Institutionen för kultur och estetik, Konstvetenskap 106 91 Stockholms universitet 08-16 20 00 vx  Handledare: Magdalena Holdar Titel och undertitel: Empirens belysning: Ljuskronorna på Rosersbergs slott 1818–1860 Författare: Isabella Forssberg  Kontaktuppgifter till författaren: tel: 070-4537559 e-mail: bella_forssberg@hotmail.com  Uppsatsnivå: kandidatuppsats Ventileringstermin: HT2021 ABSTRACT: Den här uppsatsen behandlar performativiteten hos ljuskronorna på Rosersbergs slott 1818–1860 då slottet var regelbundet bebott av Karl XIV Johan och Desirée. Författaren har kartlagt vilka ljuskronor som byttes ut när Karl XIV Johan och senare Desirée tog över slottet från Karl XIII och Charlotta. Detta har gjorts utifrån bouppteckningar, inventarieförteckningar och en rekvisition. Författaren har även besökt Rosersbergs slott för att kontrollera vilka ljuskronor som hänger kvar från den tid då Karl XIV Johan och Desirée bebodde slottet. Syftet har varit att analysera hur ljuskronornas utformning och ljusbringande egenskaper kunde påverka intrycket av rummen när de var bebodda, samt kartlägga och analysera vad valet av ljuskrona kan säga om rummens roll och funktion under Karl XIV Johans och Desirées tid. Det teoretiska ramverket utgörs av Mårten Snickares beskrivning av performativitet. Föremål och byggnader kan genom sin utformning och funktion påverka hur människor förhåller sig till dem. De har en agens genom att de får människor att agera på ett visst sätt i relation till dem. Performativ analys har även varit den metod som använts för att analysera hur ljuskronornas funktion och utseende påverkar hur rummet kunde användas och uppfattas under Karl XIV Johans och Desirées tid.  Undersökningen har resulterat i en fördjupad förståelse för hur slottet kunde uppfattas beroende på hur de olika rummen var belysta. Mer representativa rum hade mer belysning, vilket visar att ljus var en statussymbol under 1800-talets första hälft. Studien visar att Karl XIV Johan och Desirée bytte ut de flesta äldre kristallkronor och övriga ljuskronor mot nya, större kristallkronor och framför allt amplar i brännförgylld brons när de tog över slottet. Detta tyder på att ljuskronornas utformning ansågs viktigt. Nya ljuskronor bidrog med att modernisera slottets utseende. Slutsatsen är att ljuskronornas utseende och funktionalitet hade stor påverkan på hur rummen de hängde i kunde användas, men även att rummens tilltänkta funktion påverkade valet av ljuskrona.   Nyckelord: Rosersbergs slott, empir, ljuskronor, kristallkronor, bronsamplar, brännförgyllt brons, Karl XIV Johan, performativitet.

This dissertation seeks to explain how revisionist states attempt to prevent the intervention of other states – “third-party states” – that are not the victim of their plans. By engaging in a deep analysis of Louis XIV’s efforts to prevent third-party intervention before and during his War of Devolution, I have been able to build a theory that not only describes the strategies a revisionist may employ, but also explains how it decides which among them to use. In order to effectively select which of these strategies to implement against any particular third party, the revisionist will attempt to improve its belief about the third party by engaging in negotiations, where it deploys these strategies as offers which elicit telling responses from the third party. Despite the incentive to misrepresent private information, credible data can be transmitted during negotiations for a number of reasons, which I explain. With this improved belief, the revisionist can better choose which strategies have the highest probability of neutralizing that particular third-party state. To both demonstrate where my theory was inducted from and illustrate how it works in practice, I examine in high detail the negotiations Louis XIV’s France undertook against the United Provinces and Austria. Through granular analysis of the offers traded in these talks, one can better understand how a revisionist approaches the task of neutralization, making clear exactly how the mechanisms in my theory operate. This dissertation makes several important contributions: it helps to fill a conspicuous gap in the international relations literature, which has neglected the study of revisionists as strategic actors, and also offers important counterpoints to bargaining theory.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

No description available.

Le présent mémoire étudie le commandement nouveau (Jn 13,34-35) en le situant dans le contexte du premier discours d'adieu (Jn 13,33-14,31). L'analyse structurelle montre que ce discours est composé d'une introduction (13,33-38) comportant deux thèmes: le retour de Jésus vers son Père et l'amour. Ces deux thèmes sont ensuite développés dans un corps central (14,1-24), lui-même subdivisé en deux sous-unités qui traitent l'une du retour (14,1-14) et l'autre de l'amour (14,15-24). Une conclusion (14,25-31) reprend ces deux thèmes. Ce contexte permet de préciser le sens du commandement nouveau en l'inscrivant dans une mission bien particulière: les disciples poursuivent la mission de Jésus pour rendre présente au monde la communauté eschatologique, communauté fondée sur la communauté de vie qui unit le Père, le Fils et les disciples.

Le terme de guerre de religion apparaissait déjà sporadiquement à la fin du XVIe siècle. Il se trouva de façon accrue dans les imprimés de l’époque de la Guerre de Trente Ans. Cependant, une discussion élargie sur ce phénomène ne s’établit qu’au seuil du XVIIIe siècle. La guerre de religion ne devint qu’à cette époque-là un mot-clé politique. L’idée de guerre de religion ne gagna son importance historiographique que dans le débat politique contemporain. Le but de cette étude est de répondre à la question de savoir comment s’est établie une conception, comment est née une image historique (Geschichtsbild), comment enfin a été délimitée l’époque de la guerre de religion. La présente étude se restreint aux trois foyers de conflits confessionnels essentiels pour le débat sur la guerre de religion : la France, l’Angleterre et le Saint-Empire Romain Germanique. Elle s’élargit en même temps à l’échelle européenne en étudiant l’influence décisive qu’eut la perception des dernières grandes guerres de Louis XIV. Aussi bien la Guerre de Neuf Ans que la Guerre de Succession d’Espagne furent perçues comme des guerres de religion. La propagande imprimée de Louis XIV et des alliés ses ennemis y contribua largement en cherchant à rendre légitimes leurs politiques respectives. Ainsi la France et les guerres de Louis XIV eurent-elles un rôle déterminant dans la discussion sur la guerre de religion – qui paraissait impensable sans la personne et la politique du roi de France. Le lien entre guerre de religion et politique internationale aboutit à l’européanisation du débat sur la guerre de religion. / The notion of religious war emerged for the first time at the end of the 16th century. The use of this term increased immensely during the time of the Thirty Years’ War via printed media. Yet, a widespread discussion of the phenomenon only started towards the end of the 17th century. War of religion became a constant political keyword. The idea gained its historiographical importance through its usage in the actual political debate. The aim of this research is to question the development of the concept of religious war, the underlying perception of history and the labelling of an era with this term. The thesis will confine itself to three territories where in the late 17th and early 18th century examples of confessional conflicts were intertwined with the debate on religious wars: France, England and the Holy Roman Empire. The scope of the study is, nevertheless, widened to the European arena by examining the decisive influence the last wars of Louis XIV had on the perception of religious wars. In fact, both the Nine Years’ War and the War of the Spanish Succession were perceived by contemporaries as wars of religion. The printed propaganda of Louis XIV as well as that of his allied enemies contributed largely to this perception by legitimising their respective politics. Thus, France and the wars of Louis XIV had a shaping role of the discussion on religious wars. In sum, the connection of confessional conflicts, international politics and the personality of the French king led to the Europeanisation of the debate on religious war.

Au début du XVIIIe siècle, la Hongrie et les Pays-Bas méridionaux sont l’objet de la convoitise de la diplomatie française. Ces provinces périphériques de l’Empire habsbourgeois s’opposent aux politiques de centralisation menées par Madrid et Vienne. Afin de réaliser ses ambitions dynastiques, Louis XIV utilise ce contexte pour déstabiliser ces territoires dans le cadre d’une guerre de Succession d’Espagne engendrée par le décès de Charles II d’Espagne, le premier novembre 1700. Le Roi-Soleil mobilise ses armées et ses diplomates, dans la continuité des alliances de revers forgées lors des siècles précédents. Le marquis des Alleurs et le président Pierre Rouillé de Marbeuf, agents de Louis XIV, mi-espions, mi-ambassadeurs, sont respectivement envoyés en Hongrie auprès du prince hongrois rebelle François Rakóczi et aux Pays-Bas méridionaux aux côtés du gouverneur général de la province et maître de l’Électorat de Bavière, Maximilien-Emmanuel de Wittelsbach. Loin du fracas des champs de bataille de la guerre de Succession d’Espagne, une guerre de l’ombre se fait plus dure. La quête du renseignement devient la préoccupation croissante des cours européennes. La confidentialité des correspondances épistolaires est l’objet de toutes les attentions. Cette étude a l’ambition de retracer le cadre des ambitions françaises en Hongrie et aux Pays-Bas méridionaux au début du XVIIIe siècle. Les alliances de revers et les manœuvres militaires de la guerre de Succession d’Espagne replacent ces deux pays d’Europe au cœur des luttes dynastiques, diplomatiques, et militaires opposant les Bourbons et les Habsbourg pour la domination de l’Europe. / At the beginning of the 18th century, Hungary and the Southern Netherlands are coveted by the French diplomacy. Those peripheral provinces of The Habsburg Empire oppose the centralization policy lead by Madrid and Vienna. In order to realize his dynastic ambitions, Louis XIV uses this context to destabilize these territories during the War of the Spanish Succession triggered by the death of the last Habsburg King of Spain, Charles II, the first November 1700. Louis XIV mobilizes his army and his ambassadors in the continuity of the foreign alliances « Alliance de revers » that have been conducted during centuries. The marquis des Alleurs and the president Pierre Rouillé de Marbeuf, agents of Louis XIV, half spy, half ambassadors, are respectively send in Hungary nearby the rebel prince François Rakoczi and in the Southern Netherlands nearby the general governor of the province and Elector of Bavaria, Maximilien-Emmanuel de Wittelsbach. Far from the din of the battlefield of the Spanish Succession, another war hardens. The battle for information’s became the first preoccupation of European courts. The confidentiality of the epistolary correspondences is a crucial object of attention. The purpose of this study is to define the framework of the French ambitions in Hungary and the Southern Netherlands at the beginning of the 18th century. The « alliance de revers » and military moves during the War of the Spanish Succession replace those two European countries at the heart of dynastic, diplomatic and military conflicts opposing the Bourbon’s and the Habsburg’s for European hegemony.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:12:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Cristina Echevengua Teixeira.pdf: 1093859 bytes, checksum: ba5e77af9a887c162c1c0ee69dca75bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In Brazil, when one refers to official dance companies, what first comes up is the cultural journalism ignorance regarding the complexity they imply. What can be known about their operation if the media is silent, without informing the commitments arising from the fact their funding form is linked to laws and rulings that ignore their artistic nature? If the cultural journalism fails to explore the particular aspects of the power relationship between art and State manifested in the artistic existence of these companies, what does actually become public about them? This paper is based on the hypothesis of how successful the French model of official company, whose roots are connected to Louis XIV, was in Brazil, before the Portuguese colony, in the shows that took place here and before the critics at the times each one of these phenomena refers to, important allies to activate such victorious building. With Corpomídia Theory (KATZ; GREINER, 2001, 2003, 2005, 2006) it was possible to leverage the hypothesis that official companies operate by communicating their colonial ideology (the monarchies of Central Europe in the XVII, XVIII and XIX centuries), and the political terms of their foundation at the places where they are established. This double connection is found in its very own operation structure. This hypothesis can be built when one understands the body in codependence with the environments, in an ongoing process of changes of both environments, as the corpomídia concept suggests. By articulating the post-colonial reflection made by Agamben (2004), Bhabha (2007), Buarque de Holanda (1995, 2010), Elias (1990, 1993, 2001), among other researchers devoted to the embeddedness of communication with culture, it was possible to research the situation of the 15 Brazilian official dance companies through the relationship between media and power. The purpose of the research was to show that, in order to change the current situation, it is necessary to provide media visibility to the dance-State relationship, taking into account the weak communication of these days. Interviews with the directors of these companies were carried out, as well as bibliographic review that added to the authors mentioned the research of Brazilian Federal Registers, and valuable historical documents found in the collection of Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF), mainly at Bibliothèque-Musée de L Opéra, thanks to a four-month scholarship granted by CAPES / No Brasil, quando se fala sobre companhias oficiais de dança, o que primeiro aparece é a negligência do jornalismo cultural no que diz respeito à complexidade do que elas envolvem. O que se sabe sobre seu funcionamento se as mídias silenciam, sem informar sobre os comprometimentos advindos da sua forma de financiamento ser atrelada a leis e decretos que ignoram a sua natureza artística? Se o jornalismo cultural não explora os meandros da relação de poder entre arte e Estado, que se manifesta na forma de existência artística dessas companhias, o que, de fato, se torna público a seu respeito? Esta tese parte da hipótese de que o sucesso que o modelo francês de companhia oficial, de raízes ligadas a Luís XIV, teve no Brasil encontrou, na presença colonial portuguesa, nos espetáculos que aqui foram apresentados e nos críticos das épocas a que cada um desses fenômenos se refere, aliados potentes para o ativamento dessa construção vitoriosa. Com a Teoria Corpomídia (KATZ; GREINER, 2001, 2003, 2005, 2006), foi possível alavancar a hipótese de que as companhias oficiais atuam comunicando a sua ideologia colonial (as monarquias centro-europeias dos séculos XVII, XVIII e XIX) e as condições políticas de sua fundação nos locais onde se estabelecem. Essa dupla vinculação encontra-se encarnada na sua própria estrutura de funcionamento. Essa hipótese pode ser construída quando se entende o corpo em codependência com os ambientes, em um processo permanente de transformações de ambos, como propõe o conceito de corpomídia. Articulando a reflexão pós-colonial de Agamben (2004), Bhabha (2007), Buarque de Holanda (1995, 2010), Elias (1990, 1993, 2001), entre outros teóricos dedicados à imbricação da comunicação com a cultura, tornou-se possível pesquisar a situação das 15 companhias brasileiras oficiais de dança por meio da relação entre mídia e poder. A pesquisa teve como objetivo evidenciar que para modificar a situação atual torna-se necessário dar visibilidade midiática para a relação dança-Estado, levando em conta a comunicação precária hoje existente. Foram realizadas entrevistas com os diretores dessas companhias, bem como uma revisão bibliográfica que agregou aos autores citados o vasculhamento de Diários Oficiais e documentos históricos preciosos encontrados nos acervos da Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF), sobretudo na Bibliothèque-Musée de L Opéra, graças à uma bolsa-sanduíche de quatro meses concedida pela CAPES

Comment un troisième fils d'une famille de noblesse récente eut-il autant de pouvoirs sur la province du Lyonnais, Forez et Beaujolais, sous le règne de Louis XIV, est l'interrogation principale de ce sujet. En effet, Camille de Neufville fut lieutenant général du roi en 1646, avant de devenir archevêque de Lyon en 1653, cumulant ainsi toutes sortes de pouvoirs à la fois temporels et spirituels qui se mêlent et s'entremêlent alors que lui les veut étanches. Il convient d'analyser au travers de deux mots-clés, "pouvoir" et "fortune", comment il put atteindre un tel niveau de pouvoirs, puis comment il exerça ses charges de lieutenant général et archevêque, comment il imprima matériellement ses fonctions dans le paysage au travers de résidences séparées et comment il ancra, dans la province, le pouvoir de sa famille, de manière visible en érigeant le marquisat de Neufville. Ensuite, il convient d'étudier par quelles ressources en influences, en hommes (les différents réseaux), il put se maintenir au pouvoir pendant plus de quarante années et ce qu'il en retira en terme de fortune. / How could the third son of a recently annobled family gather so many powers in the Lyon, Forez, Beaujolais province, under the reign of Louis XIV? Here lies the main question of this work. Actually, Camille de Neufville was lieutenant general for the King in 1646, before becoming Archbishop of Lyon in 1653, this holdong concurrently all sorts of powers that were closely intermingled, though he wanted them totally independent. Consequently, we will point out, through two key words, "power" and "fortune", how he could get to such a high level of powers, then how he fulfilled his offices as lieutenant general and Archbishop, how he practically imprinted his practice on landscape through separated residences, and how he anchored the power of his family in the province, in a patent fashion, by creating the marquisat of Neufville. Then we will study on which influential and human ressources (his different networks) he relied on to stay in power for more than forty years and what he gained in terms of fortune.

Cette recherche, à partir de la pièce de Molière Les Précieuses ridicules, analyse l'opinion de l'auteur à l'égard du phénomène de la préciosité afin de déterminer les raisons de son attaque satirique contre les salonnières. Le mémoire s'ouvre sur une analyse du cadre historique dans laquelle sont établies les limites temporelles du mouvement précieux en France au XVIIe siècle et ses causes. Ces dernières sont à trouver dans les changements politiques et sociaux qui ont suivi la période de la Fronde et l’instauration de la monarchie absolutiste de Louis XIV. La deuxième partie, en passant en revue les satiristes les plus en vogue à l’époque, établit les sources plausibles de la pièce de Molière et détermine la nature politique de la satire. Ensuite, notre analyse met en lumière que les vraies cibles de Molière ne sont pas les précieuses mais les bourgeois qui aspirent à s’élever au niveau de l’aristocratie. La dernière partie est une réflexion sur le modèle de féminisme adopté par l’auteur et ses similarités avec la pensée de Mlle de Scudéry / This research paper, based on Molière's Les Précieuses ridicules, analyses the author's opinion of the phenomenon of “précieusité” in order to determine the reasons for his satirical attack on the “salonnières”. The essay opens with a historical framework in which are established the temporal limits and the causes of the precious movement in France in the seventeenth century. The latter are located in the political and social changes that followed the period of the Fronde and the establishment of the absolutist monarchy of Louis XIV. The second part, by reviewing the most popular satirists of the time, establishes the plausible sources of Molière's play and determines the political nature of satire. Then, our analysis highlights how the true targets of Molière are not the précieuses but the bourgeois who aspire to rise to the level of the aristocracy. The last part is a reflection on the model of feminism adopted by the author and its similarities with Miss de Scudéry.