The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how city librariesmaintain the intellectual freedom in their Internet service. Thediscussion about Internet filters has been quiet in Sweden forseveral years, so I wanted to see if there had been an increased useof filters. I also wanted to see if the city libraries regulated theInternet service in another way. I sent a survey to 100 libraries andgot answer from 83. To explain what intellectual freedom is, I usedStuart Hamilton’s theory about intellectual freedom in the librarycontext. My result was that it had been an increased use of Internetfilters but still the use was rather small. Most of the libraries in thestudy used policies or rules to regulate Internet access on topicslike pornography or racism. Most of the libraries also had theircomputers in an open way, and that could lead to a self censoredinformation seeking for the user. A solution is to have thecomputers in a more hidden way, so the user could have a morefree access to the Internet. My conclusion is that the most librariesdid hamper the intellectual freedom with their use of filter, policiesand/or the placement of the computers. / Program: Bibliotekarie

The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the field ofinformation politics, in the areas of the future regulationof The Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression andThe Freedom of the Press Act. The focus of the study is todiscursively examine how ideas and perspectives ontechnological developments are expressed in a pendingSwedish legislative proposal. The empirical data consistsof an interim government report, SOU 2010:68, writtenby Yttrandefrihetskommittén (Committee on Freedom ofExpression) and analysed using Norman Fairclough'sCritical Discourse Analysis. The analysis is conducted onthree levels: a textual level, a discursive practice level anda social practice level.On the textual level we found that the committeecontinously uses significantly charged expressions todescribe technological development. On the discursivepractice level two discourses were identified. Adeterministic discourse is prevalent in passages wheretechnological issues are described, and an intrumentalisticdiscourse dominates passages where the politicalregulation for dealing with technological developmentproblems is described. On the social practice level wefound that a discussion with a focus on the idea oftechnological neutrality is used as a means of meeting thepolitical incitements which gave rise to the report itself.The results show that the idea of neutralizing thepublication technologies connected with the rights offreedom of expression in Swedish legislation is proposedis two ways. Firstly, by describing problems connectedwith technological development in deterministic terms,and secondly, by suggesting political measures for dealingwith the problems in instrumentalistic terms. / Program: Bibliotekarie

Should libraries first and foremost be a source of free informationwhere the citizens can find whatever information they want, or dothe librarians have a responsibility for what kind of works theypresent to people on their shelves? A wild debate broke out inSwedish media in September 2012, after the artistic leader ofKulturhuset in Stockholm; Behrang Miri decided to weed out allthe Tintin albums from the children´s library Tiotretton. Hewanted to start a debate on stereotypes in children´s fiction, andwhat damage they do to children who face them. The purpose ofthe thesis is to carry out a discourse analysis of this media debate,and to identify the different views that are expressed on thedemocratic mission of the libraries, what media they shouldpresent. The method and theory is based on the discourse theory ofErnesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe and their concepts are used toarrange the analysis around certain themes that build up twodifferent discourses; “Freedom of information discourse” and the“Weeding out discourse”.The two main questions are: What views of the public librariesselection of works are expressed in the Tintin debate in Tiotretton,and how do the views relate to each other? What concepts arespecific for the debate, and what meanings do they get in thesedifferent views?In the concluding chapter I discuss which consequences theseopposing opinions can have for the future selection processes ofthe library. / Program: Bibliotekarie

This study investigates the professional, media-strategic practices that the requests by some users lead to, and how these practices can be understood and problematized in relation to the laws, regulations and governing documents to which the libraries relate. Thus, in this study, the media's media strategy choices are set in a context of judicial authority and legal principles. Based on four different concrete cases where a user reported the library's actions to JO, it is investigated what arguments users, libraries and JO use to claim their positions on the issue. In recent years, the various media strategy choices that the libraries make, about what books should be bought, moved, stored, or borrowed from other libraries, has increasingly been debated. In some cases this has led to reports to the judicial authority JO (Justitieombudsmannen), who has investigated the situation. In the center of investigations, there is often an individual librarian, who through his or her actions and choices, in the encounter with a user, is often faced with a dilemma and, as a consequence, sometimes acts without support in current legislation. Research shows that increased sick leave can be related to the worries and stresses that librarians experience in relation to these dilemmas. There is therefore a need for increased knowledge of the regulatory framework that libraries can seek support from in situations where they face contradictory norms and values in relation to a user's wishes.

No description available.

<p>Den 1 januari 2003 infördes ”sexuell läggning” i lagen om hets mot folkgrupp. Den främsta anledningen till att ändringen genomfördes var p.g.a. den hetspropaganda som nynazister och andra högerextrema grupper riktade mot homosexuella som grupp. För att ett handlande skall bli straffbart skall ett uttalande eller annat meddelande som sprids hota eller uttrycka missaktning för en folkgrupp eller annan sådan grupp av personer med anspelning på bl.a. sexuell läggning. I samband med denna lagändring behövdes det i tryckfrihetsförordningen och yttrandefrihetsgrundlagen tilläggas ”sexuell läggning” i den s.k. brottskatalogen.</p><p>Införandet av sexuell läggning i straffbestämmelsen innebär en inskränkning i yttrandefriheten som skyddas av tryckfrihetsförordningen och yttrandefrihetsgrundlagen samt Europakonventionen för de mänskliga fri- och rättigheterna. Regeringen ansåg att intresset att skydda homosexuella som grupp var ett ändamål som är tillåtet för inskränkningen. Regeringen anförde vidare att straffstadgandet inte hindrar en fri och saklig debatt och vederhäftig diskussion om homo- bi- och heterosexualitet i kyrkan eller andra områden i samhället. Vad gäller kyrkan och religionsfriheten är det inte straffbart att citera och diskutera t.ex. religiösa urkunder men däremot bör det inte vara tillåtet att genom religiösa texter hota eller uttrycka missaktning för homosexuella som grupp, lika lite som mot andra grupper.</p><p>Ett omdiskuterat fall handlade just om uttalanden inom kyrkan som föll in under bestämmelsen hets mot folkgrupp med anspelning på sexuell läggning. Pastor Åke Green fälldes i tingsrätten, friades av hovrätten och Högsta domstolen. Den främsta anledningen till att han friades i Högsta domstolen var att hans uttalanden i det religiösa sammanhanget inte uttryckte en uppmuntran till eller ett rättfärdigande av hat mot homosexuella som grupp, ett s.k. ”hate speech”. Enligt svensk rätt hade han uttryckt missaktning för homosexuella som grupp men Europakonventionens religions- och yttrandefrihet tillät, i detta specifika fall, inte en sådan inskränkning som straffbestämmelsen utgör.</p><p>I ett annat mål fälldes ett antal tilltalade i tingsrätten men friades av hovrätten. De tilltalade delade ut flygblad vars innehåll uttryckte missaktning för homosexuella som grupp. I flygbladet anförs att Nationell ungdom är upphovsman av uttalandena. Hovrätten anförde att deras agerande föll in under bestämmelsen hets mot folkgrupp men med anledning av domen mot Åke Green friades männen då innehållet i flygbladet inte uppmuntrade till eller rättfärdigade hat mot homosexuella som grupp. HD skall ta upp målet.</p>

<p>Genom att undersöka debatten i den svenska pressen till följd av Muhammedkarikatyrerna och Aftonbladets artikel om påstådd organhandel, ges en bild av hur den svenska presskåren ser på sig själv. Syftet är att ge en inblick i journalisternas egen uppfattning av yrkesrollen, vilket ansvar man anser sig ha och vilka etiska förpliktelser man ger uttryck för i debatterna. Den övergripande frågeställningen är vilken medieetik man kan utläsa från debatterna. I resultatet av undersökningen framträder en bild av media som oberoende makt utan politiska eller ekonomiska förpliktelser. Journalistkåren verkar delad i två generella uppfattningar av ansvar där man värnar för yttrande- och tryckfriheten samtidigt som man frågar sig hur mycket man som journalist får provocera i yttrandefrihetens namn.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>This essay begins with a presentation of the complex set of problems which relate to the interaction between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference (BrB 16:8, incitement to racial hatred). Can conflicts arise between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination? To shed light on this question, we have chosen to look at the issue from a new perspective. This perspective is based on the new challenges faced by Swedish society as a result of the changed composition of our population, our membership in the EU and our acknowledgment of certain international conventions concerning human rights.</p><p>Fifty years ago our population almost solely comprised of “native Swedes”. Today, because of massive immigration, our country can be described as multiracial and multicultural. This gives rise to questions concerning protecting minority groups from discrimination whilst also attempting to ensure that the non-discrimination acts do not compromise our freedom of speech. Our membership in the EU and our acknowledgement of certain international conventions means that European law and international law sometimes override Swedish law. This restricts our freedom to decide the extent of our non-discrimination statutes, but can have positive effects on the right to freedom of speech and religion.</p><p>The arguments that are put forward in our essay may give rise to many questions but we will focus on two major issues. First, where does the law draw the line between the freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference? Second, are there inherit flaws in the law as a result of both the inner changes our society has gone through and our new responsibilities due to our membership in the EU and our acknowledgement of certain international conventions?</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to answer these questions through studying and reflecting on the theory of law (doctrine). We will also analyse the existing written law and its sources, and consider court rulings and related judicial decisions. This analysis will enable us to make the following conclusion concerning the previously mentioned questions.</p><p>The freedom of speech is extensive and is not explicitly defined. Without explicit definition, no specific statements automatically become illegal. Therefore a person's freedom to express his own opinion in public is wide-ranging. Unfortunately our freedom of speech is not guaranteed for ever and therefore we have to both treasure and guard it from potential threats. Popular public opinion, populist interests or other specific interests may seek changes, which might effect our freedom of speech. The ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference is a specific interest of this kind. The purpose of this ban is based solely on good intentions. None the less, this ban could be a wolf in sheep’s clothing, as it might have a negative influence on the freedom of speech. When two justifiable causes come into conflict with one another – in this case the freedom of speech versus non-discrimination – a society must make difficult choices. Do we sacrifice part of our freedom of speech which will effect the whole population in order to protect minority groups, or do we sacrifice the rights of the minority in order to secure freedom of speech for all?</p><p>During the last few years there has been an increase in Nazi-organisations in Sweden, which have grown strong in terms of both the number of their supporters and the amount of attention which is paid to them by the press. These groups have used our democratic rights – which includes our freedom of speech – in order to spread their scornful opinions based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference. Through our study of court rulings concerning Nazis, we came to the conclusion that there is a strong tendency to convict Nazis. This is certainly the case if they call out “Sieg Heil” or salute Hitler. They are also often convicted if they are wearing the Nazi cross.</p><p>When the courts find that they are unable to convict a Nazi for the actions just mentioned, they often base their judgement on either one or two premises. If the prosecutor can not prove that it has been the Nazi's intention to spread a scornful message concerning a group defined by it's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference, he can not be convicted with reference to the non-discrimination act (uppsåtsrekvisitet). Moreover, if it can not be proven that the message has reached a considerable number of people and not just the Nazis private sphere, this also warrants the verdict of acquittal (spridningsrekvisitet). From our study of court rulings however, we found that the non-discrimination statute does fulfil its purpose. Most scornful or hate-filled messages are in fact disseminated to the wider public. This being the case, the Nazi is almost certain to be convicted.</p><p>Religious fundamentalism is not something entirely new in our society. Sweden has always had a few religious groups free from the state church and the members of the free churches have often held conservative religious beliefs, much like some Muslim movements today. Freedom of speech and religious freedom are of course two important elements of any democratic society, but through a court case concerning a Christian priest in a free church, the freedom of speech related to preaching has arguably become unacceptably extensive. In effect this court case means that as long as you can relate your scornful statement about a specific group included in the non-discrimination statute to a religious scripture like the Bible or the Koran, you can not be prosecuted.</p><p>This somewhat unsatisfactory conclusion is a result of Sweden adopting the European Convention of Human Rights. In this case the European Rights Law overrides the Swedish non-discrimination law and this leads to a flaw in our legal system relating to the protection of certain minority groups. It must be mentioned, however, that the European Convention of Human Rights is part of Swedish law, and therefore Swedish law can not contradict European law, RF 2:23. Given that we are bound by the European Rights Law, there is nothing Sweden can do about this flaw, which in the future might have even greater consequences in and on our multicultural society. For instance, what would happen if messages filled with hatred were spread by priests from the Christian free churches and fundamentalist Muslims. If these statements concerned the other group and the origin of the statements could be traced to the Bible and the Koran, the courts would have no way of convicting the preachers as this would go against the European Convention on Human Rights. This could result in serious social instability. Indeed, riots could break out as a result of such religious propaganda. The law would be powerless to halt the dissemination of the religious scorn which caused the riots.</p><p>We have come to three conclusions concerning intrinsic flaws in the law concerning the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference. We therefore recommend that the following changes should be made:</p><p>1. Concerning BrB 16:8, this act should include an unmistakable and transparent definition of the word “missaktning” (scornfulness or disrespect).</p><p>2. With reference to the High Court’s ruling regarding the priest and the European Convention on Human Rights, we recommend that Sweden should attempt to find a legal solution which will enable our courts to more easily convict scornful statements regarding certain minority groups, even if the origin of the statement can be traced to religious writings.</p><p>3. With reference to the instruction in the Freedom of Press Act (TF 1:4), we find it necessary to clarify which statements that can be looked upon as legal and which statements are unlawful.</p>

Det är mötet mellan konst och yttrandefrihet vi intresserar oss för i denna uppsats. Genom två uppmärksammade fall inom den svenska konstvärlden, ger vi oss in i den snårskog som krocken innebär mellan, det till synes, enkla och självklara fria ordet och konsten. Konsten, med dess många olika uttryck, ses säkerligen av många som det ultimata sättet att fritt uttrycka känslor, åsikter och reaktioner. Men vad händer då konsten upprör och krockar med föreställningen om vad yttrandefriheten innebär? Människor blir kränkta och plötsligt kan konsten snarare ses som en legitimering av antisemitism, rasism och diskriminering. Eller kan konst aldrig vara fel? Modern konst har rollen att avspegla, reagera på, kritisera och analysera samhället. Ett steg längre går satiren, som kan sägas vara den svages redskap att häckla sina makthavare: Satiren slår uppåt. Men det finns fall då ironin, humorn och det träffsäkra i satiren upprört inte bara toppskiktet i samhället, utan även de vanliga människorna. Ni minns säkert de karikatyrer som Jyllands-Posten publicerade under 2005. På betydligt närmre håll har mindre men liknande fall uppmärksammats. Vi har valt att fokusera på två svenska konstnärer, tillika samhällskritiker och medieprovokatörer: konstnären Lars Vilks, upphovsman till teckningen föreställande profeten Muhammed som en rondellhund samt satirtecknaren Lars Hillersberg som genom hela sin yrkeskarriär anklagades för att vara antisemit. Vårt syfte är att studera hur svenska ledar- och kulturskribenter hanterar dessa frågor om konst och yttrandefrihet, och vilken betydelse yttrandefriheten får i en diskussion om vad som är rätt och fel att tycka. Vi studerar hur skribenterna positionerar sig i debatterna för att se vilka som blir de ledande argumenten. Blir det fria ordet en ursäkt till att kränka, eller i positiv bemärkelse en möjlighet att väcka känslor och debatt?

Genom att undersöka debatten i den svenska pressen till följd av Muhammedkarikatyrerna och Aftonbladets artikel om påstådd organhandel, ges en bild av hur den svenska presskåren ser på sig själv. Syftet är att ge en inblick i journalisternas egen uppfattning av yrkesrollen, vilket ansvar man anser sig ha och vilka etiska förpliktelser man ger uttryck för i debatterna. Den övergripande frågeställningen är vilken medieetik man kan utläsa från debatterna. I resultatet av undersökningen framträder en bild av media som oberoende makt utan politiska eller ekonomiska förpliktelser. Journalistkåren verkar delad i två generella uppfattningar av ansvar där man värnar för yttrande- och tryckfriheten samtidigt som man frågar sig hur mycket man som journalist får provocera i yttrandefrihetens namn.