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The chief aim of my thesis is to study and analyse how the multiculturalism of schools is reflected in research and reports in Sweden and in the way in which teachers talk about multicultural issues at school. Part of the work is done in the form of reflecting talks with two groups of teachers in two different schools on issues and situations taken from their own everyday experience. The talks are conducted over two years. One partial aim is therefore to study whether this working method can help teachers to develop their strategies with regard to multicultural issues at school. I describe how the talks develop over two years in an ethnically heterogeneous group of teachers in one of the schools, some areas related to multicultural issues in the school that the teachers find problematic, and how the talks to some extent influence the teachers’ choice of strategies in the school’s practice. Part of the work is an analysis of a talk from each group of teachers and their conceptions of “the immigrant pupil” and her/his parents are focused on. The analytical tool of interpretive repertoires is used to visualise patterns of common points of departure and values in the talks. Also part of the work is an analysis of how research and reports reflect the discourse on multicultural issues from 1980 to 2005. I emphasise some themes and how these change over time. Through the study, parts of the content of the discourse about the multicultural Swedish education are made visible. The discourse contains expressions of a focus on shortcomings and problems that are regarded as linked to pupils, parents and to some extent to teachers with foreign backgrounds. The discourse also contains expressions of seeing differences, chiefly between groups of pupils with foreign and ethnic Swedish backgrounds respectively. By focusing on differences and shortcomings a boundary is at the same time set up between “us” and “them”. The composition of teachers in Swedish schools is relatively homogeneous as regards ethnicity. When, in addition, it is many times teachers that have the responsibility and power to define what are seen as problems and to find solutions in schools’ practice, the problems and solutions are often defined from a majority perspective. It is also from a majority perspective that decisions are made about to what extent, to what degree and in what way minority perspectives should be represented in these contexts. It is a matter of who has the power to define themselves and the others and the others’ shortcomings.

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2002年元月，美國小布希總統宣稱北韓與伊拉克、伊朗，同屬「邪惡軸心」（Axis of Evil）國家，這些國家均係美國列入防止核武擴散之對象，於是北韓與美國關係旋墜落谷底，北韓之鬥爭策略是先昇溫，復加壓，然後迫使美國讓步；北韓復於2006年10月9日，正式對外宣布成功進行地下核武試驗，此舉無疑對東亞及國際安全均帶來衝擊。台灣基於同為亞太國家成員之一，應該理解北韓核武危機所牽動東北亞安全環境變化，以及美國、日本、中國及俄羅斯等國家多邊體系關係，倘北韓核武危機未能圓滿解決，擁核後之北韓除易成為東北亞潛伏威脅外，將引起日本加速武裝。北韓除製造核武問題外，北韓經濟困頓、民不聊生，朝鮮勞動黨為維繫獨裁政權統治，大肆販售飛彈等軍火牟取利益，甚至遭控訴涉及國際間多起販毒、製造假煙及偽造美鈔事件，而台灣位居東亞海空交通樞紐，台灣海峽為北韓船隻往來必經之路，因而有必要瞭解北韓政軍經現況，深入剖析北韓對於國際間衍生種種安全問題，訂定因應措施，以確保國家安全。 由於台灣外交情勢嚴峻，往往無法參與區域性國際組織，北韓乃伺機對台洽購精密儀器或刺探高科技產業技術，使得台灣容易成為北韓覬覦獲得國際管制性物品漏洞，本論文試圖探究並思索如何防止北韓向台灣採購可供軍事用途之精密儀器等用品，或可供生產提昇國防武器裝備之科技機器流向北韓，並配合國際反恐措施予以列管，這樣不僅符合國際利益，而且可以提昇台灣國際形象與國家地位；況且台灣亦有必要隨時瞭解國際上及美、歐等先進國家之最新出口管制措施，從而監督台灣廠商禁止將進口之高科技戰略性物品與生產之精密工具機，輾轉出口至管制地區（包括：伊朗、伊拉克、利比亞、北韓、中國、古巴、蘇丹等國），並配合國際防止擴散組織，共同防止大規模毀滅性武器擴散，形成全球安全之出口管制制度。 / In January 2002, President George W. Bush declared North Korea, Iraq, and Iran as an “axis of evil”. These countries are regarded as subject to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons by the U.S. As a result, the relationship between North Korea and the U.S. has deteriorated. North Korea has attempted to gradually increase pressure to force the U.S. to concede; on October 9, 2006, North Korea officially announced the success of its secret nuclear weapon test, which undoubtedly made a tremendous impact on security in East Asia and the world. As a member of the Asia Pacific Region, Taiwan should understand how security in Northeast Asia changes due to the fact that North Korea is now a country with nuclear weapons. Taiwan should also be aware of the multilateral relations between the U.S., Japan, China, and Russia. Without a satisfactory solution to the threat of North Korean nuclear weapons, Japan may accelerate its military build-up in response to this lurking danger in Northeast Asia. Besides the nuclear weapon issue, North Korea has a poor economy and starving people. The Korean Workers’ Party has been accused of being involved in arms sale (such as missiles), international drug smuggling, counterfeit tobacco products, and counterfeit U.S. banknotes in order to maintain its dictatorship. As Taiwan’s geographic position is vital in the air and sea transport in East Asia, it is imperative for Taiwan to understand North Korea’s politics, armed forces, and economy. Taiwan must analyze and understand international security issues related to North Korea and map out corresponding actions so as to ensure national security. Due to its difficult diplomatic situation, Taiwan is unable to join many regional organizations. Therefore, North Korea takes this opportunity to purchase precision devices or pry into high technology from Taiwan. This makes Taiwan prone to become a legal loophole of which North Korea can take advantage to obtain international control items. This study investigates the ways for Taiwan to prevent North Korea from purchasing precision devices for military use or high-tech machinery that can improve defense weapons. In addition, the study also discusses how Taiwan can have better export control against North Korea by conforming to international anti-terror measures. To follow international principles is not only in line with global interests, but can also improve Taiwan’s international image and status. Therefore, Taiwan must keep itself updated of the latest export control measures implemented by the U.S., Europe, and other advanced countries. By doing so, Taiwan government can also prevent corporations in Taiwan from re-exporting strategic high-tech commodities and related production machinery to controlled territories, such as Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, China, Cuba, and Sudan. With cooperation with international non-proliferation organizations, proliferation of WMDs can be stopped and a comprehensive export control network can be formed to maintain global security.

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La volonté précontractuelle est le socle de la formation contractuelle. Au cours des négociations, les parties formulent leurs exigences et perfectionnent leurs volitions. Les manifestations de volonté à l’origine du contrat sont donc le fruit d’un processus volitif propre à chaque contractant. En dépit des apparences, le droit n’ignore pas le vouloir des parties au stade des négociations. Il s’intéresse aux mécanismes d’élaboration de cette volonté. La perception de la volonté précontractuelle est alors un enjeu essentiel dans la compréhension de l’acte qui en résulte. Il s’intéresse également aux manifestations de volonté. Celles-ci fixent ponctuellement le vouloir de leur auteur. Elles rassurent alors par leur perceptibilité. Toutefois, ces manifestations n’ont pas toujours la clarté attendue. En effet, le doute innerve la période précontractuelle et plus particulièrement les manifestations de volonté qui s’y développent. Confronté à cette difficulté, le droit doit s’adapter. Il entreprend donc de réagir en tentant d’adapter le résultat de ces manifestations. Ainsi, le contrat ne sera en définitive qu’une résurgence partielle des manifestations de volonté à son origine. Il peut par conséquent être appréhendé comme l’expression imparfaite des volontés précontractuelles à sa source. En somme, la frontière entre le précontractuel et le contractuel est ténue. L’analyse de la volonté précontractuelle et de ses manifestations va révéler les liens existant entre ces deux notions / The pre-contractual willingness is the basis of contractual training. During the negotiation, the parties draw up their requirements and develop their volitions. The demonstrations of willingness at the initiation of the contract are therefore the outcome of a volitional process for each contracting party. In spite of appearances, the legal entitlement does not ignore the will of contracting parties at the negotiating phase. It is interested in the mechanisms of elaboration of this willingness. The perception of the pre-contractual willingness is the essential stake throughout the apprehension stage of the final deed. It is highly concerned by the demonstration’s ways of a willingness. These delineate punctually the willingness of their originator. It reassures by their perceptibility. However, these manifestations are not always unambiguous like expected. Indeed, the doubt innervate the pre-contractual stage and more particularly the manifestation phase of a willingness which emerges here. Confronted with this challenge, the legal entitlement must adapts. It engages to react by trying to adapt the outcome of these manifestations. In this way, the contract will ultimately become a partial resurgence of the manifestation of veritable willingness. It can therefore be comprehended as the imperfect expression of pre-contractual willingness at its source. In essence, the border between the pre-contractual and the contractual is tenuous. The analysis of the pre-contractual willingness and its manifestations reveals the existing links between these two notions

Electoral System Choice in the Context of the Democratic Transition and Consolidation Diploma thesis examines the influence of exogenous factors on motivation and preferences of electoral reform actors based on their power position and value-driven approach in Czechoslovakia. It deals with the relation among mode of transition, the electoral reform type and the electoral system type as outcome for the founding elections. It attempts to identify the difference of conditions for electoral system change during the democratic transition and the consolidation in Czechia; to compare their exogenous factors. It also examines which values were emphasized by electoral reform actors and which values were embodied by their preferred electoral systems. It classifies the type of electoral reform process. It also provides the overview of chosen electoral system parameters and evolution of its changes.