本研究以2009年8月的莫拉克風災中出現的網路災情資訊平台及其行動者為研究對象。探討資訊平台作為民間災難資訊的彙整和即時傳遞，其能夠有效的條件為何？過去災難資訊與網際網路的研究主要探討，其作為新的媒體的傳播特質，因此，本研究除了建立在對資訊平台行動者擁有的技術條件之探究外，主要從「網路動員」的集體行動角度切入，探討該行動是基於何種人際網絡樣貌，而能讓此網路動員得以發生？ 透過次級資料收集和對資訊平台行動者的田野深度訪談發現，災情資訊平台有效性的問題不只是討論行動者擁有社會條件為何，更有趣的是行動者如何從中衍生有效性論述，並建構一套擬似「客觀」有效性標準，作為區隔他者資訊平台進而確立自身正當性的說法。借用Bourdieu象徵鬥爭(symbolic struggle)的分析觀點，對行動者如何進行資訊平台有效性的論述進一步分析。從行動者的有效性論述邏輯中，浮現一個爭奪資訊平台正當性的意見場域。災難情境作為一個突發性的例外狀態，不在政府例行化運作機制可以反應的程度，也因此使其原本作為救災以及災情資訊掌握的正統角色有了被挑戰的機會，而民間災情平台的集體行動則是挑戰此正當性的「異端」，透過網路開放式和平權化的特性，因而得以作到社會性的災情通報、彙整和溝通傳遞的資訊系統。 資訊平台的行動者作為一種網路動員並非僅是匿名而隨機的網友匯集，核心行動者多是屬於網路資訊圈或自由軟體的社群，其共享某些知識、價值或文化氛圍。他們熟悉網路資訊的傳遞或各種網站架構技術，再加上日常以網路資訊為共同興趣的聚會或交流形成不同的社群圈以及相對情感關係更緊密的「小圈圈」。線上、離線社交互動是跨越時、空限制的延續，彼此熟悉的程度高、信任度也高，也因此能協力完成高度動態分工的災情平台架構和維持。其他透過間接關係從網路上召募而來的資訊志工，則是受到災難感的情境影響，較平時更有機會產生對於組織或運作機制的系統信任。而災情資訊平台的有效性，除了建立在在網際網路技術物的開放和平權特性條件外，同時也在於行動者建構有效性論述，讓網路動員持續具有正當性，在災難情境中召喚更多人投入，形成另一股相對於「失靈」政府的公民動員的力量。 / This study aims at discussing the factors of information effectiveness presented in several online platforms built for Typhoon Morakot when it attacked Taiwan. Previous researches which have discussed information flows on the Internet during or after disasters focused on the media effect of the Internet. However, online information platforms built for Typhoon Morakot disaster were not only about the internet technology, but presented a social phenomenon of online mobilization. Based on this observation, this study underlines the discourse and relationship of the key actors ─ the bloggers and engineers, who constructed 4 major information platforms, and explored how these social factors make information platforms possible and effective. The methods of this research are through interview and second-hand data collection, and two results are analyzed and concluded as key factors which contribute to the effectiveness of information platforms. First, not only the actors’ technology or media background play an important role in effective problem of information platform but also their discourses about information effectiveness, which were based on their social conditions, were crucial. The key actors constructed seemingly “objective” standard in their discourse to justify their platforms’ legitimacy for distinguishing theirs from others. Borrowing Bourdieu’s theoretical lens of Symbolic Struggle, this study analyzed the context of actor’s discourses and found different logics of information effectiveness which emerged a field of opinion of discourse for legitimacy completion; at the same time, the government’s failure in dealing with the disasters as the background of the information platform’s appearing is also closely connected to legitimacy competition. The catastrophe that Typhoon Morakot brought to Taiwan was far beyond the government’s routinely mechanism can response to, and challenged government as the only orthodoxy of disaster information and rescue. Hence, civic action mobilized in delivering disaster information on several important internet platforms was the heterodoxy to challenge orthodoxy’s legitimacy. All these mobilization and competition of discourse are possible because of the open and equal-right characters of the Internet. Second, the online mobilization of information platform was not based on people’s random gathering, but based on most of the key actors belong to specific “circles”, such as those from the internet information or open-source communities. In the communities, these people are all interested in internet-related topics and are familiar with online communication technology. Moreover, they became much closer circles by regular meeting and daily communicating on social media and off-line parties for their common interest: internet and information. Their bonds and relationships are formed by intensive on-line and off-line daily practices which brought mutual understanding and trust ─ that is why they could work together and cooperate to keep the platform working.

This thesis concerns the differences in how ethinic groups co-exist in two different environments in the same country, with a focus on the ethno-political. My research questions are: Why are ethnic or interpersonal relations characterized differently in different regions? How and why do conflicts or agreements arise in specific environments? The aim is to understand the connection between inter-ethnic relations and environmentally specific factors. I am concerned with those mechanisms and processes which determine the type of ethnic relation – as conflict or mutual understanding - in specific environments. The thesis uses case studies of two contrasting multiethnic cities with different interethnic relations – Erbil and Kirkuk in Kurdistan/Iraq. My explanatory model consists of four main factors: I) historical factors in terms of critical events; II) institutional factors such as institutional efficiency and security; III) structural factors such as group size, territorial base and different tolerance systems; and IV) social relational factors such as the significance of inter-ethnic contacts and social capital. The empirical work demonstrates that the relations between the above mentioned factors in the respective environments determine the outcome of the inter-ethnic relations. The results show that one factor can be more important than another factor, but how the factors impact upon one another and under what circumstances is of significance. The presentation of environmentally specific differences shows that ethnic groups do not have static boundaries and are not necessarily hostile to one another. Conflict is not the given form of relationship between ethnic groups. That is, the result can be read as a critique of those who necessarily see potential conflicts between groups with cultural differences and those who essentialize cultural groups. In this context one can see a chain of interrelated factors; the relevance of which is dependent on the specific situation. Some of the negative factors that can increase the possibility of conflict and decrease the possibility for peaceful co-existence include: Instability in the political climate; insecurity; institutional ineffectiveness; segregation; undefined relations of power; and an ethnic composition maintaining the balance of power. If these factors combined result in a high level of complexity, which makes ethnicity stand out in terms of ethnic competition, the likelihood of ethnic conflict is significant.

In this dissertation a collaboration project in Swedish youth care is analysed. The aim of the project was to enhance coordination between the Social Services and the Swedish National Board of Institutional Care in order to make the efforts more efficient. The project also employed a number of coordinators. The overall purpose of this dissertation is to analyse conflicts, alliances and comparisons identifiable in interviews and observations. The analytic findings are put into an overall “collaboration context” represented by earlier research on the social phenomenon of “collaboration”. In this way the dissertation tries to contribute to a sociological understanding of a contemporary widespread phenomenon. The empirical materials of the study consist of recorded conversational interviews with 147 project participants (youngsters, parents and various professional categories) as well as observations of meetings, informal get-togethers and visits to institutions, Social Services offices, the head office of the National Board of Institutional Care and coordinators. The material was analysed using the analytic perspectives of Georg Simmel (1950/1964), Theodore Caplow (1968) and Erving Goffman (1959/2004). The analysis shows that the project manifested and led to struggles between organizations involving representatives from the Social Services, the National Board of Institutional Care and the project, as well as to several interpersonal conflicts between representatives from various categories of involved professionals, and the youngsters and their parents. The study also shows that the client, in such human service organizations, faces a significant risk of being marginalized. Professionals who appreciated the collaboration often drew their conclusions based on their interaction with other professionals, but the collaboration did not guarantee a successful treatment of the client. Conflicts concerning the roles of the coordinators and their written documents (“the agreements”) emerged and were actualized through the creation of the project. The coordinators and their “agreements” can be seen as the project’s most visible representatives and symbols, which during the project become both themes for conflict and actualize already established conflict patterns. The youngsters and their parents appreciated the projects’ coordinators who appeared as personally involved and able to make concrete changes. However, many of youngsters and their parents criticized the coordinators and even portrayed a victim identity in relation to the project. The coordinator’s relationship with the youngsters and their parents was mostly characterized by passivity. This is clearly apparent in the analysis of the administrative and/or passive coordinator. Different alliance constellations became visible in these presentations. When the coordinator roles were altered in the description, the alliance constellations change. It is a common strategy for clients in human service organizations to try to enter into alliances with professionals involved in their cases and, in so doing, try to alter the situation to their own advantage. The fact that these alliances are often sought by the client indicates, among other things, the client’s will to fight against the situation in which he/she finds him/herself. I believe that this can be seen as something productive rather than problematic. / I denna avhandling analyseras ett samverkansprojekt i den så kallade ungdomsvården i Sverige. Projektet hade som mål att förbättra samordningen mellan socialtjänsten och Statens institutionsstyrelse för att kunna effektivisera insatserna för samhällsomhändertagna ungdomar och deras familjer. I projektet var också ett antal samordnare anställda. Det övergripande syftet i avhandlingen är att analysera beskrivna och observerade konflikter, allianser och förklarande jämförelser som kan identifieras i intervjuer och observationer. Analytiska upptäckter sätts avslutningsvis i en mer övergripande ”samverkanskontext” som representeras av tidigare forskning om samhällsfenomenet ”samverkan”. På så vis försöker avhandlingen bidra till en sociologisk förståelse av ett samtida välspritt fenomen.Studiens empiriska material är inspelade samtalsintervjuer med 147 projektdeltagare (institutionsplacerade ungdomar, deras föräldrar och olika yrkeskategorier inom socialtjänsten, Statens institutionsstyrelse och projektet) samt observationer av organiserade möten, informella träffar före och efter intervjuer eller möten, samt vid besök på institutioner, socialtjänstkontor, Statens institutionsstyrelses huvudkontor och samordnarnas kontor. Materialet analyserades vidare med analytiska utgångspunkter från Georg Simmel (1950/1964), Theodore Caplow (1968) och Erving Goffman (1959/2004).Analysen visar att projektet manifesterade och medförde mellanorganisatoriska kamper mellan socialtjänsten, Statens institutionsstyrelse och projektet samt en rad interpersonella konflikter mellan representanter för olika professionella yrkeskategorier, ungdomar och föräldrar. Studien visar också att klienten i människovårdande organisationer löper en betydande risk att hamna utanför nya samarbeten. De myndighetspersoner som upplever ett bra samarbete drar ofta sina slutsatser utifrån interaktionen med andra professionella men det upplevda samarbetet behöver inte bli någon garanti för framgångsrik behandling av klienten. Konflikter om samordnarnas sätt att agera (samordnarroller) och samordnarnas skriftliga dokument, ”överenskommelsen”, har aktualiserats med projektets tillkomst. Samordnarna och deras ”överenskommelse” kan ses som projektets synligaste representanter och symboler, som under projektets gång blir både ämnen för konflikter och aktualiserar redan etablerade konfliktmönster. Ungdomarna och föräldrarna förkastar emellanåt myndighetspersonernas ageranden som moraliskt felaktiga, gestaltar sin offeridentitet samt försöker vända situationen till att bli fördelaktig för dem själva. Samordnarnas relation till ungdomar och föräldrar präglas mestadels av passivitet. Detta framträder tydligt i analysen av en administrativ och/eller passiv samordnarroll. I dessa framställningar är även olika allianskonstellationer synliga. När samordnarroller förändras i beskrivningen, förändras även allianskonstellationer.Att klienten i människovårdande organisationer söker ingå allianser med myndighetspersoner är en vanlig strategi för att försöka vända situationen till sin fördel. Att dessa allianser söks ofta av klienten indikerar bland annat klientens vilja till fortsatt kamp – mot den situationen i vilken klienten befinner sig. Jag menar att detta kan ses som något produktivt snarare än problematiskt.

The research examines the interface of history and fiction. It predominantly focuses on historical fiction on the Zimbabwean liberation war written in Shona, Ndebele and English and published after the attainment of political independence in 1980. Historical fiction on the liberation war is both biographical and autobiographical. Consequently, the study comes to the conclusion that historical fiction is a veritable stakeholder in the history issue in Zimbabwe. It becomes another type or source of history that cannot be papered over when dealing with the nation’s history. In a nation where liberation war history is not only taken seriously, but is also a vigorously contested terrain, historical fiction becomes part of those discursive contestations, particularly on nation and nationalism. It is in this regard that the study problematises the interface of history and fiction by reasoning that historical fiction published in the early 1980s largely advances a state-centered perspective which views history, nation and nationalism in positive terms. This discourse uses history in order to argue for a single nation that derives its identity from the heroic and symbolic guerrilla characters. Nationalism is exclusively presented as humanising and as being the sole legitimate political brand capable of leading the nation. On the other hand, historical fiction written in English and published in the late 1980s onwards represents alternative historical truths that contest nationalism and debunk official definitions of nation. This discourse leads to the pluralisation of perspectives on nation and nationalism. The focus on historical fiction published in three languages used in Zimbabwe is a conscious attempt to transcend ethnicity in critical scholarship. Discussing novels in Shona, Ndebele and English, which are the three main languages in Zimbabwe, makes it possible for the study to draw reasoned conclusions on the bearing of time, language, region and background among others on historical representation. This undertaking brings to the fore how literature responding to similar historical processes appears moderately conjunctive and principally disjunctive. Correspondingly, it also shows various trends in the development of liberation war fiction in Zimbabwe. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

ARAÚJO, Raquel Dias. O movimento estudantil nos tempos da barbárie: a luta dos estudantes da UECE em defesa da universidade pública. 2006. 286f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza-CE, 2006. / Submitted by Maria Josineide Góis (josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-13T13:27:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Tese_RDARAÚJO.pdf: 1479161 bytes, checksum: c60aa5815a54b2134856239ab2f736c7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-17T14:12:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Tese_RDARAÚJO.pdf: 1479161 bytes, checksum: c60aa5815a54b2134856239ab2f736c7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-17T14:12:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Tese_RDARAÚJO.pdf: 1479161 bytes, checksum: c60aa5815a54b2134856239ab2f736c7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / The research was developed within the Work and Education Section of the Graduate Program in Education of Federal University of Ceará (UFC), being, furthermore, associated to the investigative program of the Work, Education and Class Struggle Research Group of the Labor Movement Studies and Research Institute of Ceará State University (IMO/UECE). It intended to investigate the historical role performed by the student movement in defense of the public university, attempting, at the same time, to point out the main factors which account for the privatizacion and commercializacion of higher education in the last two decades, as well as the responses given by the student movement in general to such problem. The specific locus of the research was Ceará State University (UECE), and more particulary, its Pedagogy Course. The study was basead upon the marxist theoretical and methodological perspective, thus, attempting to establish the relationships between the public university tragedy and the deep, structural crisis of capital; as well as, to analyze the student movement in the context of class struggle. A thorough review of literature; an analysis of a consistent amount of documents; and open or/and semi-structured interviews applied to a number of current and former student leaders were the data collection procedures. The study drew an historical overview of UECE student movement, with greater emphansis put upon the actions undertaken in defense of public university, under the leadership of the Student Central Organization (DCE), throughout is fifteen administrative turns, and those put into effect by the Pedagogic Academic Centre (CA), in the course of its nineteen turns. The results of the study indicate that the student movement is not a thing of the past. In fact, it was brought back to life, in 2005, after nearly ten years of reflux, through a general strike, which was yet to take place at UECE, and was able to united students and labor unions in favor of the continued existence of public university. / A pesquisa insere-se no Núcleo Trabalho e Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação da Universidade Federal do Ceará e no Grupo de Pesquisa Trabalho, Educação e Luta de Classes do Instituto de Estudos e Pesquisas do Movimento Operário da Universidade Estadual do Ceará - IMO/UECE. Assumiu como objetivo central investigar o papel histórico desempenhado pelo movimento estudantil - ME quanto à defesa da universidade pública, explicitando os principais determinantes econômicos e político-iedológicos do processo de privatização/mercantilização da educação superior, nas duas últimas décadas, e seus rebatimentos sobre a organização e a luta dos estudantes. Nesse sentido, elegeu como objeto específico o ME da UECE, pondo o foco o lugar ocupado pelo Centro Acadêmico - CA de Pedagogia, nesse contexto. Buscou-se, nesse trabalho, empreender uma análise crítica, à luz do referencial materialista histórico dialético, acerca da problemática da universidade pública no quadro da mais profunda crise do sistema do capital, e do papel do ME no contexto da luta de classes. Para tanto, utilizou-se de uma ampla revisão da literatura, mediante pesquisa bibliográfica; de análise de um expressivo conjunto de documentos, incluindo-se fotografias; de entrevistas abertas e semi-estruturadas junto a líderes e ex-líderes estudantis. A pesquisa resgata a trajetória histórica do ME da UECE, destacando as lutas desempenhadas em defesa do caráter público da universidade, tanto no que se refere àquelas encampadas pelo Diretório Central dos Estudantes - DCE, ao longo de suas quinze gestões, quanto àquelas implementadas pelo CA de Pedagogia, no decorrer de suas dezenove gestões, reafirmando, com base nos dados levantados, que o movimento estudantil não é coisa do passado, haja vista o seu ressurgimento após quase dez anos de refluxo, através da deflagração de uma greve geral inédita na história da UECE, que uniu o ME e o movimento sindical em prol da universidade pública.

Através da etnografia entre interlocutores da etnia kaingang, a tese trata das “lutas” destes em busca de seus “direitos civis”. Esta problemática kaingang vem sendo percebida a partir de suas relações conflitivas com um denominado “mundo dos brancos”. Este conflito é percebido desde o tempo de fugas ancestrais em êxodo, até a contemporaneidade do atual “tempo das retomadas”. Os “brancos”, “não-índios”, ou os não-kaingang, em “idioma” da etnia, os fog, vem consolidando sua “civilização” sobre território kaingang, através de suas “frentes pioneiras” de “colonização” e “expansão”. Se percebeu estruturalmente uma presente colonialidade do poder nas redes de relações entre os fog e os kaingang, que perspassaram tempo e espaço. Um processo inicial de acumulação primitiva de capital, o denominado “colonialismo”, sobre os povos indígenas e seus territórios, passou a um “capitalismo”, de caráter “ordenador”, “progressivo” e “desenvolvimentista”, a partir de uma metafísica fundada em uma economia da “posse”. Estes processos econômicos fog vem sendo aplicados num processo de conquista dos territórios ancestrais da etnia, o Planalto Meridional Brasileiro. O outrora “mundo indígena kaingang”, o mundo dos “tronco-velhos”, de uma totalidade de densas matas, campos e afluentes de água doce em abundância, de seres e coisas, é progressivamente ocupado pelo “mundo dos brancos”, infra-estrutural antrópico, da ordem cultural da “racionalidade”, refletida na “materializada” instrumentalidade técnica baseada na “funcionalidade” de “materiais” e recursos de uma dita “natureza”. Esta instrumentalidade gera um mundo de destruição ambiental, somado a regimes territoriais de “propriedades” dos fog, que restringem a livre circulação dos grupos comunitários kaingang por sobre suas terras até a busca por um total confino destes últimos em “reduções” territoriais. A etnografia acompanhou a “luta pela Terra” dos grupos cosmopolíticos da etnia, onde agentes kaingang mantém um modo de vida baseado em uma cosmologia de “pertença a Terra”, em choque e conflitos com o “mundo dos brancos” e seus agentes fog, que mantém um modo de vida baseado no individualismo, numa lógica dita “racional”, de “mercado” e de “ciência” e “posse” da Terra. Esta “luta pela Terra kaingang” hoje está colocada em reivindicações territoriais da etnia, através de “Territórios Indígenas” garantidos pela Constituição Federal (CF/88), em um território em sua quase totalidade hoje ocupado pelos “empreendimentos” dos fog, “fazendas”, “granjas”, “lavouras de cultivo”, “moradas dos brancos”, “rodovias”, “cidades”, “indústrias” e ou mesmo “parques” e demais “áreas públicas”. / Through Ethnography between interlocutors kaingang ethnicity, the thesis deals with the "struggles" of those in the quest of their "civil rights". Kaingang this problem has been perceived from their conflictual relations with a so-called "white world". This conflict is perceived since the time of ancient trails in exodus until nowadays the current "time of the land retakes". "Whites", "non-Indians", or non-kaingang in "language" of ethnicity, the fóg, has been consolidating its "civilization" on kaingang territory, through its "pioneer fronts" of "colonization" and "expansion". It's been realized structurally a present coloniality of power in networks of relations between fóg and kaingang that came throught time and space. An initial process of primitive accumulation of capital, the so-called "colonialism" over indigenous peoples and their territories became to a "capitalist" character "originator", "progressive" and "developmental", from a metaphysics founded at a cost of "ownership". These fog economic processes has been applied to a conquest process of the ancestral territories of ethnic, the Brazilian Southern Plateau. The once "kaingang indigenous world", the world of "old trunk", a totality of dense forests, fields, and freshwater tributaries in plenty, of beings and things, are gradually occupied by the "white world", infra-anthropic structural, cultural order of "rationality", reflected in the "embodied" technical instrumentality based on the "functionality" of "material" and features a so-called "nature." This creates a world of environmental destruction, coupled with territorial regimes "properties" of the fóg, which restrict the free movement of kaingang community groups over their lands to search for a total confine of the latter in territorial "reductions". Ethnography accompanied the "struggle for land" of cosmopolitic ethnic groups, where kaingang agents maintains a way of life based on a universe of "belonging to Land" in shock and conflicts with the "white world" and their fóg agents, that maintains a way of life based on individualism, in a logic that dictates it's self as "rational", "market" and "science" and "ownership" of the Earth. This "struggle for kaingang Land" today is placed on territorial claims of ethnicity, through "Indian Territory" guaranteed by the Federal Constitution (FC / 88), in a territory almost entirely occupied today by the "projects" of the fóg, "farms","plantations","growing crops","white homes","highway","cities","industries "and or" parks "and other" public areas".

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3959.pdf: 1655292 bytes, checksum: 707a457777782cfe766baf2661c3c77b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-18 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / The thesis discusses the relationship between the Brazilian s military dictatorship and the armed left in the years 1960-70 and its effects on the social memory about that period. The preparation of the 1964 coup and the structuring of the military regime are often attributed to the National Security Doctrine (DSN), which would have be the rational basis of the action and the thought of the Brazilian military. From this point of view, build an efficient information-repressive apparatus would result by the DSN s guidelines. However, as the thesis demonstrates, the armed left never represented a real threat to the dictatorship. Using precisely the guerrillas as a justification for the intensification of the regime, part of the Armed Forces tried to impose on other military trends. Later, when the social memory about the military period began to be built, the armed left appeared as responsible for the end of the dictatorship, when we know that the regime was the one who gained strength in the combating of guerrillas. The establishment, consolidation and reproduction of this and other myths about the old left armed occurred during the amnesty mobilization, in the late of the 1970 s, and the Diretas Já!, in the next decade, when the former guerrillas have been in contact with several sectors society that opposed the dictatorship and fought for the return of democracy. / A tese discute a relação entre a ditadura militar e a esquerda armada brasileira nos anos 1960- 70 e seus reflexos na memória social a respeito daquele período. A preparação do golpe de 1964 e a estruturação do regime militar freqüentemente são atribuídas à Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN), que teria fundamentado racionalmente a ação e o pensamento dos militares brasileiros. Desse ponto de vista, a montagem de um eficiente aparato informativorepressivo seria resultante das diretrizes da DSN. Porém, como o trabalho demonstra, a esquerda armada jamais representou uma ameaça concreta à ditadura. Usando precisamente a guerrilha como justificativa para o recrudescimento do regime, parte das Forças Armadas buscou se impor sobre as demais tendências militares. Mais tarde, quando a memória social acerca do período militar começou a ser construída, a esquerda armada apareceu como uma das responsáveis pelo fim da ditadura, quando se sabe que o regime foi quem se fortaleceu no combate à guerrilha. A criação, consolidação e reprodução desse e de outros mitos a respeito da antiga esquerda armada ocorreu durante a mobilização pela anistia, no final dos anos 1970, e nas Diretas Já!, na década seguinte, quando ex-guerrilheiros estiveram em contato com amplos setores da sociedade que se opunham à ditadura e lutavam pela volta da democracia.

Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-04-04T17:55:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseKAOM.pdf: 2153648 bytes, checksum: 6a872076e7482232cc7bfaa8551529cb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-04-11T14:25:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseKAOM.pdf: 2153648 bytes, checksum: 6a872076e7482232cc7bfaa8551529cb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-04-11T14:26:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseKAOM.pdf: 2153648 bytes, checksum: 6a872076e7482232cc7bfaa8551529cb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-11T14:35:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseKAOM.pdf: 2153648 bytes, checksum: 6a872076e7482232cc7bfaa8551529cb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-27 / Não recebi financiamento / This work is a result of various concerns that have marked the personal and professional life of the researcher. We undertook efforts to investigate the social practice of the School Life of adult students who attend the Novo Horizonte School located in rural settlement called Santa Helena in São Carlos city - São Paulo state - and we seek to answer which educational processes are emerging from this social practice. To understand how seated teenagers and adults are educated regarding the social practice of the School Life; to describe those educational process and to analyze the meanings of this social practice in the life of its participants, we opted to utilize a methodological approach with a qualitative focus guided by a participative research. To collect the data, we used informal notes, informal chats and semi-structured interviews. As a result of this study, we identified that: participate in the struggle for a place to live is a way to educate; the absent of schooling does not mean the removal of fundamental knowledge for the life of the settlers of Santa Helena; the school life is configured as an important tool for strengthening the bonds of those who attends the literacy room of Novo Horizonte school, identified as a place for meetings and for the promotion of sociability; the field requires a different kind of school that promotes sociability of their subjects and respect their way of life, which should serve as a basis for their schooling. We hope that this work provokes new reflections about the social practice of the School Life and the way of life of men and women in rural settlements and, from these considerations, the resizing of new and other pedagogical approaches that consider their social and political reality and perceptions, desires and educational needs of these individuals. / O presente trabalho surgiu em decorrência de várias inquietações que marcaram a vida pessoal e profissional da pesquisadora. Nele empreendemos esforços para investigar a prática social do Convívio Escolar de pessoas adultas que freqüentam a Escola Novo Horizonte situada no Assentamento Rural Santa Helena, na cidade de São Carlos - SP, e buscamos responder que processos educativos emergem dessa prática social. Com o objetivo de compreender como os jovens e adultos assentados se educam tomando como base a prática social do Convívio Escolar; descrever esses processos educativos e analisar os significados dessa prática social para a vida dos seus participantes, optou-se por uma abordagem metodológica de caráter qualitativo direcionada pela pesquisa participante. Para coleta dos dados utilizamos como instrumentos o Diário de Campo; a Roda de Conversa e Entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Como resultados desse estudo, identificamos que: participar da luta pela terra educa; a não escolarização, não significa a destituição de saberes fundamentais para a vida dos assentados e assentadas do Santa Helena; o convívio escolar configura-se como ferramenta importante para o fortalecimento dos vínculos daqueles e daquelas que frequentam a sala de alfabetização da Escola Novo Horizonte, identificada como lugar de encontro e promoção da sociabilidade; o campo exige um outro tipo de escola, que promova a sociabilidade dos seus sujeitos e o respeito aos seus modos de vida, que deve servir como base para a sua escolarização. Esperamos que esse trabalho provoque novas reflexões sobre a prática social do Convívio Escolar e os modos de vida dos homens e mulheres em contextos de assentamentos rurais e, a partir de tais reflexões, o redimensionamento de novas e outras propostas pedagógicas que levem em conta a sua realidade social e política, bem como as percepções, desejos e necessidades educativas desses sujeitos.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:39:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4343.pdf: 3053937 bytes, checksum: e308302736db1cb30a3908e3bf939ac2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-24 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The objective of this research is to learn about the peasant women s level of understanding about health and identify their common healthcare practices, as well as their process to transfer knowledge. This study is based on the theory of Popular Education and Popular Education and Health. It adopts an amplified conception of health, which includes its social dimensions, healthcare and popular practices. It is attached to the context of the peasant women s fight for settlements, which has also been theoretically and conceptually investigated in this study. The methodological reference adopted was the participant observation, which promotes the realization of interactive activities that combines social investigation, educational work and action. Twelve female settlers from Monte Alegre settlement, State of São Paulo, were interviewed. Data was collected in the period between April 2010 and July 2011. Fifteen visits were made to the settlement, where participatory observations were made and transferred to field notes subsequently, as well as two interviews and one meeting organized by the female settlers to plan the next group conversation between the women. In order to realize the field work, a careful insertion was made in the community s workplace, in the bakery, where the women of the Women Association of Monte Alegre VI was approached. This period of relationship and sharing was fundamental for the study, because during meetings and working hours, a closest relationship to the women was developed, which favored a positive trustworthy atmosphere to the realization of interviews to satisfy the central theme around the women s comprehension of health, their personal experiences, the care practices utilized by them and its related educational process. The following data was separated for further analysis and discussion: 1) ALL OF THAT IS HEALTH and 2) THE CARE TO HEALTH AS SOCIAL PRACTICE. The data analysis shows that the women s conception of health is a combination of health and society, and takes in consideration biological, psychic, emotional aspects of health, as well as socio-economic. The data points to health care practices: the multiprofessional assistance offered by health services, the production and utilization of homemade medication, the partnership, the dialogue, the active listening and the social mobilizations. It was found that agrarian work and gender oppression were aspects that influenced the female peasant s health practices. The educational processes related to health care practices are the ones found in familiar, professional, communitarian relationship as well as the ones available through different medias and past social movement s experiences. The female settlers make themselves aware of health care issues through dialogue, researching books and magazines, studying, consulting with professionals and by learning from the attempting of diverse practices. Consequently, the peasant women are able to assess the best practices of health care, and maintain the process of knowledge transfer, based on which past social experiences are considered more adequate. Educational processes are also present during the preparation of women and men for agrarian work, as well as work division based on gender. / A presente pesquisa teve como objetivos conhecer a compreensão atribuída por mulheres camponesas à saúde e identificar as práticas sociais de cuidado com a saúde, bem como os processos educativos por elas desencadeados. Ancora-se no referencial teórico da Educação Popular e Educação Popular e Saúde, adotando uma concepção ampliada de saúde ao incluir as suas dimensões sociais, o cuidado em saúde e as práticas populares de saúde. Insere-se no contexto da luta pela terra de mulheres camponesas assentadas, também objeto de estudo teórico-conceitual desta pesquisa. Como referencial metodológico adotou-se a pesquisa participante que prevê, então, a realização de uma atividade integrada entre investigação social, trabalho educacional e ação. Participaram dessa pesquisa 12 mulheres do Assentamento Monte Alegre, interior do estado de São Paulo, com dados coletados no período de abril de 2010 a julho de 2011. Foram feitas 15 (quinze) visitas ao assentamento onde se realizaram as observações de natureza participante, com posteriores anotações em diário de campo, além de duas entrevistas e uma reunião organizada pelas próprias mulheres assentadas, foco desta pesquisa, para planejarmos coletivamente futuras Rodas de Conversa. Assim, para o trabalho de campo, realizou-se uma cuidadosa inserção que possibilitou conhecer e ser conhecida pelas mulheres da Associação de Mulheres Assentadas do Assentamento Monte Alegre VI em seu ambiente de trabalho, a padaria do núcleo seis do assentamento. Esse período de convivência foi fundamental para a pesquisa, pois, ao longo das visitas e do trabalho junto às mulheres, estabeleceram-se vínculos que favoreceram a criação de um ambiente acolhedor e de confiança para a realização das entrevistas que teriam como temática central a compreensão de saúde por parte das entrevistadas, suas experiências pessoais, as práticas de cuidado utilizadas e os processos educativos envolvidos nessas práticas. Para análise e discussão dos dados foram apreendidas as seguintes categorias: 1) TUDO ISSO É SAÚDE e 2) O CUIDADO À SAÚDE COMO PRÁTICA SOCIAL. A análise dos dados aponta que a concepção de saúde expressa por essas mulheres articula saúde e sociedade, considerando tanto os aspectos biológicos, psíquicos e emocionais da saúde, como também os sócio-econômicos. Os dados apontam como práticas de cuidado à saúde a assistência multiprofissional oferecida pelos serviços de saúde, a produção e a utilização de remédios caseiros, o companheirismo, o diálogo, a escuta ativa e as mobilizações sociais. Perceberam-se aspectos do trabalho que estão relacionados à saúde no campo, além de terem sido mencionados aspectos de opressão nas relações de gênero que influenciam na saúde das camponesas. Os processos educativos relacionados com as práticas de cuidado à saúde são, então, aqueles que se dão nas relações familiares, com profissionais ou com outras pessoas da comunidade, além dos proporcionados pelas diferentes mídias e os que acontecem nos movimentos sociais. As mulheres do assentamento se educam, portanto, para os cuidados em saúde dialogando, pesquisando em livros e revistas, estudando, consultando profissionais e experimentando as diversas práticas que aprendem nesse processo. Desta forma elas conseguem avaliar os melhores resultados para a saúde e com isso dão continuidade aos processos educativos dessa prática social, ensinando e recorrendo às práticas que consideram mais adequadas. Processos educativos também estão presentes na formação para o trabalho no campo de homens e mulheres que se preparam, entre outras coisas, para a divisão sexual desse trabalho.

The present work aims to analyze the territorial impacts caused by the implementation of agricultural settlement in the Municipality of Esplanada — BA. To accomplish this objective it was necessary analyze relevant themes inside the Brazilian agricultural issue, like struggle for land, land structure and the government‘s role in the settlement consolidation process, above all the role of the Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA, Colonization and Agricultural Reform National Institute), main responsible for the implementation and support to the development of Brazilian agricultural settlements. The struggle for land in Esplanada was strongly marked by the presence of a fray, who, when assumed the role of leader of the peasants, managed to influence the implementation of five settlements. The land structure of Esplanada present relative values close to Brazil and Bahia. Those values show high concentration of lands and poor distribution of agricultural areas, where the latifundium, besides having the biggest area percentage, continue to expand. Despite the settlement implementation, the high concentration of areas continue. The government with a timid settlement creation policy by dispossession cannot decentralize lands. Many of those settlements, like the ones form the Municipality in this study, find themselves only in the created settlement category, far away from becoming consolidated. The INCRA cannot execute its role effectively, having strong influence in the development of these settlements. Despite the problems face by the settlers, the territorial impacts caused by the settlement implementation are many. Those considerably improved their lives regarding to education, dwelling, alimentation and income. Moreover, the settlements also provided a new socioeconomic dynamic in the Municipality. In this context, are evident the positive impact of the settlements in the lives of the settlers, whom are completely inserted in the Municipality development. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os impactos territoriais causados pela implantação dos assentamentos rurais no município de Esplanada (BA). Para alcançar esse objetivo foi necessário analisar temas relevantes relativos à questão agrária brasileira, como a luta pela terra, a estrutura fundiária e o papel do governo no processo de consolidação dos assentamentos, sobretudo a atuação do Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA), principal responsável pela implementação e apoio ao desenvolvimento dos assentamentos rurais brasileiros. A luta pela terra em Esplanada foi fortemente marcada pela presença de um Frei, que, ao assumir o papel de líder dos camponeses, conseguiu influenciar a implantação de cinco assentamentos. A estrutura fundiária de Esplanada apresenta valores relativos próximos à do Brasil e à da Bahia. Esses valores evidenciam alta concentração de terras e má distribuição de áreas agriculturáveis, sendo que os latifúndios, além de possuírem os maiores percentuais de áreas, continuam a se ampliar. Apesar da implantação dos assentamentos, a alta concentração de terras continua. O governo, com uma tímida política de criação de assentamentos via desapropriação, não consegue desconcentrar terras. Muitos desses assentamentos, como os do município em questão, encontram-se apenas na categoria de assentamentos criados, longe de se tornarem consolidados. O INCRA não consegue executar seu papel de forma eficaz, tendo forte influência no lento desenvolvimento desses assentamentos. Apesar dos problemas enfrentados pelos assentados, os impactos territoriais causados pela implantação dos assentamentos são muitos. Os assentados melhoraram consideravelmente suas vidas em relação à educação, à moradia, à alimentação e à renda. Além disso, os assentamentos também proporcionaram uma nova dinâmica socioeconômica ao município. Nesse contexto, são evidentes os impactos positivos dos assentamentos na vida dos assentados, que se encontram completamente inseridos no desenvolvimento do município.