Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka och förstå gymnasieelevers attityder till invandring. Faktorer som vi valt att undersöka och som kan påverka attityder är bland annat kön, nationell bakgrund och erfarenheter av olika kulturer. Studien är genomförd på en gymnasieskola i en mindre stad i Mellansverige. Totalt deltog 195 elever i den genomförda enkätundersökningen och fyra uppföljande intervjuer genomfördes. Begrepp som attityder, invandrare och social distans är centrala i den teoretiska förståelsen av studien. Resultatet har analyserats med hjälp av teoretiska utgångspunkter såsom symbolisk interaktionism och stigmatisering. Utgångspunkterna har underlättat förståelsen av hur invandrare tillskrivs negativa egenskaper och diskrimineras därefter. Tidigare forskning och studier har använts i utformandet av denna studie samt för att jämföra resultat och på så vis kunna se förändring över tid. Slutsatser som har kunnat dras utifrån studien är att negativa attityder till invandring ofta grundar sig i en rädsla inför förändring och att invandrare ofta betraktas som en samhällelig belastning, ett hot och ökar konkurrensen om materiella tillgångar. Den viktigaste bakomliggande faktorn till negativa attityder till invandring är klasstillhörighet där kunskap och utbildning har en central betydelse. Upplevelser och erfarenheter av andra kulturer än den egna ökar även toleransen inför invandring. Generellt sett ökar positiva attityder till invandring jämfört med tidigare, även om resultatet ger uttryck för att det fortfarande finns extremt negativa attityder. Ungdomar behöver ges utrymme att diskutera dessa frågor. Skolan såväl som det sociala arbetet står inför utmaningen att möjliggöra en öppen diskussion baserad på grundläggande demokratiska värderingar för att öka toleransen inför minoriteter. / The purpose of this study is to examine high school students´ attitudes towards immigration. Several factors that may influence the attitudes were presented, including gender, national origin and experiences of different cultures. The study was conducted in a small town in central Sweden. A total of 195 students participated in the survey and four follow-up interviews were conducted. Concepts such as attitudes, immigrants and social distance are central to the theoretical understanding of this study. The results have been analysed using theoretical frameworks such as symbolic interactionism and stigmatization. The theoretical foundations have assisted our understanding of how immigrants are assigned negative characteristics and the discrimination against them. Previous research and studies have been used in designing this study, as well as to compare results and thus being able to see changes over time. A conclusion that has been drawn from this study is that negative attitudes towards immigration are often based on a fear of change and that immigrants are regarded as social burdens, a threat and an increased competition for tangible assets. The most important underlying factor to negative attitudes towards immigration is class affiliation where knowledge and education has central influence. Experiences of cultures other than ones own also increase tolerance concerning immigration. Compared to previous studies results show that, generally, positive attitudes toward immigrants increases, although there are still some extremely negative attitudes. Young people need to be given possibility to discuss these issues. The fields of social work as well as education are faced with the challenge to allow open discussion based on fundamental democratic values to increase tolerance towards minorities.

AbstractMedia presents hate crimes and nationalism as phenomenon that has increased both internationally and nationally in recent years. Further media largely pair these phenomenon together. The groups mostly exposed to hate and nationalism are people of different ethnic origin and LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bi, trans and queer) people. In Sweden's general election in 2010 a RHP-party, Sweden Democrats, made it in to Parliament. The purpose of this study was to examine how hate crimes and nationalism, in the form of the Sweden Democrats, has increased in Sweden and if there was any link between them. By mapping the proportion of reported hate crimes and the proportion of eligible voters who voted for the Sweden Democrats in Sweden between 1997 and 2009 the study's main aim was to investigate whether there was any link between the proportion of reported hate crimes and the proportion of voters for Sweden Democrats in Sweden. The results question whether an actual increase of hate crime occurred due to methodological changes in the Swedish Security Service, the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention and the police. Also the dark figure is large regarding this crime. Sweden Democrats has had strong success in recent years, but whether this is a sign of increased nationalism can’t be impugned. 1998 and 1999 revealed a relationship between hate crime complaints and voting on the Sweden Democrats, but after 1999 the relationship is weak.

Måste det nödvändigtvis vara invecklat och svårt med interkulturella relationer? Innebär kärleksrelationer över gränserna mer komplikationer än andra förhållanden där man delar kultur, religion och etnicitet? Det finns uppenbarligen många människor som fattar tycker för varandra oavsett nationalitet och tro, men i flera skönlitterära romaner skildras en bild av att det är mer eller mindre omöjligt att få ett sådant förhållande att fungera. Jag vill dock gärna fortsätta att tro att kärleken beror mer på en sorts personkemi och attraktion människor emellan, något som man inte direkt kan sätta fingret på men som ändå finns där. I min uppsats skildrar och analyserar jag två populära och spridda romaner för att ta reda på vilken bild som framställs när det gäller kärleken mellan en mörkhyad muslimsk man och en vit kristen kvinna. I diskussionen redogör jag för mina egna tankar och åsikter om romanerna, samt beskriver hur jag tror de påverkar människor som tar del av dem genom bok eller film. Resultatet av romananalyserna visar att de båda redogör för en väldigt negativ och mörk bild vad det gäller de kärlekspar som det handlar om, och det är framförallt männen i historierna som presenteras på ett negativt sätt, och som kan bekräfta islamofoba och invandrarfientliga uppfattningar som finns i samhället. / Does it always have to be complicated with intercultural relations? Is it so difficult with love when it comes to people with different religions, backgrounds and cultures? True, many persons fall in love whatever the nationality or faith happen to be, but is it like the popular books and movies describes – more or less impossible to fulfill a intercultural relationship? I don’t think so, and I will still keep on believing that love is something that depends on other things like the chemistry of human beings, and the strong feelings between two people, that make them cross the borders and just feel the love. In my essay I will analyze and describe how two popular and worldwide spread novels describes and presents the love between a dark-skinned Muslim man and a white Christian women, and I will also discuss what I think these two will represent, and what kind of signals they give to the people who read about them and see them on film. The result of the investigation turns out to be that these two novels describe a very negative and dark picture of the two couples that the novels are about. And it is particularly the two men in the stories who is presented in a negative way, and which also can confirm islamophobic and anti-immigrant views.

Drawing on seventeen group interviews with African foreign nationals living in Pietermaritzburg, this thesis explores how a minority group talks about their experiences of threat and prejudice within the South African context. The main aim of this thesis is to provide a contextualised study of foreigners’ understanding and experiences of threat, by studying how threat operates in a disempowered minority group’s narratives and exploring the social identity work or outcomes that are so achieved. Since threat may constitute an important dimension of the intergroup relations between foreigners and citizens, attention is paid to how threat is employed in foreigners’ narratives of intergroup relations with South African citizens. The exploration of these constructions is important as this signifies a move away from understanding and studying threat in a purely quantitative way. This has meant that the rhetorical, action-oriented function of threat in narrative has been emphasised over the reduction of threat to a psychological state amenable to quantitative measurement. The study of participants’ constructions reveal how threat is put together in narrative and demonstrates that constructions of threat may fulfil an important function in informing foreigners’ constructions about what they can do as a disempowered minority group living in South Africa. Hence, this thesis argues for an alternate, more indepth, way of understanding and studying intergroup relations, threat and the social identity of a minority group in a specific social context. The study uses terms from Stephan and Stephan’s (2000) Integrated Threat Theory to orient this piece of work in this field, but differs from traditional studies that have employed the theory as it focuses on discursive construction and the implications for social identity. The findings are also linked to the various options available to minorities, as highlighted by Tajfel and Turner (1979). The study allows for the voices of a marginalised group to be heard and also shows how threat can be discursively worked up in narrative and how the social positions and strategies adopted by foreigners both constrain and are discursively constrained by narrated constructions and theories of threat and intergroup life. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

<p>The impact of global migration on local contexts has spawned new issues and a range of social responses. These include the emergence of &lsquo / xenophobia&rsquo / in the terrain of discrimination and&nbsp / the subsequent development of popular educational responses to this. As part of popular educational responses, adult education programmes have assumed an important role in changing&nbsp / people&rsquo / s attitudes. This long research paper presents a critical analysis of how a human rights and counter-xenophobia peer educators&rsquo / programme enables young adults to develop a critical consciousness about human rights and &lsquo / xenophobia&rsquo / . The research focused on learning materials, course content, training methodology and processes of a three-day human rights and counter- xenophobia workshop held by Umoja wa Afrika, a local non-governmental organization, in March/April 2007 at Goedgedacht, just outside Cape Town. The research was based on qualitative&nbsp / methodology which included an exploration of relevant literature, interviews with participants and facilitators, as well as the researcher&rsquo / s critical reflections. The research was located within a&nbsp / critical theory framework in the field of adult&nbsp / learning, and drew from the work of Paulo Freire (1970) and Stephen Brookfield(2005).&nbsp / The key finding of the study is that the experience of the&nbsp / workshop enabled participants to develop a critical awareness - but not necessarily a critical understanding of human rights and &lsquo / xenophobia&rsquo / . The participants identified specific factors that&nbsp / contributed to such awareness. These included the diverse composition of participants, the &lsquo / accompanying&rsquo / facilitation style, and the interactive training methodology. This study makes a&nbsp / contribution to understanding human rights peer education in the South African context and the extent to which such provision could enable participants to develop a critical understanding of&nbsp / human rights and xenophobia. This study is an attempt to make an original contribution in this area. As such it adds to literature in applied critical methodology.&nbsp / </p>

This paper investigates the relationship between national identity and attitudes towards immigrants. It examines three countries with different history of nation building and immigration: Finland, Great Britain and the USA. It is assumed that the differences in nation building and immigration across the countries have led to a different understanding of national identity and attitudes towards immigrants. The hypothesis is that the relationship between national identity and attitudes towards immigrants is not consistent but is dependent on how belonging to the nation is defined. This paper uses eight different aspects to measure the understanding of national identity. Attitudes towards immigrants are explored on six dimensions: criminality, economy, labor market, society, culture and the number of immigrants. The paper uses the theory of ethnic and civic types of national identity as a basis for the analysis. The ethnic definition of national identity is assumed to be related to anti-immigrant attitudes while a more civic definition may even lead to more open attitudes towards immigrants. Ordinal logistic regression has been used to estimate these relationships. The data used comes from the International Social Survey Programme’s ‘National Identity’ module from 2013. The results show clear differences between the countries both in the general attitudes towards immigrants and the prominence of anti-immigrant attitudes. In all countries ethnic definition of national identity is connected to more negative attitudes towards immigrants. However, there are differences in how individual aspects of identity correlate with different dimensions of attitudes towards immigrants. The number of people viewing the ethnic aspects of national identity as important is larger in Great Britain and anti-immigrant attitudes generally more widespread than in Finland and the USA. Additionally, the results from ordinal logistic regressions show that while the majority of aspects of national identity correlated with anti-immigrant attitudes, some of the civic aspects were connected to more positive attitudes. The results differed between the countries suggesting that the relationship between national identity and attitudes towards immigrants is not consistent and that it does depend on the definition of national identity.

The purpose of this study was to develop Gestalt guidelines for teachers working with refugee learners. These guidelines seek to assist teachers when facilitating refugee learners in their social adjustment to a new school environment. The researcher made use of the first four stages of the Design and Development model of intervention research. These stages included problem analysis and project planning, information gathering and synthesis, design, and the early development of the guidelines. For the purpose of this study, semi-structured focus groups were conducted with teachers working with refugee learners. The social adjustment process was then viewed in the context of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. Existing literature on the social adjustment of refugee learners in the South-African school system and literature on the Gestalt philosophy was used together with functional elements of existing social adjustment models to develop guidelines for teachers when facilitating refugee learners in their social adjustment to a new school environment. Throughout this research study, the refugee learner has been referred to as “he”. This was done for practical reasons only and no gender discrimination was intended. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Diac. (Play Therapy)

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-09-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:34:04Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 menezes_lc_me_fran.pdf: 1145593 bytes, checksum: f6e655794024bf6a397679cb1b1bd4c6 (MD5) / O trabalho aqui apresentado é um estudo acerca das incongruências da configuração de uma política migratória européia. As discussões decorrem dos resultados obtidos através da análise de dois importantes momentos para a questão: os Programas de Tampere (1999) e Haia (2004). As análises desses e de outros documentos tangentes à problemática envolvendo os fluxos migratórios para a União Européia percorrem um caminho tortuoso, entre a necessidade de garantia dos direitos fundamentais e a preocupação extremada com a segurança do bloco político-econômico. O que se pretende, portanto, é destacar a institucionalização da securitização da imigração – e dos imigrantes – apontando os percursos pelos quais alguns órgãos da União, assim como os governantes nacionais e a opinião pública trilharam para tal consumação / The work presented here is a study about the inconsistencies of setting up a European immigration policy. The issues stem from the results obtained through analysis of two important moments: the Programs of Tampere (1999) and Hague (2004). The analyses of those and other documents tangents to the problems surrounding the migration to the European Union through a tortuous path, between the need to guarantee fundamental rights and extreme concern with the security of political-economic bloc. It is intended, therefore, is to highlight the institutionalization of securitization of immigration - and immigrants - pointing the pathways by which certain organs of the Union as well as national governments and public opinion walked to such consummation

Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Adriana Capuano de Oliveira / Banca: José Carlos Sebe Bom Meihy / Resumo: O trabalho aqui apresentado é um estudo acerca das incongruências da configuração de uma política migratória européia. As discussões decorrem dos resultados obtidos através da análise de dois importantes momentos para a questão: os Programas de Tampere (1999) e Haia (2004). As análises desses e de outros documentos tangentes à problemática envolvendo os fluxos migratórios para a União Européia percorrem um caminho tortuoso, entre a necessidade de garantia dos direitos fundamentais e a preocupação extremada com a segurança do bloco político-econômico. O que se pretende, portanto, é destacar a institucionalização da securitização da imigração - e dos imigrantes - apontando os percursos pelos quais alguns órgãos da União, assim como os governantes nacionais e a opinião pública trilharam para tal consumação / Abstract: The work presented here is a study about the inconsistencies of setting up a European immigration policy. The issues stem from the results obtained through analysis of two important moments: the Programs of Tampere (1999) and Hague (2004). The analyses of those and other documents tangents to the problems surrounding the migration to the European Union through a tortuous path, between the need to guarantee fundamental rights and extreme concern with the security of political-economic bloc. It is intended, therefore, is to highlight the institutionalization of securitization of immigration - and immigrants - pointing the pathways by which certain organs of the Union as well as national governments and public opinion walked to such consummation / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:16:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ArquivoTotal.pdf: 4935599 bytes, checksum: 5d9ae2354449c0b518d6d61edcb384e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The overall aim of this thesis was to investigate whether police violence is more tolerated when the victim is a member of a social minority (e.g. Black in Brazil, and Moroccan immigrants and Romanian gypsies in Spain). This was therefore a thesis on racial prejudice and discrimination in Brazil, and xenophobia and discrimination in Spain. The specific objectives were: a) to analyze the moderating role of a set of psychosocial variables in adopting a position on police violence (e.g. Prejudice, Schwartz's Universal Theory of Basic Human Values, PVQ-24 Psychosocial Values, and Belief in a Just World), and b) to analyze the reasons given by the participants for the positions taken regarding police violence. To achieve these objectives, two studies, with quasi-experimental design, were conducted. In the first, the participants were Spanish university students (n= 207), with ages between 17 and 31 years (M= 20.2,SD= 2.68), and in the second, Brazilian university students (n= 114), with ages between 17 and 56 (M= 23.5,SD= 6.72). The instrument used in both countries began by presenting a scenario of police violence against a member of a social minority who was subsequently found guilty of the offense for which he/she was a suspect. This was followed by a set of open questions, in which the participant was asked to explain his/her position on the situation described. Next, the rest of the variables were presented, all in a six-point Likert format. And finally, the sociodemographic characteristics of the participants were requested. With regard to the moderation analysis results, in the Spanish sample the following variables showed a significant interaction effect with the scenarios presented, i.e. they moderated the scenario's effect on the tolerance for police violence: prejudice; Schwartz's values subsystems; the PVQ-24 psychosocial values subsystems. However, the results for the moderating role of Belief in a Just World were not statistically significant. The Brazilian results also showed significant effects in the interaction of the variables studied with the scenarios presented, with the exception of Schwartz's values subsystems, since the psychometric analyses conducted had shown that the instrument did not meet the criteria that would allow for its use in Brazil. Further, the results regarding Belief in a Just World were only marginally significant. Thus a complementary study was conducted in Brazil, with an instrument similar to the previous one, but in this case the victim of police violence was innocent. In this situation the results were statistically significant, as expected. Regarding the analysis of discursive repertoires, in Spain most participants presented justifications for tolerating police violence against social minorities. In Brazil the results also followed this direction. These results are discussed, with emphasis on their ecological validity, in the sense that it was quite possible to produce a situation from which prejudice and discrimination could emerge. In closing, we hope that the results presented here may support future discussion and intervention directed at an actual change in the way members of social minorities are seen in contemporary societies. / O objetivo geral desta tese é investigar se a violência policial é mais tolerada quando a vítima é membro de uma minoria social (e.g. negro no Brasil e imigrantes marroquinos e ciganos romenos na Espanha). Esta é, portanto, uma tese sobre o preconceito e a discriminação racial no Brasil e a xenofobia e a discriminação na Espanha. Os objetivos específicos foram: a) analisar o papel moderador de um conjunto de variáveis psicossociais na tomada de posição, frente às ações extrajudiciais (e.g. Preconceito, Teoria Universal dos Valores Humanos de Schwartz, Valores Psicossociais QVP-24 e Crença no Mundo Justo) e b) analisar as justificativas dadas pelos participantes para a tomada de posição com relação à violência policial. Para alcançar estes objetivos, dois estudos, como delineamento quase-experimental, foram realizados. No primeiro, participaram estudantes universitários espanhóis (n = 207), com idade variando entre 17 e 31 anos (M = 20.2, DP = 2.68) e no segundo, estudantes universitários brasileiros (n = 114), com idade variando entre 17 e 56 anos (M = 23.5, DP = 6.72). O instrumento utilizado em ambos os países começava apresentando um cenário de violência policial contra um membro de uma minoria social que, posteriormente, teve sua culpa constatada em relação ao delito do qual era suspeito. Em seguida, havia um conjunto de perguntas abertas, nas quais se solicitava ao participante que justificasse seu posicionamento frente à situação descrita. Na sequência, eram apresentadas todas as outras variáveis, todas em formato Likert de seis pontos. Por últimos, solicitavam-se as características sociodemográficas dos participantes. No que se referem aos resultados das análises das moderações, na amostra espanhola, as seguintes variáveis apresentaram efeito significativo de interação com os cenários apresentados, ou seja, elas moderaram o efeito do cenário na tolerância à violência policial: o preconceito; os subsistemas de valores de Schwartz; os subsistemas dos valores psicossociais QVP-24. No entanto, os resultados referentes ao papel moderador da Crença no Mundo Justo não foram estatisticamente significativos. Nos resultados brasileiros também houve efeito significativo na interação das variáveis pesquisadas com os cenários apresentados, com exceção dos subsistemas de valores de Schwartz, pois as análises psicométricas realizadas demonstram que o instrumento não atingiu os parâmetros que permitissem sua utilização no Brasil. Além disso, os resultados referentes à Crença no Mundo Justo foram apenas marginalmente significativos. Foi realizado, então, um estudo complementar, no Brasil, com um instrumento semelhante ao anterior, mas, aqui a vítima da violência policial era inocente. Nesta situação, os resultados alcançaram significância estatística conforme o esperado. Quanto às análises dos repertórios discursivos, na Espanha, a maioria dos participantes apresentou justificativas que toleravam a violência policial contra as minorias sociais. No Brasil os resultados também seguiram essa direção. Esses resultados são discutidos enfatizando-se sua validade ecológica, no sentido em que se conseguiu representar bem uma situação da qual pôde emergir o preconceito e a discriminação. Finalmente, esperamos que os resultados aqui apresentados possam embasar futuros debates e intervenções que visem, de fato, uma mudança na maneira pela qual os membros das minorias sociais são vistos nas sociedades contemporâneas.