Syftet med min undersökning har varit att undersöka receptionen kring det ryska konstkollektivet Pussy Riot. Jag har försökt att finna svar på vad det är för omständigheter som ligger bakom uppmärksamheten som gruppen har fått internationellt och i Sverige. Detta har jag gjort genom att utgå från ett genusperspektiv med en speciell inriktning på feministisk konstteori. Med hjälp av internationella artiklar och svensk dagspress har jag gjort en övergripande analys av receptionen kring Pussy Riot och deras konst. Genom materialet har jag kunnat undersöka olika kontexter som Pussy Riots konst har skapat reception inom. Det kritiska förhållningssättet som väst har mot Ryssland har även tagits del av samt Rysslands syn på jämställdhet och yttrandefrihet. Pussy Riot bildades 2011, sedan dess har gruppen uträttat ett flertal performance på oväntade platser i Moskva. Platserna har varit noga utvalda och ofta finns det en symbolisk anknytning till gruppens performance. Pussy Riot har valt punken som uttrycksätt då det är en populärkulturell uttrycksform som gör deras konst lättillgänglig och slagkraftig. Deras färgstarka kläder och rånarluvor är omsorgsfullt utvalda för att få dem att sticka ut men ger dem även en image. Pussy Riots konst går ut på att protestera mot den ryska regimen och dess närstående relation med den rysk-ortodoxa kyrkan. I samband med den ryska revolutionen så var kvinnorörelsen mycket stark i Ryssland. Man hade ett välutvecklat utbildningssystem där kvinnor hade friheten att välja sin egen utbildning. I dagens Ryssland kan man se att den rådande konservativa politiken och den ortodoxa kyrkan har gjort att feminister har det svårt att ta sig fram. Pussy Riot har dock lyckats nå ut med sin kamp för mänskliga rättigheter och jämställdhet genom att vara interaktiva på sociala medier som Youtube. Genom internet har gruppen fått ett stort mediastöd som har ökat uppmärksamheten kring dem. Det har förmedlats genom media, tidningar, tidskrifter, bloggar och sociala medier. Pussy Riots sätt att arbeta med sin konst är alltså välanpassat till dagens media- och internetsamhälle. Västvärlden har en komplicerad bild av Ryssland som har kommit att påverka att Pussy Riot har fått mer uppmärksamhet än vad andra politiskt laddade aktioner har fått. Media har ett kritiskt onyanserat sätt att förhålla sig till Ryssland, detta har haft stor inverkan på att Pussy Riot har fått ta plats i Svenska tidningar. Uppmärksamheten till Pussy Riot har även påverkats av den syn som Ryssland har mot jämställdhet och yttrandefrihet. När tre av gruppens medlemmar dömdes till fängelse efter deras performance i Frälsarkatedralen blev uppmärksamheten ännu större. De har genom det fått tagit plats som frihetskämpar som vi i västvärlden gärna vill följa och stödja.

Diss. Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

Sweden has traditionally viewed Soviet Union and Russia as a potential threat. The Sweden Defense commission regularly presents reports with international monitoring to the Swedish Defense department concerning the security landscape and development. The analysis by the Defense commission drew conclusions in 2007 pointing to a Russia not moving towards military activity. Georgia and Ukraine proves the opposite. This bachelor thesis examines if the global analysis by the Swedish Defense commission have seen a change as a result of the Russian actions in Ukraine. The bachelor thesis has in its case study analysed the content of three reports from the Defense commission from perspectives based on liberalism and realism. From the results, it is identified that the analysis produced by the Swedish Defense commission has differed to a very small extent in its recommendations from both before, and after the annexation of Crimea. Rather than seeing any change, this thesis has strengthened the presumption that Swedish foreign- and security policy has a strong position of global cooperation both in and outside the European Union and keeps its position of advocating for international commitments, although national defense has gained a greater priority on the Swedish agenda.

This thesis examines how the Me too-movement was received by a particular segment of the Russian population, as well as possible underlying reasons for this. As contextual background, attitudes toward feminism in Russia are discussed, as well as how the Soviet heritage, the Orthodox Church and relations to the West have shaped these. The method of this study is qualitative analysis of an anonymous online questionnaire, the results of which are interpreted in light of feminist concepts, as well as cultural-historical factors. The analysis of the questionnaire is supplemented by a comparative analysis of discourse concerning the Me too-movement in two media outlets during the relevant period of time: one state-owned and one independent news source. The analysis reveals that the Me too-movement was perceived in a largely negative way, and that it is not well-known as a consequence of it being alienated andobscured by the media coverage. Keywords: Me too, Russia, feminism, activism, West, media

In this two years masters thesis in Library and Information Studies, the Russian Library-Bibliographical Classification (LBC/BBK) and the Chinese Library Classification (CLC) are analyzed with regard to their historical and ideological backgrounds and their respective evolutions. The structure of these classifications is compared with the Dewey Decimal Classification (DDC), as well as three chosen subjects (History, Politics and Religion). A qualitative comparative textual method is used.The study shows that these classification schemes, created at different times, different parts of the world, and different political systems, have different biases but give priority to the European before other foreign views. Otherwise, they often use a proximity principle. The CLC and the LBC were originally based on Marxist materialist principles but built in totally different ways. The CLC is closer to the DDC in the idealistic outline of the main groups of classes. The Chinese scheme, influenced by Maoism, shows the clearest ideological purpose, while the current LBC shows less bias than the others in the studied subjects. The dramatic political changes that Russia experienced after the fall of the Soviet Union necessitated the renewal of the scheme, which was not the case with the other two schemes. Despite this, the original structure of the LBC and also the Chinese Library Classification has been, with a few exceptions, retained, but the subdivisions have changed much more substantially. The LBC has lost its original Marxist content and the CLC has followed the regimes official guidelines which do not really acknowledge the major changes in Chinese society over the last few decades properly. History can explain many aspects of library classification schemes.

The most severe threat against international peace and security is the global terrorism, more specifically the Islamic State as a terrorist organization which has been pointed out as a new form of terrorism due to its unique recruiting and propaganda dissemination using the Internet. The global terrorism as a phenomenon is in need of a global response however the term terrorism lacks a clear definition which makes one wonder how such a response would look like. The aim of this paper is to examine the five permanent member states in the UN security council through a comparative idea analyses to clarify if a consensus exsist on how terrorism is perceive and how terrorism should be fought. Inspired by Andrew Heywood and Gus Martin this paper uses an analyses technique to process the documents from the UN:s database. The conclusion of this paper states that the five member states agree that to counter terrorism they need to work together however disagrees on how the work against terrorism should be fought at a national level.Therefor this paper will argue that the lack of a clear definition on terrorism problematizes the efficiency of the counter-terrorism work.

The aim of this thesis was to examine how the two Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter portrayed the actions of Russia, Vladimir Putin, Nato and their allies and Ukraine in the conflict surrounding the sovereignty of Crimea that started in 2014.Our study was based on 18 news articles from the start of the conflict up to august of 2015.The results showed that Russia is portrayed as the villian of the conflict. Aftonbladet portrayed the nation as a threat to Sweden and the rest of the western countries. Both papers tended to treat Russian sources with distrust, often choosing to interview Swedish experts on Russia rather than citing Russian sources. Vladimir Putin was portrayed as an evil dictator who set his own interests first and foremost. Both papers drew parallels between Putins way of ruling with the style of leadership in Soviet Russia.In both Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter, Nato and their allies actions are portrayed as self defence towards Russia. Their actions are justified and always put in a perspective towards the actions of the Russians.The nation of Ukraine are initially portrayed as victims of Russian aggression. A few months into the conflict the newspapers started to become more critical of the Ukrainian actions, but always put it into perspective towards russian actions.Our study shows that swedish media holds a critical view towards Russia and their actions.

The aim of this study is to examine how two Swedish newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, described the US occupation of Iraq (2003) and the Russian annexation of Crimea (2014). The questions examined are: How did DN and SvD form their news report regarding the US occupation of Iraq and the Russian annexation of Crimea? How were the involved countries (The US, Russia, Iraq and Crimea (Ukraine) etc.) portrayed? What kind of ideological messages can be told from the articles?  Using the analysis method of Berglez (2019), as well as the method of critical discourse analysis (CDA) by Norman Fairclough (1995), ten news articles from each newspaper were analyzed. Theories used are the Gramscian theory of hegemony, the Bourdieu field theory and framing theory. The study shows that there are differences in how the two interventions were portrayed. The newspapers correspondents appeared to picture the conflicts in a way that may reflect the reporters own view of the conflict. Especially the SvD reporters appeared to be critical of the US war in Iraq. Both newspapers were prone to portraying Russia in a negative way as well as the US as a legitimate power. DN, to a greater extent than SvD, reproduced Russian stereotypes.

<p>Syftet med arbetet är att undersöka om DN:s och SVT:s medierapportering kring den väpnade konflikten som ägde rum mellan Georgien och Ryssland över utbrytarregionerna Abchazien och Sydossetien i augusti 2008, har uppfyllt de krav på mångsidighet och objektivitet som förväntas av svenska medier utifrån de åtagangen som medierna har tagit. </p><p>Vår studie baseras på kvalitativa metoder i form av en kritisk diskursanalys av fem artiklar i DN och fem nyhetsinslag från SVT:s Aktuellt utifrån mistankens hermeneutik. </p><p>Våra analyser visade att medierapportering har i många fall inte uppfyllt de krav på mångsidighet som exempelvis SVT åläggs att förmedla genom Tillståndet att sända television. Även DN har i många fall utmålat Ryssland som den enda parten ansvarig för konflikten och dess resultat. Individen har i den här frågan inte fått all den in formation som behövs för att själv skapa sig en egen uppfattning om konflikten.</p>

<p>Suicide research has a long tradition within sociology. Parallel to the Durkheimian tradition, seeking the causes of suicide in societal factors, a more cultural understanding of suicide has been emphasized. Attitudes to suicide have been stressed as important for the understanding of suicide mortality levels in different societies. For Russia, where suicide mortality levels are among the highest in the world, an understanding of this kind might be of particular importance.</p><p>Based on a survey study from Moscow 2004, attitudes to suicide were studied in relation to social, economic and demographic factors as well as to attitudes to other morally disputable behaviors. Suicide attitudes in different age and sex groups in the sample were further compared to suicide mortality levels in the corresponding groups in the population. Similarly to previous studies the young, the highly educated and the non-religious were more accepting towards suicide. Among the young and highly educated this seemed to be explained by a more accepting attitude generally towards morally disputable behaviors. However, controlling for these other attitudes a positive effect of lower education on suicide acceptability appeared. Differences in suicide attitudes between the genders seemed to be dependent on differences in other factors rather that on gender per se.</p><p>The comparison between suicide attitudes and suicide mortality levels in different groups showed no positive relations. Suicide mortality is probably more affected by social, economic and demographic factors. However, attitudes to suicide might be crucial to whether a person commits suicide in a given situation or not. An increased understanding of attitudes to suicide in Russia might therefore be of major importance.</p> / <p>Forskningen kring självmord har en lång tradition inom sociologin. Vid sidan av den durkheimska traditionen, som söker orsaksrelationer mellan samhälleliga faktorer och självmordsdödlighet, har även självmordets kulturella betydelse betonats. Attityder till självmord har lyfts fram som en viktig faktor för förståelsen av självmordsdödlighetsnivån i olika samhällen. För Ryssland, vars självmordsdödlighet är bland de högsta i världen, är en sådan förståelse av särskild vikt.</p><p>Baserat på en intervjuundersökning utförd i Moskva 2004 studerades inställningen till självmord i relation till sociala, ekonomiska och demografiska faktorer samt till andra moraliska ställningstaganden. Vidare jämfördes attityder till självmord i olika ålders- och könsgrupper i urvalet och självmordsdödligheten i motsvarande grupper i populationen. I likhet med tidigare studier var det i högre utsträckning de unga, de icke-religiösa samt de högutbildade som var mer accepterande gentemot självmord. Bland de unga och högutbildade verkade detta samband förklaras av en mer accepterande inställning i moraliska frågor. När ställningstaganden i andra moraliska frågor konstanthölls framträdde en positiv effekt av lägre utbildning. Skillnader i attityder mellan könen verkade bero på skillnader i andra egenskaper än könstillhörigheten i sig.</p><p>Jämförelsen mellan attityder till självmord och självmordsdödlighet i olika grupper gav inget positivt resultat. Självmordsdödligheten påverkas förmodligen i högre grad av sociala, ekonomiska och demografiska faktorer än attityder till självmord. Attityder till självmord kan dock vara avgörande för huruvida en individ begår självmord i en given situation. En ökad förståelse för självmordsattityder i Ryssland är därför av yttersta vikt.</p>