Notre thèse se propose de démontrer dans quelle mesure et par quels procédés Alves Redol s’inspire de la crise viticole du Alto Douro (1907-1915) sous ses aspects humains, politiques et socio-économiques pour élaborer l’architecture de sa trilogie. Cette problématique permet de découvrir combien la possession et la dépossession de la terre sont incontestablement deux axes fondamentaux qui décident du sort des protagonistes. Ce travail consiste à s’interroger sur les différents mécanismes qui sont au début de cette crise viticole, qui ont engendré un déséquilibre économique et par conséquent, d’importants changements tant au niveau de l’organisation sociale qu’au niveau des rapports sociaux. L’objectif de ce travail est de montrer comment la terre schisteuse du Douro, productrice du vin de Porto, façonne foncièrement l’homme dans sa dépendance fatale de la rigueur inexorable des saisons. Les viticulteurs dans la trilogie redolienne, et par le biais de l’intertextualité, sont aux prises avec une multitude de difficultés dues à plusieurs éléments : facteurs législatifs (signature d’un traité de vente de vin avec et en faveur de l’Angleterre) ; facteurs naturels (sous-production avec le phylloxéra et le mildiou) ; facteurs humains (surproduction et mévente avec la concurrence et surtout avec la contrefaçon du vin de Porto). Dans le sillage des théories marxistes-léninistes et du matérialisme dialectique, nous avons tenté de montrer que, malgré les procédés d’animalisation et de perspectives de privations continuelles des viticulteurs et des sans terre par les détenteurs des moyens de production, la masse rurale unie, réussit à se révolter contre l’exploitant et pour un nouvel ordre social. / Our thesis intends to prove to what extent and by what processes Alves Redol inspired by the Alto Douro wine-growing crisis (1907-1915) in its human, political and socio-economic dimensions to develop the architecture of his trilogy. Posing the problem in this fashion enables us to highlight that land ownership and dispossession are unquestionably two main axes which have an influence on the protagonists’fate. Our work examines the different mechanisms at the root of the wine-growing crisis, which created an economic imbalance, and consequently important changes in social organization as well as social relationships. This work aims at showing how the Upper Douro’s schistose soil, a key element in Porto wine production, also fundamentally fashions man and makes him dependent on the rigour of the cycle of seasons. In Redol’s trilogy, wine-growers, through the intertextuality process, are confronted with many difficulties due to various elements, whether they be legislative (the signing of a wine sales treaty in favour of England), natural (underproduction caused by phylloxera and mildew), or human (overproduction and bad sales due to competition and counterfeiting of Port wine). In keeping with Marxist-Leninist theories and dialectic materialism, we intend to show that, in spite of the dehumanization process and constant deprivation of wine-growers and landless people by those who control means of production, the united rural world succeeded in rebelling against its exploiters to achieve a new social order.

This study pursues the quest and struggle for total liberation in post-independence Shona poetry. The study also relies on views of key respondents obtained through interviews and questionnaires. Couched and guided by Afrocentricity and Africana womanism, the study elucidates the politico-economic and socio-cultural factors that militate against Africa’s total liberation in general as well as women’s liberation, respectively. Simultaneously, critical judgments are passed on the extent to which poets immerse their art in African existential philosophy. The study is energized by the idea that pursuing the quest for authentic liberation provides a lens through which one can understand threats to Africa’s true liberation. It observes that poets and key informants largely attribute ersartz independence to internal problems. The researcher holds that it is problematic to hold a domesticated vision of the African condition to the extent that poets and other literary workers need to widen their canvas beyond fighting internal oppression and internationalise the struggle. The researcher argues that it is myopic and self-defeating to protest against Africa itself without giving adequate attention to the incapacitating hegemonic world system. Therefore, the poetry is lacking on its critique on domination. The centerpiece of the thesis is that in order to be purposeful and functional, poets need to grapple with both endogenous and exogenous factors that obstruct the march towards genuine liberation. The study also observes that in some instances poets produce cheap literature which is marked by a narrow and moralistic approach and this is attributable to the fact that poets lack a scientific vision in understanding reality. Concerning women’s authentic liberation, the commonly identified obstacles to women’s freedom are the male counterpart, self-depreciation, lack of education and culture. The study observes that women poets in Ngatisimuke (1994) and key respondents seem to approach gender relations from a feminist perspective and hence fail to situate women’s condition in the context of the history and culture that shape African gender relations. Women poets in Ngatisimuke fall short of internationalising their struggle in concert with the male counterpart such that their poetry degenerates into sponsored and misguided activism. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

The invisible struggle for the purpose of leisure time pedagogy  - a study of discourses about leisure time pedagogy The aim of the study is to examine and highlight the discursive struggle about the main purpose of leisure time pedagogy in school in a democratic society. Thereby my aim is to deepen the discussion about what leisure time pedagogy is and should be. The examination of different purposes is based on Gert J.J. Biestas different educational concepts qualification, socialization and subjectification. The study is based on a webb survey answered by 71 leisure time pedagogues, and interviews answered by 6 leisure time pedagogues. Findings from the webb survey suggests that most of the respondents believe their administration think the most important duty of leisure time pedagogy is different from their own. Most of the respondents indicated socialisation or subjectification of students as their most important duty, while most of them think their administration designate the students qualification as most important. The interviews where recorded, transcribed, and later analysed in line with Ernesto Laclau ́s and Chantal Mouffe ́s discourse theory. From the interviews I was able to map out 3 different discourses about the main purpose of leisure time pedagogy according to leisure time pedagogues: the socially oriented discourse, the knowledge oriented discourse and the identity oriented discourse. I was also able to map out one discourse based on leisure time pedagogues views on how they think their administrations anticipation on leisure time pedagogy differ from their own beliefs. In conclusion most leisure time pedagogues believes their main purpose is to help students develop social skills and personal identity, while they believe their endeavor to do so, is interfered either by their administrations designated purpose with leisure time pedagogy or their anticipation on leisure time pedagogues to help teachers and to support pupils development of subject knowledge, rather than to plan and elaborate with leisure time pedagogy. The study suggests that the different discourses, while not properly articulated, may lead to misunderstandings and a false feeling of agreement when there is none. This is why there seems to be a need to really discuss and clarify different comprehensions of the meaning of the main concepts of leisure time pedagogy in order to articulate the discursive struggle. / Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka och lyfta den diskursiva kampen om fritidspedagogikens roll och syfte inom skolan i ett demokratiskt samhälle. Genom detta är min förhoppning att studien kan bidra till att fördjupa diskussionen om vad fritidspedagogiken är och bör vara. Fritidspedagogikens syfte undersöks utifrån Biestas utbildningsfunktionskategorier kvalificering, socialisation och subjektifiering. Studien baseras på en webbenkät som besvarats av 71 fritidspedagoger och intervjuer med 6 fritidspedagoger. Resultatet från webbenkäten visar att de flesta av fritidspedagogerna tror att skolledningens uppfattning om fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag skiljer sig från deras egen. De flesta menade att elevernas socialisation eller subjektifiering var fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag, men att de trodde att skolledningen menade att fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag var elevernas kvalificering. Intervjuerna spelades in med ljudupptagningsapparat, transkriberades och analyserades därefter med hjälp av Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori. Utifrån intervjuerna kunde tre diskurser om fritidspedagogers egen uppfattning om fritidspedagogikens viktigaste syften kartläggas: en socialt orienterad diskurs, en kunskapsorienterad diskurs och en identitetsorienterad diskurs. Utöver dessa tre diskurser kartlades en diskurs baserad på fritidspedagogers uttalanden om hur skolledningens förväntningar på fritidspedagogikens syfte skiljer sig från deras egen uppfattning. Sammanfattningsvis anser de flesta fritidspedagogerna att deras viktigaste uppdrag är att stötta elever i deras utveckling av sociala förmågor och personliga identitet, men att deras strävan mot detta hindras antingen av att skolledningen menar att fritidspedagogiken har ett annat syfte, eller att de förväntar sig att fritidspedagoger främst skall arbeta för att stötta klassläraren och elevernas kunskapsutveckling, snarare än att planera och utveckla fritidspedagogiken. Studien tyder på att de olika diskurserna om fritidspedagogikens syfte kan leda till missförstånd och en falsk känsla av samstämmighet när så inte är fallet. Detta pekar på behovet av att diskutera och tydliggöra olika uppfattningar och tolkningar av fritidspedagogikens centrala begrepp samverkan, kompletterande uppdrag och värdegrundsarbete för att tydligare artikulera den diskursiva kampen.

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE WITS SCHOOL OF THE ARTS, UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND, 2015 / South Africa’s post-apartheid era has, in a space of nearly two decades, experienced a massive memory boom manifest in a plethora of new memorials, monuments, museums and the renaming of streets, parks, dams and buildings. This memorialisation process is intrinsically linked to questions of power, struggles and contestation in the making and remaking of the South African nation. The questions of power, struggle and contestation manifest as a wave of debates on the place of history, collective memory, identity and social cohesion in the inception as well as the functioning of the various memorialisation projects in society. This thesis concludes that debates concerning the meaning(s) as well as the way in which the June 16, 1976 uprisings have been memorialized, has been ongoing for the last three decades, and will continue into the future. This, as the findings bear out, is because the wider contextual situating of collective memory in its intangible and tangible form is intrinsically linked to complex experiences of the past; to ongoing experiments of a “nation” in the making, as well as pressing contemporary social challenges. The thesis also concludes that questions of power, struggle and contestation also manifest as a quest for relevant idioms and aesthetics of re-representation and memorialisation. Further, the thesis makes observations on the politics behind the assembling and the assembled archive as a toolkit in the fashioning of pasts and the making of collective memory. It reflects on the processes of re-thinking and remaking of the June 16, 1976 archive. These conclusions have been arrived at through an investigation of how the memory and meaning of the June 16, 1976 uprisings have been re-constructed, re-represented and fashioned over the last three decades. This was done by tracking and analysing the complex, diverse forms and character of its memorialisation. In the process, the study arrives at a conclusion that the memorialisation of the June 16, 1976 uprisings is characterised by the multiplicity of tangible and intangible features. The intangible features are characterised by forgetting, at one level, and are, on another level, animated through rituals of commemoration, counter- commemoration and memorial debate. The memorial debate on the uprisings is that of unity and diversity, division, contestation and counter-commemoration and essentially irresolvable, as history and memory are tools to address contemporary challenges.

The diploma thesis Labor Movement as a Means of Struggle for Equality of African Americans in Minnesota: Activism of Nellie Stone Johnson analyzes the role of the Labor Movement in a struggle for equality of African Americans in a state that belongs on the periphery of academic research of African American population of the United States of America. In the first two chapters, the study uses the probe method, which analyzes the manifestations of the Labor Movement and the Civil Rights Movement of the African Americans in Minnesota within a historical context. In case of both movements, key influences and actors are primarily identified. The second chapter then analyzes in more detail the impact of racism and discrimination on the Labor Movement's development, and vice versa, the struggle of the Labor Movement to overcome racial segregation. In the third chapter, the case study relies on the biographical method and the oral history method. Using these methods, this chapter constructs a specific story of activist Nellie Stone Johnson, whose life demonstrates the importance of combining quality education with economic self-sufficiency for the success of the African American struggle for racial equality in Minnesota. Nellie Stone Johnson came from a farming background that was traditional for Minnesota...

[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação de mestrado é analisar o impacto das redes sociais no jornalismo. Constatamos o processo de transformação do jornalismo em rede para a jornalismo plataformizado, com a transposição da notícia para o sistema de funcionamento das plataformas que, por sua vez, se apropriam, desagregam e redistribuem as notícias de maneira personalizada para os usuários pelo uso de algoritmos. Ainda sem conseguir encontrar uma solução financeira para se inserir neste novo ecossistema midiático, os jornais se adaptam ao domínio das plataformas digitais, assumindo uma posição resumida pelo presidente da Associação Nacional de Jornais, Marcelo Rech, como Too Big to Boycott (grande demais para boicotar). A expressão foi tão representativa do que observamos que escolhemos como título desta dissertação. Apresentamos os diversos desafios pelos quais passam as organizações jornalísticas, em suas diversas camadas. A sociedade, impactada pelas novas tecnologias, passa por mudanças estruturais e o jornalismo, como uma instituição social, também se transforma. O objeto empírico foi o jornal O Globo. Fizemos um percurso pelo processo de digitalização do jornal desde a estreia do site em 1996 até 2019. Com foco na atuação nas redes sociais, realizamos uma observação participante das rotinas produtivas na redação. Utilizamos as técnicas de pesquisas qualitativa e quantitativa, para levantarmos e analisarmos os critérios de noticiabilidade utilizados pelos jornalistas na seleção das notícias para o Facebook e o Instagram. Exploramos tanto os elementos intrínsecos – os valores-notícia – quanto os valores extrínsecos aqueles que estavam presentes no processo escolha. / [en] The objective of this master s thesis is to analyze the impact of social media on journalism. We perceived the process of transforming network journalism into platform journalism, with the transposition of the news to the operating system of the platforms that, in turn, appropriate, disaggregate and redistribute the news in a personalized way for users through the use of algorithms. Still unable to find a financial solution to insert themselves in this new media ecosystem, newspapers adapt to the domain of digital platforms, assuming a position summarized by the president of the National Association of Newspapers, Marcelo Rech, as Too Big to Boycott. The expression was so representative of what we observed that we chose it as the title of this work. We present the different challenges undergone by journalistic organizations, in their different layers. Society, impacted by new technologies, goes through structural changes and journalism, as a social institution, follows suit. The empirical object was the newspaper O Globo. We took a journey through the digitalization process of the newspaper from the website s debut in 1996 until 2019. Focusing on social media, we made a participant observation of the productive routines in the newsroom. We made use of the techniques of qualitative and quantitative research to survey and analyze the news criteria used by journalists in the selection of news for Facebook and Instagram. We explored both the intrinsic elements - the news values - and the extrinsic values to those that were present in the selection process.

Abstract: What explains the use of violence in extra-institutional political campaigns? Domestic groups challenge host states using both nonviolent and violent tactics. While Gandhi’s struggle for India’s independence is perhaps the most famous example of nonviolence, many of today’s bloody civil wars also started out as nonviolent movements. In a world eager to support the self-determination of marginalized groups, both nonviolent and violent groups receive support from foreign actors. Despite this, theories on the use of violence by these groups remain untested empirically.  This paper uses panel data to quantitatively investigate the proposition that external support of extra-institutional political movements causes an increase in the use of violence. A logistic regression model finds no statistically significant relationship between the provision of external support and an increased use of violence in primarily nonviolent campaigns. An additional test on a sample of violent non-state groups finds that battle-related deaths increased when external support was provided in the previous year, a result significant at 99% confidence.

This paper is intended to analyze the contributions of Contextual Theology and Contextual theologians to dismantling the South African apartheid system. It is intended to demonstrate that the South African churches failed to effectively politicize and radicalize to confront the government until the advent of Contextual Theology in South Africa. Contextual Theology provided the Christian clergy the theological justification to unite with anti-apartheid organizations. Its very concept of working with the poor and oppressed helped the churches gain favor with the black masses that were mostly Christian. Its borrowing from Marxist philosophy appealed to anti-apartheid organizations. Additionally, Contextual theologians, who were primarily black, began filling prominent leadership roles in their churches and within the ecumenical organizations. They were mainly responsible for radicalizing the churches and the ecumenical organizations. They also filled an important anti-apartheid political leadership vacuum when most political leaders were banned, jailed, or killed.

No description available.

No description available.