Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het as gevolg van apartheid vir etlike dekades oor 'n gedeeltelik legitieme plaaslike regeringstelsel beskik. Die probleem is dat die land se apartheidsregering afsonderlike stelsels vir blankes en swartes in aparte woongebiede in stand gehou het, welke beleid vir meeste Suid-Afrikaners onaanvaarbaar was. Swart plaaslike owerhede wat swart plaaslike regering moes bedryf, was nog polities nog ekonomies lewensvatbaar. Die rede hiervoor is dat hul enersyds deur die gemeenskap verwerp is en andersyds nie voldoende inkomstebronne gehad het om plaaslike owerheidsdienste finansieel onafhanklik te lewer nie. Stedelike swart gemeenskappe was aan 'n, vir hulle, onaanvaarbare apartheidsgestruktureerde swart plaaslike regeringstelsel onderworpe. Swart plaaslike owerhede was voorts as gevolg van hul ekonomiese nie-lewensvatbaarheid, gekniehalter in die lewering van plaaslike owerheidsdienste asook die daarstelling en instandhouding van kapitale ontwikkelingsprojekte. Stedelike swartes was dus blootgestel aan gebrekkige dienslewering in aparte, onderontwikkelde "slaapdorpe" waar hulle noodgedwonge moes woon. 'n Vraag waarna gevolglik gekyk word, fokus op die kenmerke van 'n ideeeltipiese model van plaaslike regering wat die gedeeltelik legitieme stelsel behoort te vervang. As gevolg van die onaanvaarbaarheid van die swart plaaslike regeringstelsel was swart plaaslike owerhede sedert die vroee tagtigerjare die teikens van aksioniste teen hierdie apartheidsproduk. Aksioniste het nie-gewelddadige aksie (NGA), geskoei op die Gandhiaanse filosofie en metodiek van Satyagraha, aangewend ten einde swart plaaslike owerhede te vernietig. NGA (wat dikwels ook tot gewelddadigheid gelei het), het tot gevolg gehad dat die owerheid later noodgedwonge 'n nuwe plaaslike regeringstelsel vir die totale Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing, met alle deelvennote moes beding. Onderhandelings het vervolgens meegebring dat 'n oorgangsproses na legitieme (demokratiese) plaaslike regering vir alle Suid-Afrikaners ingevolge die Oorgangswet op Plaaslike Regering, 1993 (Wet No. 209 van 1993) geaktiveer is. In hierdie proefskrif is gevolglik vasgestel: (1) welke invloed die politieke bedeling (apartheidsbedeling) op die ontwikkeling van stedelike swart gemeenskappe en die bedryf van swart plaaslike regering gehad het; (2) wat die aard en effek van NGA op die ontwikkeling van swart plaaslike regering was; en (3) hoe geldig die onderhandelde plaaslike regeringstelsel is, vergeleke met die ideeel-tipiese model wat geidentifiseer is. / As a result of apartheid South Africa possessed a partially legitimate local government system for several decades. The problem is that the country's apartheid government maintained separate systems for whites and blacks in separate residential areas, a policy that was unacceptable to the majority of South Africans. Black local authorities who had to maintain black local government were neither politically nor economically viable because they were rejected by the community and lacked sufficient sources of revenue to render financially independent local government services. Urban black communities were subject to what, for them, was an unacceptable apartheid-structured black local government system. Black local authorities were also prevented by their economic nonviability from delivering local government services effectively and from instituting and maintaining capital development projects. Urban blacks were therefore subjected to poor service delivery in separate, underdeveloped "dormitory towns" where they were forced to live. An issue to be considered in this regard concerns the characteristics of an ideal-typical model of local government that should replace this partially legitimate system. As a result of the unacceptability of the black local government system local authorities became the targets of activists who waged a campaign against this product of apartheid since the early eighties. Activists used non-violent action (NV A), based on the Gandhian principle of Satyagraha, to destroy black local authorities. As a result of NVA (which often led to violence) the central government was eventually forced to negotiate a new local government system for the whole of South African society with all stakeholders. Negotiations led to a process of transition to legitimate (democratic) local government for all South Africans as promulgated in the Local Government Transition Act, 1993 (Act No. 209 of I 993). Consequently the following has been established in this thesis: (1) the influence of the political dispensation (apartheid dispensation) on the development of urban black communities and the maintenance of black local government; (2) the nature and the effect of NV A on the development of black local government; and (3) how valid the negotiated local government system is, compared to the identified ideal-typical model. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Ontwikkelingsadministrasie)

This thesis investigates the period in Judah which took place precisely a century between the death ofHezekiah (687 BCE) and the final fall of Jerusalem (587 BCE) Seldom has a nation experienced so many dramatically sudden reversals of fortune in so relatively short a time. Throughout the first half of the seventh century BCE the Assyrian empire reigned supreme. In the second half, in rapid succession, Judah, as a vassal, experienced periods of independence and of subjection, first to Egypt, then to Babylonia, before finally destroying herself in a futile rebellion against the latter. The aim of the thesis was to set Judah in the global context and investigate the role she played. To this end the Great Powers, namely Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia were surveyed, as well as were the Small Powers, like Judah, Phoenicia and the Transjordanian states, and the relationships probed. The thesis traces the life of the wicked but extraordinarily successful King Manasseh, and his equally reprobate son, Amon, who was brutally murdered by his servants, and was avenged by 'the people of the land'. Josiah is the only monarch who fits the Deuteronomistic requirements of a good king. Religious and national reform generally go hand in hand with politics, and the cultic reform and centralization of the cult characterise his reign. · With the fall of Assyria, the temporary surge into prominence by Egypt and the tragic death of Josiah in 609 BCE, Judah experienced radical political fluctuations and with them alternate subjugation by, and rebellion against, each of the major powers. Inexperienced leadership and a situation of dual kings, followed Josiah's death. The rapidly changing international scene demanded of the rulers of Judah skillful manoeuvring and exceptional adaptability, and frequently confronted them with ominous political situations. Judaean leaders and the puppet King Zedekiah, propped up by false prophets, failed to grasp the shift in the balance of power, and clung to questionable Egyptian aid against the new world power, Babylonia. Highly vulnerable and left in the lurch, Jerusalem faced protracted siege and famine in Jerusalem, destruction ofthe Temple, and deportation ofthe cream ofher people. / Classics and Modern European Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)

Text in French / Member of the union of black workers in the port of Marseille, in France, and an eyewitness to the misery of black workers in the European environment, Sembène Ousmane, in 1956, wrote, using his personal experiences, his first book entitled The Black Docker. In this novel, he describes the sufferings of the working class, the struggle between colonisers and colonised. In 1960, he uses as a pretext the strike of the Senegalese railway workers in 1937 to write a book entitled God's Bits of Wood. In this story where two forces clashed, on one hand, the colonised struggling against the colonial system and want, at all costs, to improve their living conditions, and on the other hand, the colonisers that are in support of their colonialist ideals and refuse the changes, the author tells the epic story of strikers in Senegal and their relentless struggles against the colonisers to change their living conditions for better. In 1973, an eyewitness of the daily realities of his native country, Senegal, after gaining national sovereignty, Sembène Ousmane wrote and published a book entitled Xala. In this book, he describes the evils of neo-colonialism and criticises the new African middle class, born after independence. After reading these novels, one notes that Sembène Ousmane, a defender of freedom, denounces the injustices done to the blacks, both in the colonial era as well as in the post colonial period. This is why from a book to another, he continues tirelessly his struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, evoking the sufferings and tragedies endured by the Africans. It occurs constantly in his imaginary creations, a theme, or better still a dialectical; commitment and militancy. What does he mean by « commitment » and « militancy » ? How do these two concepts manifest themselves in the works of the Senegalese writer? What strategy does he propose to the oppressed in the struggle against the oppressors? What means has he put at the disposal of the disinherited struggling to break the yoke of oppression and exploitation in order to achieve freedom and equality? / Membre du syndicat des travailleurs noirs, au port de Marseille, en France, et témoin oculaire de la misère vécue par les ouvriers noirs dans ce milieu européen, Sembène Ousmane, en 1956, écrit, en se servant de ses expériences personnelles, son premier ouvrage intitulé Le Docker noir. Dans ce roman, il décrit la souffrance de la classe ouvrière, la lutte entre colonisateurs et colonisés. En 1960, il se sert d’un prétexte, la grève des ouvriers sénégalais en 1937, pour écrire un ouvrage intitulé Les Bouts de bois de Dieu. Dans ce récit, où s’affrontent deux forces, d’une part les colonisés qui luttent contre le système colonial et veulent, à tout prix, l’amélioration de leurs conditions de vie, et d’autre part, les colonisateurs qui soutiennent les idéaux colonialistes et refusent le changement, l’auteur relate l’histoire épique des grévistes au Sénégal, et la lutte implacable qu’ils mènent contre les colonisateurs pour le changement de leurs conditions de vie. En 1973, témoin oculaire des réalités quotidiennes de son pays natal, le Sénégal, après son accession à la souveraineté nationale, Sembène Ousmane écrit et publie, un ouvrage intitulé Xala. Dans ce livre, il décrit les méfaits du néocolonialisme et critique la nouvelle classe bourgeoise africaine, née après l’indépendance. Après lecture des trois romans, on constate que Sembène Ousmane, défenseur de la liberté, dénonce les injustices faites aux Noirs, aussi bien à l’époque coloniale qu’à la période postcoloniale. C’est pourquoi, d’un ouvrage à l’autre, il continue, inlassablement, sa lutte contre le colonialisme et le néocolonialisme, en évoquant les souffrances et les drames endurés par les Africains. Il revient, constamment, dans ses créations imaginaires, à une thématique, ou mieux une dialectique, l’engagement et le militantisme. Qu’entend-il par « engagement » et « militantisme »? Comment ces deux lexèmes se manifestent-ils dans les écrits de cet écrivain sénégalais? Quelles stratégies propose-t-il aux opprimés dans la lutte qui les oppose aux oppresseurs? Quels moyens met-il a la disposition des déshérités en lutte pour briser le joug de l’oppression et celui de l’exploitation afin d’obtenir la liberté et l’égalité? / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (French)

BEZERRA, Tânia Serra Azul Machado. Marxismo, educação, consciência e luta de classes no Sindicato dos Gráficos do Ceará. 2011. 188 f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza-CE, 2011. / Submitted by moises gomes (celtinha_malvado@hotmail.com) on 2012-07-16T15:24:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_TSAMBezerra.pdf: 1215970 bytes, checksum: 57c636c0ca25ffc0a50c63c3e81913f0 (MD5) / Rejected by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br), reason: fAZER CORREÇÃO on 2012-07-17T11:09:07Z (GMT) / Submitted by moises gomes (celtinha_malvado@hotmail.com) on 2012-07-17T11:18:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_tese_TSAMBezerra.pdf: 1215970 bytes, checksum: 57c636c0ca25ffc0a50c63c3e81913f0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-17T11:53:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_tese_TSAMBezerra.pdf: 1215970 bytes, checksum: 57c636c0ca25ffc0a50c63c3e81913f0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-17T11:53:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_tese_TSAMBezerra.pdf: 1215970 bytes, checksum: 57c636c0ca25ffc0a50c63c3e81913f0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / No doutorado, objetivamos registrar/analisar a práxis de um grupo de trabalhadores que, no tempo presente, se organiza no Sindicato dos Gráficos do Ceará, experienciando um processo de formação política. Inspirados pelo materialismo histórico-dialético trabalhamos com a interseção de fontes orais (histórias de vidas) e com vertentes escritas diversas (fotografias, jornais, panfletos etc). A problemática investigativa anuncia-se ao passo que, mesmo em tempos de fragmentação da classe trabalhadora e de destituição da luta sindical, os sujeitos desta pesquisa se reúnem interessados em estudar Marx e as transformações político-econômicas contemporâneas. Nesta perspectiva, asseguramos estar diante de um movimento de resistência e luta operária no século XXI. As reflexões/ações do grupo encontram nos princípios marxistas uma possibilidade de superação da crise enfrentada. Os resultados desta tese demonstram que a práxis formativa destes trabalhadores cinge-se à tese de que a formação é parte fundamental do conjunto destas relações sociais, portanto, determinada pelas relações mais amplas, mas constituindo potente instrumento de mudança da realidade social. Em nossas considerações, esta busca por uma educação politizadora, aliada à práxis de luta, contribui para a formação de uma subjetividade revolucionária pautada na consciência de classe.

O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.

Malgré les reproches qui lui ont souvent été adressés, les nombreuses tentatives de réforme qui ont émaillé son histoire, la vieille loi sur les aliénés n’a pas empêché une évolution remarquable des soins vers plus de liberté, notamment par le biais de la sectorisation. L’inadaptation de la loi monarchiste a justifié l’intervention du législateur en 1990, mais elle était toute relative car la loi n°90-527 n’a fait que reprendre, certes en les rénovant, les moyens de contraindre aux soins fondés sur les exigences de l’ordre public. Or, l’application de la loi nouvelle, destinée à l’amélioration des droits et de la protection des personnes hospitalisées en raison de troubles mentaux, a eu un résultat paradoxal : une extension et un renforcement de la contrainte psychiatrique, qui ont fait ressurgir les critiques du dualisme juridictionnel auquel est soumis le contentieux de l’hospitalisation psychiatrique. Le Tribunal des conflits n’a jamais cessé de réaffirmer le principe de séparation des autorités administratives et judiciaires, écartant l’idée d’une unification du contentieux de l’hospitalisation sans consentement au profit du juge judiciaire. Mais par une décision du 17 février 1997, le Haut tribunal a opéré une rationalisation des compétences contentieuses qui a permis au dispositif juridictionnel de révéler son efficacité : l’administration, aujourd’hui, est contrainte de veiller au respect des procédures d’hospitalisation, la certitude d’une sanction lui est acquise en cas de manquement (Première partie). Toutefois le haut niveau de garantie des droits de la personne hospitalisée sans consentement est menacé. Depuis 1997, une réforme de la loi est annoncée comme imminente. Les propositions avancées par de nombreux rapports et études, qu’elles soient d’inspiration sanitaire ou sécuritaire, suscitaient des inquiétudes. Les dispositions relatives à la déclaration d’irresponsabilité pénale pour cause de trouble mental dans la loi n°2008-174 ne pouvaient que les entretenir, préfigurant une aggravation de la situation des personnes contraintes à des soins psychiatriques. Le projet de loi déposé sur le bureau de la Présidence de l’Assemblée nationale le 5 mai 2010 en apporte la confirmation. Le texte en instance devant les institutions parlementaires révèle une finalité sanitaire, mais le droit individuel à la protection de la santé parviendrait à justifier une contrainte que les motifs d’ordre public ne pourraient fonder ; l’obligation de soins psychiatriques ne serait plus uniquement fondée sur les manifestations extérieures de la maladie du point de vue de la vie civile. En outre, si les exigences récemment dégagées par le Conseil constitutionnel à l’occasion d’une question prioritaire de constitutionnalité portant sur le maintien de la personne en hospitalisation contrainte constituent une amélioration, la présence accrue du juge judiciaire dans les procédures n’apporterait aucun supplément de garantie dès lors que les dispositions nouvelles opèreraient une profonde transformation de la fonction du juge des libertés en la matière, notamment en l’associant à la décision d’obligation de soins. Contre toute attente, l’objet sanitaire de la mesure, lorsqu’il devient une fin en soi et n’est plus subordonné à l’ordre public, se révèle liberticide (Deuxième partie) / The old law on insane people has often been criticized but none of the numerous attempts of reform, that it has met throughout its history, has prevented the outstanding move of cares towards more liberty, notably through sectorization. The lack of adaptation of the monarchist law made the legislator act in 1990, but the action was very relative as 90-527 law only rephrased, with some updates, the means to constrain to a treatment abiding by public policy. But, the new law, intended for the improvement of liberty and the protection of hospitalized insane persons, had paradoxical results: an extension and a reinforcement of psychiatric constraint, which made reappear the criticisms of jurisdictional dualism, which psychiatric hospitalization is subjected to. The court relentlessly reaffirmed its attachment to the principle of separation of administrative and judiciary authorities, while it was rejecting the legal argument’s unification of the psychiatric hospitalization without agreement in favor of the judicial judge. The High Court, with an adjudication dated from February 17th, 1997, made a rationalization of disagreement’s skills which allowed the jurisdictional plan to reveal its efficiency : administration, nowadays, has to make sure the hospitalization is respectful of procedures, it would be compulsorily sanctioned in case of a breach of the rules (First part). Nevertheless, hospitalized persons without acceptance should worry about the high-level of guarantee of their rights. Since 1997, an imminent reform of this law has been expected. Numerous reports and studies have led to sanitarian or security order proposals, which sparked concern. The measures about the statement of penal irresponsibility due to mental disorder, and tackled in 2008-174 law, kept feeding these concerns making the situation of persons forced to psychiatric cares worse. The bill submitted to the President of the national assembly on May 5th, 2010, confirmed this evolution. The text pending the parliamentary institution has a sanitarian aim, but the individual right to health protection would justify a constraint that public order can not establish ; the necessity of psychiatric cares would not only be based on the external manifestation of the disease as an aspect of civilian life. Moreover, even if the constitutional Council’s requirements, defined during a major questioning of the constitutionality of the maintenance of constrained hospitalization, are an enhancement, the increased presence of a judicial judge during the procedure would not ensure better guarantee as long as the new disposals operate a deep transformation of judges' duties, notably if they are associated with the decision of constrained cares. Against all expectations, the sanitarian aspect of the measure, when it turns to be an end in itself and is not dependent on public order, is dwindling liberties (Second part)

No description available.

UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut politologických studií Eliška Vyšatová Praha 2014 Diploma thesis: The Functioning of national-separatist organizations. A Comparative study of the IRA and ETA Abstract: The diploma thesis "The Functioning of National-Separatist Organizations. A Comparative Study of IRA and ETA" deals with two West European national-separatist organizations as well as the phenomenon of political terrorism and ethnic conflict. The selected organizations are unique among other ones as to their history and the way of functioning, and for these reasons they have been chosen for this study. Both organizations can be considered the main source of conflict in the national separatist movement in Basque Country and Northern Ireland from the beginning of the 20th century. The basic premise is that both IRA and ETA reach their aim, which can be generalised as independence of the national states, which they are a part of, in a specific way, it being primarily terrorism. The main aim of this paper is to compare various aspects of functioning of IRA and ETA and, on the basis of these results, to evaluate if we can consider these as two organizations different from other groups of this kind as well as different from each other, although they demonstrate some similar...

Das schreibende Ich prägt formal wie thematisch die literarische Entwicklung der letzten Jahre. Seit der Jahrtausendwende hat die Produktion autobiographischer und autofiktionaler Literatur insbesondere auf dem skandinavischen Buchmarkt erheblich zugenommen. Obwohl (noch) kein kritischer Konsens besteht, was der Begriff Autofiktion genau bezeichnet, ist das Changieren zwischen Fakt und Fiktion im autobiographischen Schreiben zu einer der beliebtesten literarischen Strategien im zeitgenössischen Erzählen avanciert. Die literaturwissenschaftliche Forschung zur Autofiktion ist im Zuge dessen auf diesen Trend aufgesprungen und insbesondere nach der Veröffentlichung von Karl Ove Knausgårds Romanprojekt Min kamp (2009–2011) sind die literaturwissenschaftlichen Diskussionen zu Autofiktion und literarischer Selbstdarstellung in Skandinavien deutlich angestiegen. Die literaturwissenschaftlichen Beiträge kreisen im weiteren Sinne um die dichotomischen Beziehungen von Fakt vs. Fiktion, Roman vs. Autobiographie sowie um die Inszenierung der Autor*innen in der literarischen Öffentlichkeit. Dabei ist autofiktionales Schreiben als konkrete erzählerische Praxis betrachtet in den Hintergrund gerückt, weshalb in dieser Arbeit der Versuch gemacht wird, die Fragen nach den literarischen Verfahren innerhalb dieser Texte in den Vordergrund zu stellen. Mit Ausgangspunkt in Texten von August Strindberg, Maja Lundgren, Karl Ove Knausgaard und Björn Rasmussen wird in dieser Arbeit Spezifika einer autofiktionalen Erzählpraxis herausgearbeitet, in welcher die Autorin oder der Autor in erster Linie einen narrativen Autoritätsanspruch über ihren bzw. seinen autobiographischen Text erhebt und hierdurch in der Bestrebung, die autobiographische Wirklichkeit zu schreiben, die Grenze zwischen Wirklichkeit und Literatur und somit zwischen Leben und Text transzendiert / Since the turn of the Millennium there has been a remarkable increase in the production of autobiographical and autofictional literature in Scandinavia. While there is (still) no critical consensus to what the term autofiction precisely designates, the oscillation between fact and fiction in autobiographical writings has emerged as one of the most favoured literary strategies when it comes to negotiating, (re)-constructing, and staging identity and individuality. The academic discussions about autofiction and autofictional writing in Scandinavia are mostly concerned with the opposed relations of fact/fiction, true/false, and novel/autobiography or with the mediatised performativity of the author in the public sphere. In this respect, the specific narrative practices of autofictional writing have taken a back seat in the academic exploration of autofiction. In this thesis it is examined how autofictional writing in selected novels by August Strindberg, Maja Lundgren, Karl Ove Knausgaard and Björn Rasmussen is being set forth within the narration of the text, a thus far unexplored research field. The analysis of the position of the author in his or her text enables us to see that the interplay of fact and fiction in the autobiographical text is predominantly conveyed by narrative strategies. The narrative presence of the author in the text entails specific self-reflexive practices, which can be identified through an increased use of narrative transgressions of the extradiegetic and diegetic discourses that allow the actual author of the text to slip into his narration. The narrative roaming between the reality of the author and the narration that he is producing is used as a means of taking over the authority of the individual life story and to write autobiographical on own subjective and aesthetic terms.

本論文は、沖縄戦後史研究において、復帰運動や反戦平和運動の前史と位置づけられてきた伊江島土地闘争を研究対象とする。そして、実証性に乏しい伊江島土地闘争の具体像、及び新たな運動像の実証的な考察を目的とした。本研究の特色は二点ある。第一に、従来土着の問題として論じられてきた土地闘争に対して、沖縄住民の流動的な生から再検討したこと。第二に、運動から人びとの「自」を探る視点の再検討として、看過されてきたポスト「島ぐるみ」期の土地闘争を日本本土での学習経験や反戦平和資料館から考察したことである。 / 博士(現代アジア研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Contemporary Asian Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University