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A number of articles in books and newspapers have been written on the life and work of Nicholas Bhengu, in the past four decades. However, to date no focused academic research had been devoted to his life, his mission, his message and his influence in South Africa as well as beyond the borders of South Africa. The different chapters in the thesis focus on Bhengu’s life, his call to ministry and the role he played in South Africa, in rest of Africa, and beyond the borders of our continent. Although Bhengu did not overtly address political issues by supporting either the liberation movements nor the Nationalist Government, the impact of his work was felt by both to the extent that liberation movements such as ANC criticised him for not lending his public support to the struggle they waged against apartheid. On the other hand, the South African government also tried to co-opt him as an ally of their socio-political ideology. The government disappointed by Bhengu’s lack of support for its political programme, became suspicious of his intentions and set the Special Branch of the South African Police to monitor his movements, teaching and preaching. Bhengu ministered during a tumultuous period in the history of South Africa which called for people as well as the faith communities to take sides for or against the system of apartheid. Bhengu’s teaching and preaching had a great impact on the social and political psyche of the people in South Africa. Through his Back to God Crusade he, with great effectiveness, called people to return to God. Thousands devoted their lives to God. Wherever Bhengu conducted his crusades, crime went down significantly, with criminals turning in their weapons of trade and returning stolen goods to the police. He also performed spectacular healings and miracles. Apart from his evangelistic campaigns, Bhengu planted churches, established a formidable women’s ministry that to this day continues to raise millions of Rand to fund the Back to God Crusade. The Youth Ministry provides bursaries for young people to study in any field of their choice. Bhengu’s goal for providing these bursaries was to empower a new generation to contribute to the development of their country. He also established self-governing, self-supporting and self-propagating churches, at a time when Black Churches were dependent on handouts from missionary sending agencies. The study finally evaluates the contribution and lasting legacy of Bhengu: his example, his missionary endeavours, his preaching and church planting efforts, his socio-political involvement, and his leadership. The strategies that he employed to building a cohesive and successful movement – the Back to God/Assemblies of God Movement – receive special attention. The impact of the movement is still felt in South Africa and the neighbouring countries, Swaziland, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana, Mozambique and Zimbabwe, twenty five years after his death. There is every reason to consider Nicholas Bhengu to be the Billy Graham of Africa. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Science of Religion and Missiology / unrestricted

Imago relationship therapy was originally applied to couples counselling by Dr Hendrix (1992, 1993). This model was applied to a group of senior managers from the Lonmin Platinum Mine to create an understanding of intrapersonal and interpersonal dynamics to reduce the conflict levels they experienced in the workplace. Imago theory is applicable to the workplace because of the influence of intrapersonal processes on interpersonal dynamics, which is the same influence that causes conflict in romantic relationships. Love relationships consist of three stages, namely romantic love, the power struggle stage, and the real love stage. In the organisational context, these stages are the initial excitement phase, the power struggle stage, and the conscious relating stage. The study aimed to obtain quantitative and qualitative data on the effects of the Imago theory programme presented to the group of managers. The study thus aimed to determine whether the managers experienced a shift in their consciousness after the programme had been presented. Furthermore, the study aimed to determine whether such a shift in consciousness would have an effect on the individuals’ overall emotional wellbeing and if it would increase their overall life satisfaction. Furthermore, the study investigates if the programme had a positive effect on their interpersonal relationships (particularly with their subordinates). Twenty-two senior managers and 22 subordinates participated in the study. Certain pre-tests were conducted, followed by the seven-module intervention. The same post-tests were conducted after the training had taken place. Quantitative and qualitative results were obtained. The quantitative results showed that the participants’ problem solving abilities improved and that they experienced marginally higher levels of life satisfaction. The reactivity levels experienced by the participants during conflict situations decreased, and their levels of marital satisfaction improved. The results also showed that the managers responded more positively to their subordinates after the intervention. Furthermore, the subordinates experienced their managers as being more flexible after the intervention. The qualitative results indicated that a shift in consciousness did take place as envisaged. The group understood both intrapersonal and interpersonal psychodynamics. They also willingly applied Imago concepts to improve their functioning in the organisational context. / Psychology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Psychology)

The liberation war was a watershed event in the history of Zimbabwe. According to the ZANU PF (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front) ruling elites, an understanding of the common experiences of the people during the liberation war provides the best opportunity to mold a common national identity and consciousness. However, the representation of important historical events in a nation's history is problematic. At best events are manipulated for political purposes by the ruling elites, and at the worst they are distorted or exaggerated. In Zimbabwe, the representation of the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA as liberation movements in high school history textbooks during the armed struggle is a hot potato. This study critically examined and explored the contested "representational practices" of the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA as liberation movements during the Zimbabwean armed revolution. By means of qualitative content analysis, seven high school history textbooks from Zimbabwe were analyzed. Drawing from postcolonial perspectives and insights, particularly Fanon's concept of the pitfall of national consciousness, the study unveiled the way in which Zimbabwean high school textbooks portrayed the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA as very different liberation movements whose roles and contributions were unequal. High school textbooks depicted the ZANU/ZANLA as a radical revolutionary and people-oriented liberation movement totally committed to the armed struggle and the ZAPU/ZIPRA as a moderate party not dedicated to the armed revolution. In a nutshell, the high school history textbooks glorified and celebrated the political and military achievements of the ZANU/ZANLA and suppressed while not completely ignoring those of the ZAPU/ZIPRA. Although the findings of this study will not solve the problem of high school textbooks (mis) representation of the roles and contributions of the ZAPU/ZIPRA and the ZANU/ZANLA in the armed struggle, the study can serve as a "tool of resistance" by exposing the continual abuse and misuse of history education by postcolonial ruling elites to preservice teachers, classroom teachers, teacher education programs and textbook publishers.

The master thesis "Basque terrorist organization ETA - its activity since 2004, tactics, internal structure and future perspectives of development" deals with the analysis of development of the Basque terrorist organization ETA after 2004, when the islamic fundamentalists attacked Madrid. The first part of this thesis briefly presents basic theoretical principles of terrorism. The second part is focused on the history of ETA and its development from the very beginning till the year 2004. The third and the main part analyses the current development of ETA and the modification of its structure and strategy and also the counter- terrorist provisions, which have been taken by the Spanish state in order to paralyse the organization. All kinds of aspects which had and still have an influence on this issue had been taken into account - the changes of the internal structure of ETA and its financing, the changes in legislation or the changes in security forces strategy. A special chapter concentrates on the analysis of the strategic importance of ceasefire and the negotiations with the government.

This paper explores the Swedish extradition of Balts who fought for the Axis powers in the Baltic eastern front during World War II. While previous research has focused on the fate of the detained, this study examines the political crisis that ensued from the extradition process. By employing a perspective of sovereignty, the study investigates the power struggle between the government, the Swedish press, and the parliament.   The theoretical framework of domestic sovereignty is utilised to analyse the power dynamics involved in the extradition. Drawing upon classical political thinkers, this study defines domestic sovereignty as the exclusive concentration of power within a central authority, without power-sharing among various entities. This concept differs from Westphalian sovereignty, where a central authority is independent from other sovereign states within its territory.   Through the lens of domestic sovereignty, this paper addresses two key questions. Firstly, it demonstrates that the prolonged and intensified extradition process resulted from the government's diminished ability to uphold domestic sovereignty. The press exerted influence over both the government and parliament, thereby creating a shared power structure. Secondly, the investigation suggests that the government proceeded with the extradition when it successfully reclaimed domestic sovereignty and reasserted itself as the sole authority.   To enhance the analysis, a critical discourse analysis is employed. This approach identifies the press as an influential agent capable of shaping public opinion and constituting discourse, rather than merely reflecting it. In this case, the press is recognised as a powerful actor engaged in a struggle for influence. The analysis incorporates text materials from four sources: newspaper articles covering the extradition, An interpellation in the Swedish parliament, documents from the foreign affairs committee of the parliament and government, and the diaries and notes of Swedish foreign minister Östen Undén.   Furthermore, the study investigates the parallels between domestic sovereignty and Westphalian sovereignty. As the government faced pressure from the Soviet Union, its Westphalian sovereignty was challenged, leading to it reclaiming its domestic sovereignty. This finding highlights the interconnectedness between these two forms of sovereignty in the context of the Swedish extradition of Balts during World War II.

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Nature conservation is often seen as being primarily about shielding parts of nature from human intervention, e.g. by protecting areas. Over the last decades, however, intervention is increasingly being seen as necessary for nature to regain or retain its values, through ecological restoration and active management. This complicates simple assumptions that ‘nature knows best’ and raises dilemmas which are hotly debated in the scholarly literature around ecological restoration, protected area management, environmental ethics and green political theory. However, how these dilemmas are dealt with in actual policy struggles among the conservation professionals who make management decisions is less studied. This thesis explores how issues regarding active intervention in nature are represented, debated and institutionalized within Swedish nature conservation, and to what effect. The empirical focus lies on policy struggles around the designation and management of protected forests and around efforts to save a nationally threatened bird species, the white-backed woodpecker. My analytical framework is informed by Argumentative Discourse Analysis and Political Discourse Theory, to which I contribute a further elaboration of the notion of discourse institutionalization. Based on documents and interviews with conservation professionals, I identify competing articulations of the ends and means of conservation and relate these to scholarly debates around ecological restoration and interventionist conservation management. The analysis further focuses on how elements of the different policy discourses are institutionalized in rules, routines or official policy documents. Two main competing policy discourses are found: one focused on leaving pristine nature to develop freely, and one focused on active, adaptive management for biodiversity. While the former has previously been said to characterize the Swedish conservation bureaucracy, my analysis shows it is now widely seen as outdated. Arguments which in the scholarly literature are associated with an ethically informed defense of nature’s autonomy are here dismissed as emotional, aesthetic and thus unscientific concerns, delegitimizing them within the rational, science-based public administration for nature conservation. In contrast, biodiversity is broadly forwarded as a self-evident goal for active intervention, in line with both science and policy requirements. Adaptive management for biodiversity is in that sense the dominant discourse. Still, the older discourse is institutionalized in the purposes and management plans of existing nature reserves, and its defenders have also succeeded in strengthening that institutionalization through new and more restrictive guidelines. The findings suggest that this has been possible not only because of the gate-keeping role of a few centrally placed actors, but also because their restrictive stance resonates with the outside threat of exploitation which organizes the common order of discourse. Naturalness, a term described as irrelevant by some proponents of adaptive management for biodiversity, is also shown to remain a shared concern in several ways. The results thus highlight the importance of both entrenched common sense and institutionalization of certain logics or arguments in authoritative documents. The main theoretical contribution of the thesis consists in clarifying the effects of such discourse institutionalization — using the terms durability, legibility and leverage — and showing how the processes of negotiation, re-interpretation and modification of institutions are more dynamic than some accounts of discourse institutionalization suggest. Rather than trying to resolve (and thus remove) the dilemma of intervention, the thesis points to the importance of keeping open discussion of the ultimately unanswerable questions about intervention in nature alive in both theory and practice. / Ecosystem restoration in policy and practice: restore, develop, adapt (RESTORE)

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In my thesis, I argue that the Native American activism of the 1960s and 1970s does not fall into the category of Civil Rights Movement because of its significantly different goals, and that the fundamentally different character of sovereignty rights also keeps the Indian struggle invisible in American understandings of U.S. political and social history. According to my analysis, the terms tribal sovereignty, self-determination, and treaty rights describe the ultimate goals of the Native American activists in the 1960s and 1970s the best. The decade between 1964 and 1974 witnessed the rise of radical Indian activism, which succeeded in reminding the general public and politicians that Indians are still present in the United States. Furthermore, it influenced a whole generation of Native Americans who found new pride in being Indian. However, this current of American activism is not known so well by the general U.S. public. This thesis will describe this state as "selective visibility" deriving from U.S. selective historical memory, only noticing and remembering those events and images concerning Native Americans that can be simply understood, somehow relate to the U.S. set of values, and fit in the national historical narrative.