371 |
Bread, Bullets, and Brotherhood: Masculine Ideologies in the Mid-Century Black Freedom Struggle, 1950-1975Harvey, Matt 08 1900 (has links)
This thesis examines the ways that African Americans in the mid-twentieth century thought about and practiced masculinity. Important contemporary events such as the struggle for civil rights and the Vietnam War influenced the ways that black Americans sought not only to construct masculine identities, but to use these identities to achieve a higher social purpose. The thesis argues that while mainstream American society had specific prescriptions for how men should behave, black Americans were able to select which of these prescriptions they valued and wanted to pursue while simultaneously rejecting those that they found untenable. Masculinity in the mid-century was not based on one thing, but rather was an amalgamation of different ideals that black men (and women) sought to utilize to achieve communal goals of equality, opportunity, and family.
|
372 |
Torn Identity: Workingwomen and Their Struggle Between Gender and Class, 1932-1950Curran, Michele M. 12 April 2011 (has links)
No description available.
|
373 |
Black consciousness and white liberals in South Africa : paradoxical anti-apartheid politicsMaimela, Mabel Raisibe 12 1900 (has links)
This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian
beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic
complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
|
374 |
Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) : rupture ou continuité du péronisme ? : Les mutations du populisme en Argentine / Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) : a breach or a continuity with peronism ? : Mutations of populism in Argentina.Doz, Emilie 15 November 2013 (has links)
Le 25 mai 2003, le peuple argentin assistait à l’investiture présidentielle du candidat du Frente Para la Victoria, Néstor Kirchner. Suite à la défection de Carlos Menem pendant l’entre-deux tours, il est élu avec 22% des suffrages. Malgré cette faible légitimité, il réussit à insuffler un changement certain dans la politique argentine. L’objectif de ce travail de thèse est de montrer comment Néstor Kirchner est arrivé à imposer un nouveau système de référence et à tourner la page du passé néolibéral qui a conduit le pays à l’effondrement. Pour cela, notre travail se concentre d’abord sur la présentation nécessaire du contexte économique et politique antérieur aux élections de 2003. Cette contextualisation permet de mieux cerner les conditions dans lesquelles Néstor Kirchner est porté au pouvoir. Ensuite, nous étudions la lutte idéologique qui se met en place, notamment à l’intérieur même du péronisme, afin d’identifier les processus qui permettent au discours kirchnériste de devenir discours dominant. Enfin, il s’agira d’étudier les points de ruptures ou de convergences du kirchnérisme avec le populisme et le péronisme afin de mieux le caractériser. De plus, le décès de Néstor Kirchner survenu le 27 Octobre 2010 a provoqué un véritable choc. Aussi, l’étude de la figure post mortem de Kirchner permet de prendre la mesure du phénomène K, dans le sens où il symbolise à la fois une réhabilitation du politique, une reconstruction de la nation argentine et une refondation du péronisme au XXIème siècle. / On 25 May 2003, argentinian population attended the presidential nomination of the "Frente Para la Victoria" party candidate, Néstor Kirchner. Thanks to the defection of Carlos Menem between the two rounds, he was elected with 22% of votes. Despite this weak legitimacy, he succeeded in impulsing changes in Argentina political agenda. The purpose of this thesis is to show how Néstor Kirchner managed to impose a new system as a new reference, and to move on from a neoliberal past which led the country to collapse. Therefore, our work first focuses on a necessary presentation of economic and political background prior to 2003' elections. Such contextualisation allows us to have a better understanding of the conditions in which Néstor Kirchner reached the presidency. Then, we study the ideological struggle taking place afterwards, particularly within peronism itself, in order to identify the processes allowing the kirchnerist line to become a dominant speech. Finally, we will focus on Kirchnerism’s breakpoints or convergences with Peronist populism for a better characterization. In addition, the death of Néstor Kirchner the 27th of october 2010 caused a real shock. Also, the study of the postmortem figure of Kirchner allows us to estimate the "K" phenomenon, in the sense it symbolizes as well a rehabilitation of politics as a reconstruction of the argentinian nation, or an overhaul of peronism in the XXIst century.
|
375 |
Lytinė prievarta, jos formos ir atsakomybė už ją pagal LR BK / Indecent assault, its forms and liability for it according to the Criminal Code of the Republic of LithuaniaSteponavičiūtė, Jurgita 03 April 2006 (has links)
New Criminal code came into power in 2003. It changed the concept of indecent assault. The new modern concept of indecent assault is more related to the changes in society, but sometimes is difficult to apply, because of its novelty and indetermination. Therefore it is necessary to determine the legal concept of indecent assault in order to avoid controversial evaluation of sexual offences and their elements of proof. So the aim of this study is to analyse indecent assault from historical point of view, to describe forms of indecent assault and aggravating circumstances. The proposed review of indecent assault contains legal evaluation of all attributions according to their legal evaluation in Lithuanian and foreign criminal law. Theoretical evaluation of indecent assault is linked to the examples of court’s practise by underlining controversial aspects of concept of indecent assault and proposing possible ways to define them.
|
376 |
The airborne concept in the South African military, 1960-2000 : strategy versus tactics in small warsAlexander, Edward George McGill January 2016 (has links)
Text in English / Restricted files have not been uploaded / The thesis commences by elaborating on the concept of vertical envelopment as a form of military manoeuvre and defining airborne operations as comprising parachute, helicopter and air-landed actions. It goes on to describe strategy and tactics as they apply to the discussion before briefly tracing the development internationally of vertical envelopment and the thinking of the South African military about airborne operations during the Second World War.
Events leading up to the decision by the South African military to acquire helicopters and to train paratroopers in 1960 are examined and the early operational employment of helicopters is analysed. The establishment of 1 Parachute Battalion is discussed in the light of the absence of a clear understanding of how it should be employed. Moving on to the commencement of the conflict known as the Southern African Thirty Year War, the issue of strategic versus tactical application of an airborne capability during operations in Namibia, Angola and Rhodesia is defined.
Strategic application is then illustrated by specific independent airborne strikes, and the requirement for an airborne brigade to plan and conduct such operations is highlighted. The establishment of 44 Parachute Brigade and the difficulties experienced in its development are reviewed before scrutinising the tactical use of airborne forces in support of other ground forces.
The high point in organisation and capability of the airborne forces of the South African Defence Force at the time of the ending of the Thirty Year War is appraised and the unfulfilled potential of the capability is elucidated. Faced with change and uncertainty, the employment of the paratroopers in urban operations during the height of the civil unrest is examined. This is followed by probing the response of the paratrooper organisation to severe budget cuts, enforced reorganisation and relocation, the ending of conscription and integration into the new South African National Defence Force following the country’s first democratic elections in 1994.
The thesis concludes with an evaluation of the airborne actions during the incursion by South Africa into Lesotho in 1998 and an assessment of the implications of the loss of a strategic airborne capability. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
|
377 |
Black consciousness and white liberals in South Africa : paradoxical anti-apartheid politicsMaimela, Mabel Raisibe 12 1900 (has links)
This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian
beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic
complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
|
378 |
The Struggle Against Bandits: The Cuban Revolution and Responses to CIA-Sponsored Counter-Revolutionary Activity, 1959-1963Rossodivito, Anthony, M 01 January 2014 (has links)
Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.
|
379 |
Intimidation as a factor in the liberation struggle in South Africa with special reference to Bela Bela (Warmbaths) : an anthropological perspectiveVan Niekerk, Letitia 07 1900 (has links)
INTIMIDATION AS A FACTOR IN THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF
SOUTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO BELA BELA
(WARMBATHS): AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
The cultural revitalisation or adjustment model of Anthony Wallace provides a basis for
interpreting religious, political and other revitalisation movements. This study focuses on
political revitalisation movements. Participation in the activities of revitalisation movements does
not always occur voluntarily. Leaders of such movements apply techniques and methods of
intimidation enforcing change and participation. In South Africa, political revitalisation was
inter alia brought about by the ANC as political liberation movement who used methods of
violent and non-violent intimidation to force people, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, to
support the movement and enforce political change. The ANC inter alia used charactersitic
cultural phenomena and components of Bantu-speakers as resources for intimidation to ensure
unanimity, participation and ultimately to achieve political liberation. Cultural components that
were exploited included communality, group solidarity, administration of justice, songs and
dances. / INTIMIDASIE AS 'N FAKTOR IN DIE VRYHEIDSTRYD IN SUID-AFRIKA
MET SPESIALE VERWYSING NA BELA BELA (WARMBAD): 'N
ANTROPOLOGIESE PERSPEK.TIEF
Kulturele vernuwmg ts 'n universele verskynsel. Anthony Wallace se model van kulturele
vernuwing of -aanpassing bied 'n raamwerk vir die verduideliking en interpretasie van die fases
waardeur kulturele vernuwingsbewegings van 'n godsdienstige, politieke of ander aard ontwikkel.
In hierdie studie word daar uitsluitlik gefokus op vernuwingsbewegings van 'n politieke aard.
Aangesien deelname aan die aktiwiteite van kulturele vernuwings- en aanpassingsbewegings nie
noodwendig vrywillig geskied nie, het leiers van hierdie bewegings gebruik gemaak van tegnieke
en metodes van intimidasie om deelname en vernuwing op die massas af te dwing. In SuidAfrika
is politieke vernuwing onder andere teweeggebring deur die ANC as politieke
bevrydingsbeweging. Die ANC het gebruik gemaak van gewelddadige (harde of direkte) sowel
as nie-geweldadige (sagte of indirekte) intimidasie om mense, ongeag hulle etniese aanhorigheid,
te dwing om die beweging se oogmerke aktief te ondersteun om politieke verandering te weeg te
bring. As dee! van die strategie om deur intimidasie mense tot deelname aan massa-aksies soos
optogte, betogings en massa-vergaderings te dwing, het die ANC gebruik gemaak van bepaalde
kultuur verskynsels en -komponente wat eie is aan die lewensbeskouinge en lewenswyse van
Bantoe-sprekendes.
Kultuurkomponente wat suksesvol benut is deur die leiers en lede van bevrydingsbewegings
omvat, onder andere verskynsels soos kommunaliteit, groep solidariteit, die regspraak, liedere en
danse. Hierdie kultuurkomponente en verskynsels is verander en aangepas om ten eerste eenheid
en deelname te bewerkstellig en te verseker en uiteindelik om die hoofdoelwit van politieke
bevryding te bereik. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A. (Anthropology)
|
380 |
Constructing and transforming the curriculum for higher education : a South African case studyDirk, Wayne Peter 07 1900 (has links)
This study explores the various processes that constructed and transformed the undergraduate curriculum in a Faculty of Education at a South African university. It attempts to delve beneath the representation of post-apartheid curriculum change as a linear process. The thesis argues that scholars should attempt to unravel how the curriculum performs the task of social transformation at the site of the university by empirically investigating how the relationship between structure and action links with the ideals of post-apartheid higher education policy. Theoretically, this study posits that the deficit in the local literature on the use of the structure/agency relationship as a heuristic device for examining institutional change should be addressed with the relational sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. / Sociology / D. Phil. (Sociology)
|
Page generated in 0.031 seconds