Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CARLOS ALBERTO DE SOUSA CARDOSO.pdf: 5844147 bytes, checksum: a5fb6f90d79d9ec49aa6744d4d2012b5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study analyzes the II National Plan for Agrarian Reform (II Plano Nacional de Reforma Agrária II PNRA) from the reality of the families settled and the action of rural social movements and the rural trade union movement in the state of Roraima. Firstly, a review of the agrarian issue in Brazil was carried out in order to examine the way in which the ownership and the use of land have been proceeding in this society. The agricultural development process in Brazil and the way in which, historically, the State has intervened politically toward an agro-exporter model is then discussed. An analysis of how, with the increased presence of capitalism and of industrialization, strong transformations in society have occurred then follows. Brazil is no longer a principally rural country and has become a more urban society. The expansion of capitalism and the deepening of a conservative modernization model for agriculture, in the post-1964 period, have resulted in strong occupation of the Amazon Region, as a way to reduce social conflicts in other regions. The state of Roraima has suffered the implications of this expansion receiving a great number of migrants in the past decade, being transformed from a state in which it was easy to obtain land, as stated in governmental publicity, into a region where agro-business and the landless people (sem-terra) are in dispute over territory. This situation has been aggravated by the election of a government of a popular‟ nature, in 2002, when the landless of Roraima occupied mainly federal owned land, in an organized manner, in the form of a trade union and rural movement. During this period, the government launched the II PNRA in order to address the demands for agrarian reform made by wide sectors of society. However, during its mandate, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva‟s government has been distancing itself from popular sectors and, concomitantly, moving closer to the national bourgeoisie, thus giving continuity to the neoliberal model of its predecessor. On the other hand, the landless and the rural social movements have extended their occupation of land in Roraima in order to pressurize INCRA, the main executor of the aforementioned plan, to effectively settle the families which have been camped out on federal owned land. This new scenario has led to the arising of a situation of conflict which pressurized and contributed to the removal of several superintendents of INCRA, six, during Lula‟s government. The results of the investigation show that II PNRA, in Roraima, has been implemented partially and precariously and that it has achieved only the first stages of the agrarian reform program, that of the distribution of plots, and other small directed and focused actions, and that even this came about through strong social mobilization and pressure. / Esse trabalho analisa o II Plano Nacional de Reforma Agrária a partir da realidade das famílias assentadas e da ação dos movimentos sociais rurais e do movimento sindical rural no estado de Roraima. Para tanto, iniciamos fazendo a revisão da questão agrária brasileira, com o objetivo de examinar o modo que a posse e o uso da terra se foi processando nessa sociedade. Em seguida, discutimos o processo de desenvolvimento da agricultura brasileira e como, ao longo da história, o Estado interveio politicamente em prol de um modelo agro-exportador. Na sequência, analisamos o modo pelo qual, em decorrência da maior presença do capitalismo e da industrialização, passaram a ocorrer fortes transformações na sociedade. O Brasil deixou de ser um país eminentemente rural para ser uma sociedade mais urbana. A expansão do capitalismo e o aprofundamento de um modelo de modernização conservadora da agricultura, no período pós-1964, acarretou forte ocupação da Amazônia, como forma de reduzir conflitos sociais de outras regiões. O estado de Roraima sofreu as implicações dessa expansão recebendo grande fluxo de pessoas nas últimas décadas, transformando-se de um Estado em que era fácil a obtenção de terras, como afirmava a propaganda governamental, numa região onde o agronegócio e os sem-terra disputam o território. Essa situação se acirrou com a eleição do governo de caráter popular , em 2002, quando os sem-terra de Roraima passaram a ocupar, de maneira articulada, na condição de movimento sindical e rural, terras, preponderantemente, da União. Nesse ínterim, o novo governo lançou o II PNRA com o fito de atender às demandas por reforma agrária exigidas por amplos setores da sociedade. Mas, ao longo do mandato, o governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva foi-se afastando dos setores populares e, concomitantemente, se aproximando da burguesia nacional, dando continuidade, assim, ao modelo neoliberal do antecessor. Em contrapartida, os sem-terra e os movimentos sociais rurais aprofundaram as ocupações de terra em Roraima para pressionar o INCRA, principal executor do referido plano, a assentar, de forma efetiva, as famílias que estavam acampadas em terras da União. Esse novo cenário ensejou o surgimento de uma situação conflituosa que pressionou e contribuiu para o afastamento de vários superintendentes do INCRA: seis, durante o governo Lula. Os resultados da investigação demonstram que o II PNRA, em Roraima, foi implementado apenas parcial e precariamente e que cumpriu apenas a primeira das etapas do programa de reforma agrária, a da entrega dos lotes, e outras pequenas ações pontuais e focalizadas, e que mesmo isso se deu a partir de uma forte mobilização e pressão social.

O fenômeno da Renovação Urbana é uma reestruturação espacial que se realiza em situações especiais da metrópole. Opera por uma finalidade ou estratégia específica. Implica em um processo de produção, um produto e um uso também específicos. Nesta especialização, a espacialização se diferencia. A renovação se realiza ao imbricar incorporação imobiliária, predominantemente de caráter privado, e infraestrutura, predominantemente de caráter público. Relaciona formas de financiamento especiais, recursos oriundos de instituições públicas de diversos níveis, ou de instituições financeiras de diversas ordens e origens. O presente trabalho busca analisar o processo contemporâneo de renovação urbana da Região da Luz, no centro de São Paulo, que explicita o caráter de disputa na produção do espaço. Uma luta de classes que se realiza na disputa pela produção e distribuição do produto social, da riqueza comum. A «cidade». A tese da renovação é a subvida do trabalho, que se aprofunda com o deslocamento da valorização da produção para a capitalização da propriedade, meio fictício de acumulação. Na atual reestruturação capitalista emerge o domínio do (capital) fictício como fundamento da reprodução social. Na sua dimensão espacial, convergem o imobiliário e o financeiro, que particularizam a reprodução do capital na metrópole contemporânea, proporcionando-lhe uma sobrevida através da produção do espaço. Esta convergência se dá pela coalizão de frações de classe detentoras do patrimônio imobiliário e financeiro, que acentua o domínio das classes proprietárias sobre as classes subordinadas. Como desdobramento na dimensão da luta política, a experiência de resistência à espoliação pode orientar para a constituição de uma classe social espacial, de base urbana, cuja luta conforma uma força contra o capital. A exposição da tese se dá em três capítulos. O primeiro analisa os planos urbanos da Região da Luz; o segundo, a centralidade da propriedade na acumulação de capital; e o terceiro os conflitos e coalizões no uso, distribuição e produção do espaço. Cada um destes capítulos, por sua vez, é organizado em três subcapítulos. O primeiro de cada um deles observa seu aspecto imediato, o plano urbano, a centralidade da propriedade e os conflitos e coalizões. Depois, inicia-se uma abordagem de seu aspecto global, ou como cada uma destas manifestações imediatas se relacionam a dimensões jurídicas, econômicas e políticas que têm relações a processos sociais mais amplos. Por fim, cada um deles se fecha com uma discussão que se suscita ao nível das contradições mais gerais que os movem, relativo à totalidade ou consciência. / The phenomenon of Urban Renewal is a spatial restructuring that takes place in special situations of the metropolis. It operates for a specific purpose or strategy. It implies in a production process, as well as a specific product and a use. In this specialization, spatialization differs. The renovation takes place by imbricating real estate development, predominantly a matter of a private character, and infrastructure, predominantly one of a public character. It relates special forms of financing, resources from public institutions of different levels, or from financial institutions of different orders and origins. The present work aims to analyze the contemporary process of urban renewal of the Luz Region, in downtown São Paulo, which explicits the character of dispute in the production of space. A class struggle that takes place in the dispute for the production and distribution of the social product, of the common wealth. The\"city\". The thesis of renewal is the subjunctive of the work, which is deepened by the shift from valuation of production to the capitalization of property, a fictitious means of accumulation. In the ongoing capitalist restructuration, the domain of the fictitious capital emerges as the foundation of social reproduction. In its spatial dimension, the real estate and financial sectors converge, leading them to privatize the reproduction of capital in the contemporary metropolis, providing the capital a extended life through the production of space. This convergence is due to the coalition of class fractions that hold the real estate and financial patrimony, which accentuates the domination of the proprietary classes over the subordinate classes. As an unfolding in the dimension of political friction between classes, the experience of resistance to spoilage can lead to the constitution of a spatial, urban-based social class whose struggle forms a force against capital. The hereby thesis is presented in three chapters. The first one analyzes the urban projects of the Luz Region; the second, the centrality of property in the accumulation of capital; and the third the conflicts and coalitions in the use, distribution and production of space. Each of these chapters, in turn, is organized into three complementary sub-chapters. The first sub-chapter of each of them observes its immediate aspect, the urban plan, the centrality of property and the conflicts and coalitions. Then begins an approach to its global aspect, or how each of these immediate manifestations relates to legal, economic, and political dimensions that have relations to broader social processes. Finally, each of them closes with a discussion that is raised at the level of the more general contradictions that move them, relative to the totality or consciousness.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-06T15:23:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianesilvatomaz.pdf: 695715 bytes, checksum: eb72fa82dee47b8e70abb444ed0179d8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-10-07T12:13:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianesilvatomaz.pdf: 695715 bytes, checksum: eb72fa82dee47b8e70abb444ed0179d8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-07T12:13:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianesilvatomaz.pdf: 695715 bytes, checksum: eb72fa82dee47b8e70abb444ed0179d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-04 / Esta dissertação analisa a concepção de cidadania defendida pela Luta Antimanicomial no Brasil, desde seu surgimento, em 1987, com o II Congresso Nacional de Trabalhadores em Saúde Mental, até os últimos encontros dos movimentos que compõem a Luta, realizados em 2007. Procurou-se abordar a Luta Antimanicomial numa perspectiva crítico-dialética, percorrendo-se um caminho teórico analítico a partir da Pesquisa Bibliográfica e da Análise Documental, no qual, primeiramente abordaram-se os seguintes temas: a Modernidade, enquanto o contexto sócio histórico de emergência da cidadania e do desenvolvimento de suas distintas concepções, dentre elas a liberal, a marxista e a pós-moderna; o Pós-modernismo; os novos movimentos sociais e os limites da política de identidades; a trajetória sócio-histórica da Luta Antimanicomial; as concepções teórico-políticas que influenciaram e influenciam o movimento; e as várias concepções referentes à cidadania e à “cidadania do louco”. A análise documental deu-se a partir dos relatórios dos encontros dos movimentos que compõem a Luta Antimanicomial. A partir de um balanço analítico entre as concepções de cidadania adotadas pelos intelectuais e pela Luta Antimanicomial - em relação às concepções de cidadania liberal, pós-moderna e marxista - foi possível identificar a mudança na concepção de cidadania presente na Luta ao longo desses 20 anos de militância, bem como sua tergiversação à concepção inicial que norteava a Luta. / This essay has analyzed the citizenship conception defended by the Antimadhouse Struggle in Brazil, since its beginning in 1987, with the 2nd National Congress of the Mental Health Workers, until the late meetings of the movements that compose the Struggle, realized in 2007. It has been approached the Antimadhouse Struggle in a critical-dialectical perspective, covering a theoretical analytical way from the Bibliographical Research and the Documental Analysis, in which, firstly it has been approached the following themes: Modernity, while a social historical context of citizenship emergency and of the development of its distinct conceptions, among them the liberal, the Marxist and the post-modern ones; the Post-modernism; the new social movements and the limits of the identity politics; the social historical trajectory of the Antimadhouse Struggle; the theoretical-political conceptions that have influenced and influence the movement; and the several conceptions referring to citizenship and “mad people citizenship”. The Documental Analysis was done from the reports on the meetings of the movements that compose the Antimadhouse Struggle. From an analytical balance among the citizenship conceptions adopted by intellectuals and by the Antimadhouse Struggle – in relation to the liberal, post-modern and Marxist citizenship conceptions, it has been possible to identify the change on the citizenship conception presented by the Struggle along these 20 years of militancy, as well as its tergiversation towards the initial conception that led the Struggle.

Nous étudions un corpus de films dédiés aux luttes de libération autour de la Tricontinentale de 1966 à 1975. Par l’expression "tricontinentale", nous désignons les "trois continents" du tiers-monde (l'Afrique, l'Asie et l'Amérique Latine), et surtout la Conférence de Solidarité Tricontinentale qui s’est tenue à La Havane en 1966, ainsi que l'organisation et la revue du même nom. La Tricontinentale, dont Mehdi Ben Barka avait présidé le comité préparatoire de cet événement qui devait renforcer l'unité du tiers-monde en lutte contre l'impérialisme, le colonialisme et le néo-colonialisme à l’échelle mondiale. Nous commençons par retracer la genèse du cinéma dans les luttes de libération (la guerre d’indépendance algérienne), avant de proposer un corpus de films autour de la constellation tricontinentale, en prenant en compte l’image fixe (l’affiche) et animée (le film). Ensuite, ce corpus est mis en situation autour de deux axes principaux : l’Afrique et l’Amérique latine, avec la guerre du Vietnam en toile de fond. Il concerne notamment les cinéastes suivants : Santiago Álvarez, Julio García Espinosa, Mario Handler, William Klein, Yann Le Masson, Glauber Rocha, Alberto Roldán, Ugo Ulive, René Vautier. Ce cinéma de la libération du tiers-monde s’accompagne d’une production théorique que nous étudierons, à travers des textes comme : "Pour un cinéma parallèle" (anonyme), "Esthétique de la violence" (G. Rocha), "Vers un troisième cinéma" (F. Solanas et O. Getino"), "Pour un cinéma imparfait" (J. G. Espinosa). Les caractéristiques stylistiques et formelles de ces films axés sur la libération sont analysées, avant d’interroger le passage de l’heure des brasiers à l’heure des cendres et du désarroi, en questionnant l’apport théorique et pratique des films de notre corpus. / We study a corpus of films dedicated to the liberation struggles around the Tricontinental from 1966 to 1975. The expression "Tricontinental" applies to the three continents of the third world (Africa, Asia and Latin America), and mainly the Tricontinental Solidarity Conference which took place in Havana in1966, and also the organization and the publication with the same name. Mehdi Ben Barka was the Chairman of the Preparing Committee of the Tricontinental event, which had to reinforce the unity of the struggling third world against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism all over the world. First, we show the genesis of cinema in the liberation struggles (the Algerian war of independence). Then we create a corpus of films around the tricontinental constellation, taking into account the posters and the animated images. This corpus is located at two main places: Africa and Latin America, at the background of Vietnam war. It includes works directed by: Santiago Álvarez, Julio García Espinosa, Mario Handler, William Klein, Yann Le Masson, Glauber Rocha, Alberto Roldán, Ugo Ulive, René Vautier. Various texts were written accompanying this cinema of third world’s liberation. We examine theories and manifestos such as: "For a Parallel Cinema (Anonymous)", "Esthetic of violence" (G. Rocha), "Towards a third cinema" (F. Solanas and O. Getino), "For an Imperfect Cinema" (J.G. Espinosa). The stylistic and the formal characteristics of these films are analyzed, in order to question the crossing from the hour of furnaces to the hour of the ashes and confusion, thinking about the theoretical and practical impact of these films.

The objective of this thesis is to analyse whether Sri Lanka could have avoided the civil war, if changes in the constitution, from 1948 to 1978, offered a political structure guaranteeing the minority rights. Furthermore, the thesis intends to study if the Swiss and Lebanese political models could offer any guidelines for the Sri Lankan conflict. The stated purpose of the thesis is studied by analysing official documents, literatures and articles. The finding of the study is that Sri Lanka might have prevented the civil war if the constitutional arrangements had guaranteed the minority rights. The Sri Lankan conflict is a unique case, which probably requires its own resolution model. The Swiss and Lebanese models may be applicable in the Sri Lankan case to some extent. However, a possible solution that could prevent the current political and ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, by avoiding another fatal civil war, is to establish power-sharing political arrangements, under a federal state. Whether or not Sri Lanka can achieve a sustainable peace is a question of political willingness.

This work analyses the American family in context of society and its demands. It focuses on the cannonical works of the Modern American drama, namely plays of Tennessee Williams, Arthur Miller, Edward Albee, Sam Shepard and David Mamet. The playwrights are analysed in two distinctive groups according to similar themes they share. Tennessee Williams and Arthur Miller depict the family under increasing pressure from the outside as well from the inside. The unit disintegrates, members of the family escape and thus the unit loses its funtions. The pressure is imposed by the tenets of the American mythology that governs the society, which, in turn, influences the family. The common theme of the first group of playwrights is the feeling of loss. This comprises of two dimensions - spatial and tempoval. The second group of playwrights share the same theme of loss with its spatial and temporal implications. They are characteristic by their distinctive use of language that depicts the prevalent sense of doom, apocalypse, futility and sterility. The search for identity is also implied by the restlessness of characters. The detrimental effect of harsh business environment on the family is explored with regards to masculinity. The work shows the family in the context of the 1950s, an era when the family was elevated to...

La liberté de gestion en droit fiscal est confrontée, aussi bien à la multiplicité des choix et des stratégies offerts au contribuable, l’encourageant à chercher la voie la moins imposée, qu’à la consolidation des pouvoirs de l’administration fiscale afin de lutter contre la fraude et l’évasion fiscales. Flottant entre la protection de la liberté de gestion du contribuable et l’intensification de la lutte contre la fraude fiscale, les systèmes tunisiens et français se séparent et se recoupent sur certains points. L’approche comparative montre que dans les deux systèmes, la liberté de gestion n’est pas conçue de la même manière. En droit français, contrairement au droit tunisien, la jurisprudence a joué un rôle important dans la détermination des contours de la liberté de gestion à travers les notions d’origine prétorienne d’abus de droit et d’acte anormal de gestion. En droit tunisien, outre une législation fiscale qui affiche une certaine ambiguïté, la jurisprudence fiscale s’est montrée hésitante à tracer les contours de cette liberté. Les mécanismes de protection de cette liberté varient du droit français au droit tunisien. Toutefois, aussi bien en droit français qu’en droit tunisien, il n’existe pas un équilibre harmonieux entre la protection de la liberté de gestion du contribuable et la protection des intérêts du trésor. Le développement des moyens d’immixtion de l’administration entraine peu à peu le recul de cette liberté de gestion fiscale / Freedom of management in tax law faces both, an abundance of choices and strategies available to the taxpayer that he can initially use to seek the less taxed alternative as well as a strengthening of the tax administration’s powers geared towards reducing tax evasion and tax avoidance. Swaying between the protection of management freedom and the struggle against tax evasion, the Tunisian and French systems diverge and converge in a number of points. The aim of this research is to compare the French and Tunisian freedom of management in tax laws. The main results show that in the two systems, the freedom of management is not designed in the same way. Unlike the Tunisian law, case law has played an important role to define and outline freedom of management in the judicial concepts relating to abuse of right and abnormal act of management. In the Tunisian law, in addition to unclear tax legislation, the case law has appeared undecided to outline the freedom of management. The protective freedom of management mechanisms vary in the French law and the Tunisian law. However, in both the French law and Tunisian law, there isn’t a harmonious balance between protection of freedom of management and protection of treasury interest. The development of the interference means of the tax administration causes gradually the decline of the freedom of management

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The study outlines five areas of intervention in the development of women studies and politics on the continent. Firstly, it examines the problematic construction and the inclusion of women in the narratives of the liberation struggle in South Africa. Secondly, the study identifies the sphere of intellectual debates as one of the crucial sites in the production of historical knowledge about the legacies of liberation struggles on the continent. Thirdly, it traces the intellectual trajectory of Charlotte Maxeke as an embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. In this regard, the study traces Charlotte Maxeke as she deliberated and engaged on matters pertaining to the welfare of the Africans alongside the prominent intellectuals of the twentieth century. Fourthly, the study inaugurates a theoretical departure from the documentary trends that define contemporary studies on women and liberation movements on the continent. Fifthly, the study examines the incorporation of Maxeke's legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Women's Section of the African National Congress. In the areas identified, the study engages with the significance of the intellectual inputs of Charlotte Maxeke in South African history. / South Africa

The goal of this work is to give a comprehensive picture of the evolution and nature of corruption in Italy in the post-war period and closer to the action "Clean hands" and "Revolution of judges" as an example of anti-corruption efforts. These actions, aimed against political corruption, caused the principal changes of the political system in Italy in the beginning of 1992 (end of the so-called First Republic). Attention is paid to the problem of corruption in its theoretical plane, as well as the analysis of corruption in Italy, including the identification of factors causing corruption particularly in post-war period. These causes may be find in the nature of politics party system or a large-scale of organized crime etc. The main issue of this work is to find an answer on the question what where the results of the actions "Clean hands" and "Revolution of judges" and its effect on corruption in Italy. Furthermore, whether "revolutionary" events and subsequent changes of the political system caused strengthening of anti-corruption policy in Italy. Further what specific steps have been taken against corruption and what are the successes or failures of these events.

Partant d'un questionnement sur la logique de la pratique comme enjeu central de la vie intellectuelle française des années 1960, ce travail propose d'articuler une rencontre entre les pensées de Foucault et de Sartre. Sans minimiser leurs divergences, par quoi on a coutume de les opposer dans le cadre de la querelle de l'humanisme, il s'agit de faire apparaître un enjeu commun aux deux auteurs : la proposition d'une mise en intelligibilité de la pratique, entée sur un matériau historique dûment circonscrit. Cette rencontre permet de revisiter les notions de praxis, de généalogie, de politique de la vérité. Cela implique tout un renouvellement du geste théorique du côté d'une pensée en situation commune à l'intellectuel universel et à l'intellectuel spécifique, d'une pratique « historico-philosophique » soucieuse de saisir à bonne distance son objet – les « ensembles pratiques » – sans le déréaliser ni le surplomber, dans un rapport complexe entre passé et présent. L'espace théorique ainsi ouvert entre Foucault et Sartre sur cette question de l'intelligibilité de la pratique est également l'occasion d'une confrontation avec Marx et les marxismes (Althusser principalement), ainsi qu'avec les sciences sociales (Bourdieu surtout). / By questioning the logic of practice as the main topic of intellectual life in France in the 1960s, we shall undertake a confrontation between the ideas of Foucault and Sartre. Without playing down their differences of opinion, which have often been emphasized by the humanist dispute, we shall endeavor to bring forward a topic these two authors share: the proposal of an attempt at the intelligibility of practice, based on a duly defined historic material. Such a confrontation will enable us to examine thoroughly the notions of praxis, genealogy, and the politics of truth. This will entail radically new theories about a “situated thought” shared by both the universal intellectual and the specific intellectual, about a “historic and philosophical” practice which will not hold its object – the “practical ensembles” too close and will not derealize or overhang it, in a complex relation between past and present. The theoretical space which is open in this manner between Foucault and Sartre on the question of the intelligibility of practice also permits a confrontation with Marx and marxisms (Althusser mainly), as well as with social sciences (Bourdieu mostly).