O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o financiamento da política no Brasil por pessoas jurídicas, a fim de evocar os riscos que gera para o processo de escolha dos governantes e a fase governamental. A análise dessas questões dá-se por meio de quatro chaves. A primeira trata da capitalização dos partidos políticos e candidatos, a qual demanda fixação de limites por meio de ferramentas de regulação que buscam equilíbrio nas campanhas eleitorais e no financiamento das atividades dos partidos. A segunda versa sobre os dados de eleições nacionais e de pesquisas empíricas sobre o resultado da participação de pessoas jurídicas, correlacionando-o com os efeitos colaterais do financiamento, quais sejam, a corrupção e a influência do poder econômico. O exame de alguns escândalos tem relevância na atualidade, sobretudo diante da possibilidade de subsidiarem reformas que se apresentam necessárias. A terceira aborda soluções encontradas em outros países para equacionar os efeitos da participação das pessoas jurídicas, com destaque para o debate da questão atinente à liberdade de expressão. A pesquisa revela que a Justiça Eleitoral e a jurisdição constitucional brasileira tiveram papel decisivo na conformação do financiamento da política. A quarta consiste na análise crítica das regras do ordenamento brasileiro, inclusive as decorrentes da reforma política, que visam equacionar os problemas diagnosticados no estudo, e das decisões da jurisprudência que lidaram com o princípio da igualdade. Ao final, alinham-se vantagens e desvantagens do financiamento da política por pessoas jurídicas. / The present work aims to analyze the political financing by legal entities in Brazil in order to evoke the risks for the process of choosing the rulers and the period of governorship. The analysis of the issues considers four keys. The first is about the capitalization of the political parties and the candidates, which demands the fixing of limits through regulation tools to seek the balance in the electoral campaigns and in the financing of the parties activities. The second one concerns the data of the national elections and the empirical researches on the result of the participation of legal entities, correlating it with the side effects of financing, in other words corruption and the influence of the economic power. The exam of some scandals is relevant in the present time mainly considering the possibility of subsidizing reforms that are presented as necessary. The third point considers the other countries solutions to balance the effects of the legal entities contributions especially the discussion of the issue pertaining to freedom of expression. The research reveals that the Electoral Courts and the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction had a decisive role shaping the political financing. The fourth key is the critical analyses of the Brazilian legal system, including the rules resulting from the political reform, which intended to solve the problems identified in the study, and the case law which dealt with principle of equality. In the end, there is an evaluation of the advantages and disadvantages of political financing by legal entities.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Paulo de Mattos Donadelli.pdf: 531803 bytes, checksum: 48e5527d5a698547fd47df0daee620e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-14 / Democracy demands isonomic participation in the process of collective decision making. To this purpose it is necessary that the messages of mass media be plural, presenting multiple points of view and a sort of sources. The State must ensure that the citizens get access to multiple points of view and information, as well as the ideas of the main social actors be represented in the communicative environment - comprised by the media in which is the ensemble of communication of certain circle, as an analogy to natural environment . In practice, not every social group has the same access to the mass media. There is a distortion in the so-called free market ideas which is under the thumb of few senders, the major broadcast companies. This can be noted mainly in the scope of concessions of radio and television broadcast, which requires political support, in addition to technological structure, human, and financial resources, whose resources only the major broadcast groups have access to. The regulation of mass media, according to the Brazilian Constitution, must to pursue the democratization of mass media, the pluralism of its actors and to fight monopolies and oligopolies of communication. The Federal Constitution of 1988 envisaged, in the article 224, the creation of Social Communication Council (National), created by Law nº 8.389/91. Such rules aim to establish participation of civil society, in the context of making political decision regarding Social Communication likewise other constitutionally predicted councils, such as Health Council (article 77, Paragraph 3, of Federal Constitution), or the Advisory Board of the Fighting and Eradication Poverty Fund (article 79, sole paragraph of Federal Constitution and Supplementary Law 111 from 2001). This organism has a plural composition. It s composed by representatives of the main different media, technical members, and civil society representatives. Its constitutional function is to assist the National Congress in regulation of Communication. The Communication Social Council would be the mechanism to improve the pluralism of Social Communication in order to minimize the distortions caused by Communications Oligopoly and Monopoly. However, this Council faces juridical and practical issues. The Council was inoperative since the beginning of 2007, its activation happened just on August 2012. Moreover, it s limited to provide opinions that have no effect on decision made in the Social Communication scope. The opinions are considered as mere recommendation; most of the time it is not take in account by political organs. It is necessary to question the legal purposes of Legislative and Executive decisions taken with no consideration of Council position, in other hand the Council will never meet its Constitution role. This dissertation addresses these regulation issues of Social Communication by analyzing the legal power of decisions made by Social Communication Council. / A democracia exige isonomia de participação na formação das decisões coletivas. Para tanto é necessário que as mensagens na comunicação sejam plurais, refletindo diversos pontos de vista e diversos emissores. Deve-se garantir tanto que os cidadãos tenham acesso à diversidade de opiniões e informações, quanto que as ideias dos principais grupos estejam representadas no ambiente comunicativo - entendido como o conjunto da comunicação em determinado âmbito, numa analogia ao meio ambiente . Na prática nem todos os grupos têm o mesmo acesso aos meios de Comunicação Social, existindo uma distorção no chamado livre mercado das ideias que é dominado por poucos emissores, as grandes empresas de comunicação. Isso se vê principalmente no âmbito das concessões de rádio e televisão, que exige apoio político além de estrutura tecnológica, humana e financeira a que só os grandes grupos de comunicação têm acesso. A regulamentação da Comunicação Social, por força da Constituição de 1988, deve buscar a democratização dos meios de comunicação social, o pluralismo dos agentes e combater os monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. A Constituição de 1988 previu, no artigo 224, a criação do Conselho de Comunicação Social (Nacional), órgão regulamentado pela Lei nº 8.389/91. Tais normas visam estabelecer a participação da sociedade civil, na tomada de decisões políticas no âmbito da Comunicação Social a exemplo de outros conselhos constitucionalmente previstos, como os Conselhos de Saúde (artigo 77, § 3º da CF), ou o Conselho Consultivo e de Acompanhamento do Fundo de Combate e Erradicação da Pobreza (artigo 79, parágrafo único da CF e Lei Complementar 111 de 2001). Esse órgão tem uma constituição plural. É composto de representantes dos principais meios de comunicação, além de representantes técnicos e da sociedade civil. Sua função constitucional é auxiliar o Congresso Nacional na normatização da Comunicação Social. O Conselho de Comunicação Social seria um mecanismo para aprimorar o pluralismo da comunicação social de forma a amenizar as distorções causadas pelos monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. No entanto, enfrenta problemas de ordem prática e jurídica. O Conselho encontrava-se desativado desde o início de 2007 e só foi reativado em agosto de 2012. Ademais, é limitado a dar pareceres que não têm qualquer efeito sobre as decisões tomadas no âmbito da Comunicação Social. Os pareceres são vistos como meras recomendações por vezes nem levados em conta pelas instâncias de decisão política. É necessário questionar a validade jurídica das decisões legislativas e executivas tomadas sem consideração da posição do Conselho, caso contrário o Conselho nunca chegará a cumprir sua função Constitucional. O trabalho aborda essas questões de regulamentação da Comunicação Social analisando a força jurídica das decisões do Conselho de Comunicação Social.

The thesis deals with student participation in the life of the school and more specifically with the work of student self-administration. The goal of the theoretical part is to define the concept of student participation and all its accessible forms. To outline the life of students self-administrations and present a current picture of the issue of student participation in the Czech Republic. To compare international experience with the work of student self-administration, as mainly in the course of the last couple of years there have been changes in thinking about student participation. The theoretical context serves as a basis for the empirical part of the paper. The main goal of the investigation is to analyze and describe the work of student self-administration at a chosen high school. The research also describes what possibilities and limits students as well as the management and teachers feel there are in relation to successful operation of student self-administration. The research was realized using a mixed qualitative/quantitative model (QUAN - QVAL scheme). The sample comprises of students, members of the student self-administration, teachers and management of a chosen high school.

This graduation thesis, entitled "Results of libel in press in the relation to the relevant moral rights especially in the area of private law in the Czech Republic" examines press interference into relevant moral rights. The first chapter describes the historical foundations of personal rights protection, as well as their international and European connections. The second chapter discusses the power of media, and the means used for its maintenance and strengthening. In the third chapter, an outline of motivations for publication of news press, which balance between righteousness and libel. In the fourth chapter, an assessment of the clash between freedom of speech and protection of privacy, which are categories guaranteed in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The content of the fifth chapter is fundamental because it provides a thorough analysis of the law which governs personal rights, with a focus on the civil code, press law and procedural rules. The sixth chapter brings sight of rules established by autoregulation. It deals with self- censorship, the journalist's code of ethics, self-controlling authorities and so on. In the seventh chapter, the author examines the motivation behind submitting an accusation for the breach of personal rights. The motivation can be a real and legitimate defence...

Cette thèse porte sur la presse clandestine au Liban, celle qui – non autorisée par l’État–fut publiée et véhiculée par les partis politiques belligérants durant la guerre au Libanentre 1975 et 1982.Elle étudie dans son ensemble la nature d’une sélection significative, non exhaustive,des publications les plus représentatives de cette époque, ses messages, pour aboutirà la compréhension du public et des moyens de distribution de ces écrits.Travail de première main, cette étude se base sur une recherche d’archives, qui seraplus tard approfondie par l’analyse de contenu, du langage, et de la sémiologiequand la publication le permet. Ainsi, nous repasserons en vue les périodiquesFalastine Assawra, Al Qaeda, Al Marouni, Loubnan et Sawt El Hakika pour mieuxsonder les points de vue sur les sujets traités ainsi que la façon de faire selon lavision de chacun.Ainsi, nous avons affaire à des instruments qui témoignent d’une étape cruciale etfondamentale dans l’évolution de la presse libanaise, notamment celle qui s’occupeessentiellement des zones de crise et des manifestations les plus humaines de laliberté de penser.On en conclura que la guerre est aussi bien médiatique qu’armée quand il s’agit d’unaffrontement d’idéologies, et que dans un pays multi confessionnel comme le Liban,l’histoire est non seulement un point de vue, mais une lutte de construction d'imagequi va plus loin que les faits. Michel Foucault le dit bien : "on a beau dire ce que l'onvoit, ce que l'on voit ne tient pas dans ce que l'on dit". / This thesis focuses on the underground press, or what is known as the clandestine press inLebanon, that was published and promoted by the belligerant political parties during thewar in Lebanon between 1975 and 1982. Noteworthy, these publications were notauthorized by the Lebanese authorities at that time.It analyses the nature of a significant selection of 5 of the most representative publicationsof that period, along with their messages, their readers and their different means ofdistribution.As a first study of its kind, this research is based on archival documents, which contect waslater handled with depth, thus analysing the language and the semiotics when thepublication permitted so. Accordingly, we chose to reflect the views of Falastine Assawra,Al Qaeda, Al Marouni, Loubnan and Sawt Al Hakika, examining the direction of thecommunication in each.Noteworthy, this reseatch deals with instruments that reflect a fundamental and crucialstep in the evolution of the Lebanese press. It is essentialy a means of communication usedduring times of crisis, serving political propaganda, sometimes agendas. Nevertheless,these publication a manifestation of the freedom of speech.We conclude that war is made with both arms and media, especially when it involves aclash of ideologies. It also teaches us tha in a multi- confessional country like Lebanon,history is not only a point of view, but also a clash for image-building that goes beyondfacts. Michel Foucault said it quite well: "we may say what you see, what we see does notalways stand out in what we say."

In Tinker v. Des Moines Independent School District, the Supreme Court ruled that students have speech rights in the school environment unless the speech causes or is likely to cause 1) a substantial disruption, or 2) interferes with the rights of others. The Supreme Court has yet to hear a case involving school officials' authority to regulate electronically-delivered derogatory student speech, and no uniform standard currently exists for determining when school authorities can discipline students for such speech when it occurs off campus without violating students' First Amendment rights. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine 19 federal and state court decisions in which school authorities were sued for disciplining students for electronically delivered, derogatory speech. Eighteen of these cases involved student speech that demeaned or defamed school teachers or administrators. Only one involved speech that demeaned another student. Each case was analyzed to identify significant factors in court holdings to provide a basis for the construction of a uniform legal standard for determining when school authorities can discipline students for this type of speech. The full application of Tinker's first and second prongs will provide school officials the authority needed to address this growing problem while still protecting legitimate off-campus student cyber expression. Predictions of future court holdings and policy recommendations are included.

This master thesis examines the political and particular media situation in 1832, with the stress on spreading the liberal ideas and their attempt to influence the public via one typical German journal for this period. Over six months, there was an extraordinary situation in Baden, when the censorship was restricted and suddenly there arose, for this period, unexpected possibilities for journalists. As a reaction to reduction of censorship, the journal Der Freisinnige was established. Although its existence was short-lived, manifestation of liberal values and reflection of contemporary opinions is evident. This journal was more important and powerful than any other because of the cooperation with one of the main initiators of liberalism, Karl von Rotteck, who was also active in politics. This connection of two roles was very powerful. Freedom of speech, understood as one of the major liberal demands, allowed the practical promotion of liberal ideas among citizens. This case study pays attention to this particular year, within the political inclinations and tendencies over the period 1815-1832 of the Grand Duchy of Baden and former German Confederation. There were clear connections to the events in the first third of the nineteen century, that made the short-time fall of censorship happen. At the...

The purpose of this study is based on a implementation theoretical perspective, to understand, want, and be able to study the conditions for social studies and science teachers at the upper secondary school level to implement the content of The Instrument of Government on freedom of speech, freedom of opinion and discrimination. The study is based on the political scientist Lennart Lundqvist’s implementation theory of understanding, will and ability. To fulfill this purpose, we have conducted eight semi-structured interviews, which consists of four social studies teachers and four science teachers. Based on the material we received through the eight interviews, we can conclude that not all teachers that participated in this study understand the content on freedom of speech, freedom of opinion and discrimination. All teachers described through their self- image a will to implement the content of The Instrument of Government on freedom of speech, freedom of opinion and discrimination when they handle value conflicts. Even though many teachers haven’t experienced discrimination in value conflicts it is still important to work with it. The teachers had the knowledge in common as the main factor which enabled them to implement.

[pt] A censura à arte fez-se presente nos diversos momentos históricos do Brasil, até ser formalmente extinta pela Constituição de 1988. A proibição de censura prévia, porém, não impediu que obras de arte fossem submetidas ao crivo dos Poderes constituídos, instados a manifestar-se acerca dos limites da liberdade de expressão artística. Em setembro de 2017, ocorreu um “estopim” administrativo, judiciário e midiático com a ocorrência de quatro casos de censura em apenas um mês, que tomaram notoriedade em todo o país, especialmente a exposição Queermuseu e a performance La Bête. Esses casos são considerados como o marco inicial do período estudado neste trabalho. A partir desses quatro episódios, a tônica do debate público e da atuação dos Poderes constituídos mudou de foco, representando indício de uma possível mudança estrutural do comportamento das instituições e do público no que toca à liberdade de expressão artística e à censura no Brasil. Com intuito de analisar essa mudança, foram feitos estudos de caso de doze obras de arte que sofreram ao menos um ato de censura entre setembro de 2017 e março de 2020, quando ocorreu o fechamento dos espaços culturais devido à pandemia de COVID-19. O trabalho abordará as peculiaridades da censura no período estudado, que tem por característica negar a si mesma. Também serão abordadas as ferramentas jurídicas e administrativas disponíveis aos artistas e ao público para impugnar os atos censórios emanados dos Poderes constituídos. / [en] Artistic censorship has been constant in brazilian history, until its formal extincion after 1988 Constitution. Although previous censorship is prohibited, works of art have been submited to the constitutional Powers, since then, in order to determine the limits of artistic freedom of expression. In september 2017, four episodes of censorship occurred in the same month and became notorious all over Brazil, specially the Queermuseu exhibition and the performance La Bête. This cases are the starting point to this research. This four episodes unleashed a conservative turning point in the behaviour of the institutions and the public debate concerning freedom of speech. In order to analyze this change, case studies will be carried out, comparing the most notorious episodes of the period. The time frame has been restricted from the cases Queermuseu and La Bête, that took place in september, 2017, until the closure of cultural spaces during the COVID-19 pandemic, in march 2020. This paper approaches the peculiarities of censorship in this time frame, featuring the tendency to deny itself. Also, this research will expose some of the legal and administrative tools available to the artists and the citizens to fight censorship by constituted Powers.

Quran burning is a new phenomenon in Sweden first executed by Rasmus Paludan, the leader of a far-right, anti-immigrant political party - Stram Kurs. These burnings are still a subject of debates and cause a lot of controversy due to the vandalism caused by the local muslim protesters and because many muslims and non-muslims believe that it should be categorized as incitement of hatred against muslims. The purpose of this study is to illuminate how young muslims in Skania, Sweden, perceive the Quran burnings that are protected by the Swedish Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression. The purpose of this study is also to get a picture of how the burnings affect them and to show how this demonstration of freedom of speech affects their freedom of religion. Five semi structured interviews were done to conduct this study. The chosen relevant theories that were used were stigma, islamophobia, the argument from truth and the argument from autonomy. The most important findings of this study are that the interviewed young Swedish muslims believe that there is an error in the Swedish system where laws against incitement of hatred are only applied in some cases, but not other. And that the interviewees feel angry about the police protecting a man who is trying to provoke them by mocking them and their religion. They also question whether they belong in Sweden and are convinced that the Quran burnings will only cause further division in the society of which muslims are a large part of. Another problem that they pointed out is that the media uses the pictures of the vandalizing protesters to spread a negative image of muslims and Islam. Another finding is that the interviewed young Swedish muslims feel that the Quran burnings are a new and legitimate way for islamophobes to attack and offend them. They also feel, however, that their freedom of religion remains unaffected. The last finding is that based on the argument from truth and the argument from autonomy, the Quran burnings do not justify limiting the freedom of expression. The conclusion is that these islamophobic attacks in the form of Quran burnings are a consequence of a tribal stigma that, according to the interviewed young Swedish muslims, muslims in Sweden have to live with. This stigma can even be found in how the interviewed muslims feel the government and the media are treating them. Even if the Quran burnings don’t justify limiting freedom of expression, the problem remains that the interviewees feel that freedom of expression is being used against them. / <p>Mångfaldsstudier</p>