L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’identifier la nature des changements des politiques sociales adoptés entre 1988 et 1998 en Suède et ainsi de mieux comprendre l’état actuel du modèle suédois, caractérisé dans la littérature par l’institutionnalisation des valeurs d’égalité sociale et d’universalisme. À l’aide d’une grille d’analyse inférée à partir de la typologie des changements de politiques publiques de Peter Hall, l’auteure pose l’hypothèse selon laquelle un changement de paradigme est survenu dans les secteurs de l’éducation obligatoire et de la santé. À l’issue de cette étude, il est démontré que, si le paradigme a effectivement été contesté au cours de la période de réforme étudiée, il est toujours en vigueur à la fin des années 1990. Toutefois, l’effet cumulé des changements d’instruments l’ont miné peu à peu durant les décennies suivantes. Les conséquences de ces changements, devenues des « anomalies », menacent aujourd’hui l’existence du modèle suédois. / The goal of this Master’s thesis is to identify the nature of the social policy reforms in Sweden between 1988 and 1998, in order to understand the current Swedish model better. Using three criteria inferred from Peter Hall’s typology of policy change, the author analyzes policy reforms in the compulsory education and healthcare sectors in order to whether a paradigm shift has occurred or not. The conclusion is negative: the social equality and universalism paradigm was indeed contested during the 1990s, but was still actively promoted by the social-democratic government at the end of the decade. The reforms were thus identified as only changes to policy instruments, characterized as second order changes in the typology. However, the cumulative effect of these changes undermined the Sweden model during the next decades. The consequences of the instrument changes thus became anomalies that now threaten the paradigm.

This MA thesis is primarily concerned with the poetics of the first two poetry collections by the Bulgarian writer Georgi Gospodinov. The said collections, Lapidarium and The Cherry Tree of One People were published for the first time in the 1990s. The first part of the thesis is devoted to the author's debut, Lapidarium; mainly, we are attempting to capture the collection's characteristic traits and draw attention to the conspicious features connecting this oeuvre with the book Tao Te Ching. In the second part we continue by the analysis of The Cherry Tree of One People. We are focusing on the change of the author's poetics and furthermore, we concetrate on the national/supranatural aspects of the texts. In the concluding part, we anchor Gospodinov's work in the wider context of the 1990s and provide a comparison of contemporary Czech and Bulgarian poetry.

This thesis aims to analyze Czech literary criticism of the 1990s from the perspective of political reading. In the first part, the basic tendencies of Polish literary criticism are introduced: these form a contrast to the Czech context and also problematize some underlying notions of Czech literary historiography. The second part discusses the following terms: politics and police Rancière), depoliticization (Schmitt, Barthes) and ideology (Eagleton). These are adjusted to the specifics of the Czech context. The practical part of the thesis looks at the political interpretation of the critical reception of three novels by Michal Viewegh. The topics of the reception becomes the focus here: the debates around these novels include suppressed political messages such as the fight for the historical narrative of the previous political regime, or the disputes over high and low literature. These reflect the helplessness of the literary field, caused by the pressure of the commercialized book market. This part also looks at the contemporary debates on the so-called authentic literature and two program manifestoes. These examples show that the Czech literary field's proclaimed split from politics is only rhetorical: the result is not its autonomy, but an unreflected heteronomy.

I den här avhandlingen är intresset riktat mot svensk utbildningspolitik och medborgarskap. I tider av globalisering, och med ett etablerat svenskt medlemskap i Europeiska unionen, har det nationella policyskapandet kring utbildningens medborgardanande funktion hamnat under ökat tryck. I studien undersöks hur detta hanteras i svensk utbildningspolitik under 1990-talet, en tid som utmärker sig genom betydande förändringar på utbildningsområdet i Sverige. Frågan är, mera precist, vilken riktning för skolans, enligt lag befästa, uppdrag att fostra demokratiska medborgare som utstakas i svensk utbildningspolitik vid denna tid. Genom att fästa vikt vid mål, visioner och motiv som formuleras i utbildningspolitiska 1990-talstexter klarläggs förståelser av medborgarskap som karaktäriserar svensk utbildningspolitik under denna tid. Även en bredare historisk analys görs, ur vilken historiska målsättningar med skolans medborgarfostran som föregår 1990-talets framträder. Studiens syfte är kritiskt. Förståelserna granskas utifrån vad de innesluter och vad de utesluter, vilka möjliga konsekvenser de kan tänkas få för olika individer och grupper i samhället, och om det finns öppningar för tänkbara alternativ. Studien visar på två historiska skiften vad gäller medborgarskapets innehåll och mening i det inhemska policyskapandet. Det första skiftet äger rum under 1990-talets tidiga del. Då bryts en etablerad samhällsbyggande medborgarroll upp, till förmån för andra mera marknadsorienterade medborgarroller. Under 1990-talets senare del, då marknadsorienteringen förstärks i neoliberal riktning, sker ett andra skifte; en historiskt vedertagen gemenskapstanke – nationen – bryts upp som grund för medborgerlig gemenskap. Denna tanke ersätts av en annan som är globaliseringsinriktad, vilken visar sig ha andra inne- och uteslutande mekanismer för olika individer och samhällsgrupper. Utifrån dessa forskningsrön tecknas avslutningsvis några konturer till ett alternativt sätt att tänka kring medborgarskap och gemenskap. Detta alternativ tar form i ambitionen att, i högre grad än vad som blir synligt i svensk utbildningspolitik, resonera kring möjligheter för ett medborgarskap bortom förhandstecknade indelningsgrunder för ett “vi”. Språk som politisk och samhällelig förändringskraft ges en central betydelse i avhandlingen. I analysen av texternas tal om skolans medborgarfostrande roll undersöks pågående politiska motsättningar när det gäller att vinna tal- och tolkningsföreträde till skolans fostransmål. Utgångarna av dessa motsättningar belyses genom tre områden för medborgarfostran som urskilts som centrala; ett politiskt, ett kulturellt samt ett ekonomi- och arbetslivsriktat. Genom dessa har rådande medborgarskapsdiskurser tagit form, ur vilka de utbildningspolitiska förståelserna av medborgarskap gestaltas och diskuteras. / In this thesis attention is drawn to Swedish education policy and citizenship. In times of globalization, and with Swedish membership of the European Union, national policymaking concerning the commissioned role of citizen upbringing has come under increased pressure. In this study, light is shed on how this issue is given shape in Swedish education policy in the 1990s, a period marked by significant changes in the field of education in Sweden. The core question is, more precisely, what direction is being marked out for the Swedish schools´ commission, laid down by law, to foster democratic citizens during this period. By taking an interest in how objectives, visions and motives are formulated in education policy texts from the 1990s, understandings of citizenship are mapped that characterize Swedish education policy during this period. In addition, a more extensive analysis is carried out, by means of which historical goals of the schools’ fostering of citizens prior to those of the 1990s are presented. The aim of the study is critical. The understandings are reviewed in order to revise what they include and exclude, as well as what possible consequences they may have for different individuals and groups, and whether there are conceivable alternatives. It is emphasised that two historical changes take place during the 1990s concerning the subject of the content and meaning of citizenship in Swedish education policymaking. Firstly, during the first part of the 1990s, a historically established citizen role is changed and replaced by other, more market-oriented roles. During the latter part of the 1990s, when the market orientation is reinforced in neo liberal courses, a second change emerges, the historically accepted basic idea of inclusion – the nation – as the “we”-creating reference for civic spirit is shattered. It is replaced by another – globalization – with other qualities that include and exclude different individuals and groups. Finally, on the basis of these findings, some conditions for a possible alternative are sketched. This alternative is given shape with the ambition of, to a greater extent than is made visible in Swedish Education policy, reasoning about possibilities beyond presupposed dividing properties for a “we”. The power of language for political and societal change has an important role in this dissertation. Political clashes concerning achieving preferential access to talk and interpretation about upbringing objectives are examined by analyzing the texts’ talk about the schools’ commission to foster citizens. Light is shed on the outcomes of these clashes by examining three vital areas for citizen upbringing, found to be crucial in this context: a political one, a cultural one and an economical and working-life oriented one. These citizenship discourses are elucidated and understandings of citizenship in Swedish education policy are given form and alternatives are discussed.

Die vorliegende Dissertationsschrift befaßt sich mit der Kultur der Gärten, wie sie alltäglich an unseren Eigenheimen stattfindet. Sie fragt danach, was uns unsere Gärten heute eigentlich bedeuten. Sind sie bloßes Abstandsgrün oder kleine Paradiese? Brauchen wir sie als Reste von Natur oder dienen sie uns als dekorierte Garagenzufahrten? Ziehen wir uns in ihre Idylle zurück oder präsentieren wir uns mit ihnen der Öffentlichkeit? Sind die Gärten Inseln der Kreativität oder ist alles schon vom Baumarktsortiment vorgegeben? Die Studie sucht nicht so sehr Antworten, sondern ist darauf gerichtet, die relevanten Fragen zu finden, die uns ermöglichen, das Phänomen Eigenheimgarten zu erschließen. Aufgrund des geringen Forschungsstandes zum Thema wurde ein Ansatz gewählt, der mit möglichst offenen, explorativen und interpretativen Mitteln das Feld erschließen kann, dabei aber ungeprüfte Annahmen und Vorurteile weitestgehend auszuschließen vermag. Mit Methoden der Qualitativen Sozialanalyse wurden Gartenbesitzer befragt und ihre Gärten interpretiert. Dabei wurden Interviewdaten, fotodokumentarische und plangrafische Daten erhoben und mit hermeneutischen Verfahren ausgewertet. Das Ergebnis der Studie ist eine Sammlung und Diskussion für die heutige private Gartenkultur relevanter Themenbereiche und Fragestellungen.

This study examines the concepts of art, politics and art institution departing from three cases of exhibition situations at Moderna Museet in Stockholm, 1998–2008. The cases are considered in relation to different aspects of the museum’s identity as an art institution. The first case, the Pontus Hultén Study Gallery (2008–), is an interactive exhibition space containing 34 mechanical screens for displaying art. It is understood here as a comment on the museum’s identity as a collecting institution. The author critically analyses a number of common oppositions in avant-garde theory regarding museum culture, such as the museum as a place for passivity rather than activity, preservation rather than initiation, and ultimately death rather than life. The second case, the exhibition series Moderna Museet Projekt (1998–2001), was marked by the ambition to integrate artworks into contexts outside the physical museum building. Here case analyses focus on the distinction that the series established between art and a presumed alternative, such as life, reality, or politics. The third and last case, the sound installation Forty-Part Motet (2001) by Janet Cardiff, was installed in an exhibition space that actualised the ideals of the so-called white cube. In the institutional critique of the 1960s and 1970s, this exhibition space was dismissed as isolated and detached from society, an idea that is critically examined. Throughout the different case studies, spectator positions and potential agency are of particular concern. This thesis concludes that the concepts of art and politics are different permeable forms of experiences, visibilities and practices, that cross and intertwine. This conclusion is informed by Jacques Rancière’s notions of aesthetics and politics. In this reading, the art institution is not a barrier separating art from politics, reality or life, but nor is it a dead or deadening space. Rather, the art institution, as a social space and concept of art, is considered as intertwined with other forms of visibilities and experiences. Thus, regarded as a frame for a certain type of visibility, the art institution is capable of establishing a difference that is both unproblematic and urgent.

Cette recherche suit la trajectoire de la catégorie savante et d’action publique des « relations interculturelles » en scrutant ses premières formulations dès la fin des années 1960, ses différentes formes d’institutionnalisation tout au long des années 1980 et en décrivant, jusqu’au tournant des années 2000, le processus d’invisibilisation dont elle fait l’objet. Elle analyse ses investissements savants, administratifs et politiques par divers acteurs, amenés dans le cadre de leurs activités respectives, à repenser la présence des immigrants dans la société française. Parce qu’ils logent la question des cultures des travailleurs immigrés au cœur de l’analyse, ces sociologues, pédagogues et agents administratifs reformulent la question de l’immigration en s’écartant à la fois d’une lecture en termes de classes sociales et d’une approche assimilationniste. Sont identifiées les conditions d’émergence d’une catégorie savante forgée par la mise en forme de savoirs critiques et celles d’une catégorie d’intervention publique réformatrice qui cible les représentations et mentalités pour éduquer une « opinion publique raciste ». L’enquête s’inscrit à la croisée de la socio-histoire des catégories et de l’étude de la construction des problèmes publics et s’appuie sur l’exploitation d’archives (en partie inédites) d’organisations publiques chargées, sous l’égide du ministère des Affaires sociales, de la mise en œuvre des politiques d’insertion et de promotion des relations interculturelles. Elle s’appuie aussi sur la littérature savante produites par les principaux promoteurs de cette cause, la littérature grise émanant de diverses instances de l’État et enfin des entretiens avec les promoteurs de la cause et des agents d’organisations publiques chargés de la mise en œuvre de la politique d’insertion. Ce matériau est exploité à partir de deux approches : l’analyse des rapports entre savoirs et action publique d’une part et celle des rapports entre organisations et action publique d’autre part. Ce faisant, la thèse démontre que si l’idéal de structuration de la société par des relations interculturelles harmonieuses, n’est pas resté inscrit durablement à l’agenda, la catégorie se cristallise de façon plus pérenne comme mode de régulation des interactions entre agents de guichet des services publics et administrés immigrés. Elle montre que l’institutionnalisation de ces savoirs dans une organisation aux marges de l’État et les modalités discursives et pratiques de mise à distance d’une « opinion publique raciste » contribuent à forger et à nourrir un antiracisme dépolitisé. En enquêtant sur une catégorie peu visible, la thèse donne à voir les processus de redéfinition de la frontière entre État et société au cœur desquels se trouve l’affirmation d’un rôle pédagogique de l’État. / This study follows the trajectory of the category of “intercultural relations”, both an academic and a public policy category. It analyses, in the French context, its first formulations in the beginnings of the 1960’s, its various forms of institutionalization along the 1980’s and describes its progressive invisibilization until the 2000’s. This study investigates the way different actors use this category in a scientific, administrative or political way in order to consider the presence of immigrants in the French society. The mobilization of this category led these sociologists, educationalists and civil servants to rethink the immigration phenomenon. Instead of looking at the dynamics of social classes or with an assimilationist view, they put the cultural dimension of immigrant workers’ presence in France at the heart of the analysis. At the centre of this study lies the analysis of the emergence of this scientific category coined via critical knowledge and used as a reforming public policy category which targets representations of a so-called “racist French public opinion”. The investigation is carried out at the crossroads of socio-historical analysis of a category and the study of the construction of policy problems. It is based on (partly unreleased) archives of public organizations, depending from the Ministry of social affairs, in charge of implementing insertion policies and promoting intercultural relations. This study also relies on the grey literature produced both by the main promoters of this cause, and various State agencies as well as interviews with both kinds of actors. These empirical data are examined through two approaches: first the analysis of the relations between knowledge and public policy; and second, the relations between organisations and public policy. The thesis shows that the idealistic dimension of this category promoting a harmonious management of intercultural relations has not been present very long in the government’’ agenda. However, this category has been used as a long-lasting regulation device for the interactions between street-level civil servants and immigrants constituents. It also shows that the institutionalization of this knowledge in an organization at the margin of the State and the strategies developed to fight a “racist public opinion” contributed to forge and feed a depoliticized antiracism. Investigating on a barely visible category, the thesis aims at giving an account of the process of the redefinition of the boundary between State and society which is at the heart of the pedagogical role of the State.

This Bachelor’s Thesis introduces a previously unexplored visual artist to the field of Art history: Renata Wrede. Born in 1923 and active until her death in 1998, Renata Wrede produced a varied and colorful corpusof paintings, lithographies, drawings, sculptures, textile designs and pottery, most–but not all -of which is in the possession of her family. Herrigorous artistic training, deep engagement with her other passion –horses –and personal struggles for independence combined to create a varied style with anthropomorphizing images of -among many motifs-horses. Four of these images, taken from different periods of her life as an artist -are analyzed in this thesis paper. The focus on the analysis of the four works is the role of the horses in the picture: What do they do? How do they contribute to the composition? Why are they there? With the help of Renata Wrede’s autobiographical three books, Mitt romerska lejon (My Roman Lion), Juvelskrinet (The Jewelry Box) and Ior och hästarna (Ior and the Horses), the pictures are analyzed from the information provided by the writer and artist herself. The appendix includes a collection of Renata Wrede’s works (incomplete, but extensive) put together by the author of this thesis.

In revolving around the construction of history, this study rethinks the historical narrative of Tuija Lindström’s professorship at Fotohögskolan in the 1990s. Through this, the aim is to widen the understanding of the role of both the school and the professor’s position within the Swedish photographic field in the postmodern era. The main material consists of archival documents from Fotohögskolan, such as syllabuses, schedules, and staff records. Other important sources include interviews with people connected to the school and articles from newspapers and photographic journals. In order to examine power structures, the theoretical framework is built upon Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of the cultural field. To further understand this, critical discourse analysis is also used both as a method and theory. The study shows that the development of Fotohögskolan grew out of many events and endeavours traceable to broader structural struggles within the Swedish field of photography in the 1990s. The changes are shown to be connected to postmodern tendencies which influenced the whole field in a certain direction, and how the school became an important institution to manifest this. Further, the study shows that the professorship played an important role as a central figure for Swedish photography.

The subject of this thesis are now almost extinct brick and mortar video rental stores that were a crucial film distribution window between theatre and television premiere only a few decades ago. The research focuses on the arrival of video rental stores run by small private entrepreneur in Prague 1990-1995 right after the country reinstalled its market economy. The text tries to reconstruct, describe and analyse six particular places of business via interviews with their owners and further archive materials - and in addition maybe ascertain reasons of their closure / continuance after 1995. Part of the thesis is also a list of 90 addresses of Prague video rental stores from around that time and basic figures of their arrangement.