated to camps and `low migration' if less than 10 percent of their populations migrated to camps. Women who lived in high migration communes were considered to have relatively high experience of conflict and those who lived in low migration communes were consider dot have relatively low experience of conflict. Analysis showed that residents of high migration communes were significantly less likely to want a or another child as compared to residents of low migration communes (OR = .74); it appeared that the social environment of high migration had a dampening effect on desire for children. The analysis also showed that residents of high migration communes were significantly less likely to use a modern contraceptive method than were those of low migration communes (OR = .57), even though they were less likely to want a or another child and even when family planning services were reasonably available. The reasons for these results are unclear, and many factors may contribute. The generalized trauma experienced by the population may have had a numbing effect, in which taking action in any domain was difficult. Women may have felt pressured by society to have children as the society emerged from war, despite their own preferences. The population may also have distrusted government health facilities - the only source of services for most - in light of the interactions with officials during and after the genocide. However, another set of reasons specific to women and women's health may also have influenced the findings. There is a pervasive social stigma around reproductive health; these services have generally lagged behind other primary health care components. Moreover, rape was used as a weapon of war in the genocide; these experiences may have reduced women's willingness to seek reproductive health services specifically. Finally, the Rwandan genocide and its preparation were decidedly misogynistic; this pervasive dehumanization may have made it particularly difficult for women to seek care for their sexual and reproductive health needs and desires. This complex personal, social, physical and political context may explain why Rwandan women who may not have wanted a child or additional children nonetheless did not consistently act on their desires in the years following the 1994 genocide. The dissertation includes a series of essays providing the author's personal perspective on working in Rwanda in the 1980s and 1990s and being present in the country at the start of the genocide in April 1994.

Magister Scientiae (Physiotherapy) - MSc(Physio) / Basketball continues to increase in popularity worldwide as a participation sport at all levels of play, from recreational to professional. Each year, more than 1.6 million basketball-related injuries are treated in hospitals, Doctor's offices and emergency rooms in North America. In Rwanda, basketball and volleyball are the second popular sports, following football. The aim of the study was to investigate the prevalence, mechanisms, nature and management of basketball related-injuries in Rwanda. The study design was retrospective survey over period of nine months. The study included all players of 12 teams. A structured self-administered questionnaire with closed-ended questions was used to gather information from basketball players. The questionnaire was adapted from the validated questionnaire used in a study on knee injury patterns among young basketball players in Cape Town. A response of 86.7% was obtained. The collected data were captured and analyzed by means of the Microsoft Excel package and SPSS. The associations between variables were evaluated by means of the chi-square test and 5% level of significance was used. The results were displayed using tables, bar chart, pie chart and graphs. All basketball players rep01ted to sustain one or more injuries. The injury rate was 3.6 injuries per player per season. The injmy prevalence was high during training (77%) compared to competition (23%). Ankle followed by fingers and knee were the most body parts involved. The most common mechanism of injury was landing badly. Self-treatment was a type of treatment mostly used by basketball players. The prevalence of basketball injury is high in Rwanda. The implementation of preventive strategies is of a paramount. A strong promotional campaign of physiotherapy services is needed, for adequate treatment and good rehabilitation of basketball players after injury.

Discussions of genocide and ethnic conflict, and their aftermaths, will nearly always provoke emotions and memories which make navigating the subject difficult. Equal sensitivity can lurk in discussions of how reconciliation and lasting peace can best be sought in the volatile Post-Ethnic Conflict Environment (PECE). The Rwandan Government's primary Ingando Peace and Solidarity Camp serves as an example of a mainly Western-funded project that, although superficially ticking the requisite 'democratic and inclusive' aid-agency boxes, relies almost totally on a perceived 'traditional' approach to post-Genocide reconciliation that hinders a truly open discussion of the past. In this thesis I will discuss how the Ingando phenomenon is being utilized by the Rwandan National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) as a method of establishing unity and social cohesion at the expense of reconciliation, and show how this is reflected in the teaching and content of the work at the camp, where a single view of the past is being promulgated at the expense of open debate.