Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:28:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Keissiane.pdf: 2393564 bytes, checksum: 9a946871c118937773f401503f7d17cb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / In recent decades the incentive to reading was beyond school gaining support in hegemonic sectors of civil society like companies and banks until becoming State policy. The slogans of the reading incentive policies, with reductionist attributes, forged a common sense reading about the need to eradicate inequalities, produce peace, include, form the citizen and considerably transform education. The research analyzes the reading incentive policy at the federal, state establishing an incentive mark and the motivation to reading in the years 2007-2014 and city of Francisco Beltrão-PR in the period of 2005-2015. Part of the following issues: What is the reason of the State and different sectors of society encourage reading? Is there an against ideological proposal? The objective of the reasearch was to identify and analyse the contradictions of public policies to reading encourage, unravel the alienating and ideological approaches present in the programs, campaigns and projects and the rebounds of such ideological context in the city policy of Francisco Beltrão-PR. Specifically, understand the role of the Education Department for maintaining the current order, consolidating pedagogy of hegemony and its relationship with the encouragement to reading. . It was developed through analysis of documents that guide national, international, business and state and city plans for reading policies. To collect empirical data within the city politicy of Francisco Beltrão - PR, it was used semi structured complemented by analysis of documents that subsidized them. The data were analyzed from Chauí (1994), Marx (1998), Marx e Engels (1998, 2007), Mészáros (2007, 2008, 2012), Saviani (1996, 2004, 2013) and other authors that criticize the neoliberalism and its Pedagogy of hegemony. We situate reading from a critical approach guided by Britto (1999, 2003, 2009), Freire (2000, 2015) e Silva (1986, 1988, 1998a, 1998b, 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 2009) understanding it in the context of knowledge democratization and combating alienation whose views turn to awareness, active participation and require from the educator a political position before society. The results show that reading policies are presented as a salvationist strategy for the popular classes and mask the interests of capital made consensus through its Pedagogy of hegemony. Distance themselves from a motivation to reading while moving critical consensus.They point out that reading policies fall within the context of capitalist social relations consolidated the new relations of production as a result of the neoliberal model in which the State reduces its role and delegate to individuals the responsibility for the structural problems of society. The State, in this sense, becomes educator to redefine the task of forming the new man adapted to bourgeois sociability. Reading incentive policies are part of this educator State project. Cumpling with UNESCO parameters: education throughout life and competence with knowledge. The city policy is similar to national policies in the question citizenship, social inclusion and responsibility. / Nas últimas décadas o incentivo à leitura foi além da escola, ganhando respaldo em setores hegemônicos da sociedade civil, como grandes empresas e bancos, até tornar-se política de Estado. Os slogans das políticas de incentivo à leitura, com atributos reducionistas, forjaram um senso comum sobre a necessidade da leitura para erradicar desigualdades, produzir paz, incluir, formar o cidadão e transformar consideravelmente a educação. A pesquisa analisa a política de incentivo à leitura no âmbito federal, estadual estabelecendo um marco de incentivo e promoção da leitura do ano de 2007-2014 e no município de Francisco Beltrão-PR, no período de 2005-2015. Parte das seguintes problemáticas: Qual o motivo de o Estado e diferentes setores da sociedade incentivarem a leitura? Qual leitura de mundo está contida nos documentos que orientam as políticas para leitura? Há uma proposta contraideológica em tais orientações? O objetivo da pesquisa foi identificar e analisar as contradições das políticas públicas de incentivo à leitura, desvendar as abordagens alienantes e ideológicas presentes nos programas, campanhas e projetos e a repercussão desse contexto ideológico na política municipal de Francisco Beltrão-PR. Especificamente, compreender o papel do Estado Educador para a manutenção da ordem vigente, consolidação da pedagogia da hegemonia e suas relações com o incentivo à leitura. Desenvolveu-se mediante análise de documentos que orientam as políticas nacionais, internacionais, empresariais e planos estaduais e municipais para a leitura. Para a coleta de dados empíricos, no âmbito da política municipal de Francisco Beltrão - PR, utilizamos entrevistas semiestruturadas complementadas com análises de documentos que as subsidiavam. Os dados foram analisados a partir de Chauí (1994), Marx (1998), Marx e Engels (1998, 2007), Mészáros (2007, 2008, 2012), Saviani (1996, 2004, 2013) e demais autores que fazem a crítica ao neoliberalismo e sua pedagogia da hegemonia. Situamos a leitura a partir de uma abordagem crítica norteada por Britto (1999, 2003, 2009), Freire (2000, 2015) e Silva (1986, 1988, 1998a, 1998b, 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 2009) compreendendo-a no contexto de democratização do saber e combate à alienação cujas concepções se voltam à conscientização, participação ativa e requerem do educador um posicionamento político frente à sociedade. Os resultados mostram que as políticas de leitura são apresentadas como uma estratégia salvacionista para as classes populares e mascaram os interesses do capital tornados consenso através de sua pedagogia da hegemonia. Distanciam-se de uma promoção da leitura enquanto movimento de conscientização e crítica ao consenso. Apontam que as políticas de leitura se inserem no contexto das relações sociais capitalistas consubstanciadas nas novas relações de produção em função do modelo neoliberal em que o Estado reduz o seu papel e delega aos indivíduos a responsabilidade pelos problemas estruturais da sociedade. O Estado, nesse sentido, se torna educador ao redefinir a tarefa de formar o novo homem adaptado à sociabilidade burguesa. As políticas de incentivo à leitura são parte deste projeto do Estado educador. Atendem aos parâmetros da UNESCO: educação ao longo da vida e a competência em informação. A política municipal se assemelha às políticas nacionais no quesito cidadania, inclusão e responsabilidade social.

A partir da década de 1980, a disseminação de práticas macroeconômicas chamadas de neoliberais, cujo objetivo central é garantir a flexibilidade dos fluxos de capital em nível internacional, alterou não apenas os padrões mundiais de financiamento e comércio externo, mas toda a lógica de funcionamento da produção, do investimento, do consumo e das políticas dos governos. Tais alterações provocaram uma profunda redistribuição de funções entre os países no conjunto da economia internacional, abrindo espaço para o questionamento quanto a uma possível mudança da hierarquia historicamente estabelecida entre os países chamados do Centro e aqueles da Periferia. Este trabalho se insere nessa discussão, analisando o papel específico do Brasil no contexto da economia neoliberal e os impactos dessa inserção externa sobre a economia nacional. Partindo de uma revisão dos conceitos de neoliberalismo, desenvolvimento e dependência, e partindo também da concepção de que o Brasil foi progressivamente assumindo um papel de plataforma internacional de valorização financeira, nosso objetivo será o de mostrar que essa condição alterou substancialmente os parâmetros de definição de sua dependência externa, abrindo algumas possiblidades para a redução de sua vulnerabilidade. No entanto, a redução da dependência não significou uma associação imediata a melhores condições de desenvolvimento, o que exigiria do país um posicionamento adicional em termos da reconstrução de seu Projeto Nacional em meio à nova realidade do neoliberalismo internacional. Para a análise aqui efetuada, consideramos, sempre que possível no âmbito de comparações internacionais, o comportamento das contas externas, da composição do produto e dos mecanismos dinâmicos de incentivo à demanda e à inovação na economia brasileira em momentos de expansão e crise dos mercados financeiros, ressaltando o papel do dólar como condutor dos parâmetros de valorização. / Starting from the 1980\'s, the spread of the so called neoliberal macroeconomics practices, which were meant to guarantee international capital flows flexibility, changed not only commercial and financial world market patterns, but also, the functioning rationale of production, investment, consumption and government policies. Those changes created a profound redistribution of functions among countries in the international economic system, opening up the possibility of a much deeper change, involving the historically established relation between Center and Periphery countries. This thesis is part of this discussion analyzing the Brazilian specific role played in the context of the neoliberal economy and the impacts of its international position over the national economy. Departing from a revision of the concepts of neoliberalism, development and dependency and considering that the country was gradually assuming a role of international finance valorization platform, our goal is to show that this condition substantially altered the parameters from which external dependency was once defined, opening up some possibilities for the reduction of the vulnerability. Nevertheless, the dependency reduction did not create an immediate association with better conditions for development, which would ask for an additional statement from the country in terms of the reconstruction of its National Project in the new neoliberalism international reality. For this analysis, we consider, whenever possible in international comparisons, the behavior of Brazilian international accounts, internal product composition and dynamic mechanisms for demand and innovation incentives during financial markets expansions and crises, always highlighting the importance of the dollar as the regent of the valorization patterns.

There is consensus in media scholarship that in the best conditions, the media can play fundamental roles as institutions of the public sphere in both established and fledgling democracies. This study applies the critical political economy of the media approach to explore the manner in which the mainstream press in Zimbabwe ‘mediates’ the country’s postcolonial transition through coverage of political contests and political debate. It assumes that how the press frames these pivotal features of democracy is a significant pointer to its role in relation to the public sphere. While on the one level examining patterns of media framing of elections in the selected six newspapers over a period spanning over two decades, on the other level the study explores the relationship between the press and centres of political and economic power in the transition. This is done with a view to establishing the role and influence of these relations on media functions. What emerges from this study is that both the state and fractions of capital informed the manner in which the press ‘mediated’ Zimbabwe’s transition. The state was particularly the most influential power centre which, as its legitimacy waned after the first decade of independence, adopted authoritarian and predatory tendencies with the effect of polarising media along highly partisan forms of ‘oppositional’ and ‘patriotic’ journalism. Where nodes of critical-analytical journalism appeared, as did ‘independent nationalist’ journalism in 2000, they were nipped in the bud by unrelenting political and economic constraints. The study’s major finding is that restrictive media policies aimed at constructing Zanu PF hegemony through the press, as well as pressures from fractions of capital and sections of civil society vying for control of state, combined to seriously compromise the press’s mediation of the political contestation in the transition. It also notes the press’s institutional inability to actively assert its powers of agency against structural constraints, and explains this as a partial inheritance from lethargic Rhodesian institutions such as the Rhodesia Guild of Journalists. Overall, the thesis argues that to nurture a media system that approximates the ideal of a multi-layered and differentiated public sphere which best serves an array of citizens’ interests, Zimbabwe would need radical reforms at the levels of media policy and media practice.

Den här artikeln utforskar, genom en mångperspektivistisk diskursanalys, tidningsartiklar, en vetenskaplig artikel, ett myndighetsbrev, bloggar och ett reportage skrivna om en specifik grundskola i Sverige, som har blivit känd för sitt lyckade utvecklingsarbete med elevernas studieresultat. Enligt denna artikel är bilden som förmedlas genom media mycket positiv tills en artikel följd av en blogg, förändrade diskursordningen på ett hegemoniskt sätt. Den här artikeln beskriver den diskursiva förändringen i relation till den social- och historiskt utbildningspolitiska kontexten, till stor del dominerad av en nyliberal ideologi, där mätning och ranking fokuseras mer än skolutveckling i form av inkludering och lärande. / This article uses discourse analysis from a multivalent perspective to research newspaper articles, a scientific article, an institutional newsletter, blogs and a reportage written on the subject of a specific comprehensive school in Sweden which has become known for its successful development in pupils’ achievements. According to this article the picture given of the school in the media is very positive, until the time when one article in a newspaper, followed by a blog, changed the order of discourse in a hegemonic way. This article describes the discursive change in relation to the social and historical context within the education policy, one largely dominated by a neoliberal ideology, which focuses more on measuring and ranking than on school improvement in terms of inclusion and learning.

This document is an ethnographic account of one researcher's experience during an election season spent with one candidate. The document considers the history of political anthropology as a subfield of anthropology, the deployment of ideology and hegemony as theoretical concepts, and includes a brief history of Tampa and Hillsborough County politics. The document attempts to make connections between the practical necessities of campaigning, with reference to the processual approach of examining micro-political process, and theoretical issues related to the subject of political anthropology, notably the concepts of ideology, hegemony, and the subject of elites in human social organization.

This paper argues the institution of Roman bathing was an instrument of cultural hegemony, which allowed the Roman Empire to maintain hegemony over the Roman provinces. Numerous frameworks have been suggested in order to provide a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between Rome and the provinces. Roman imperialism has been a topic of debate for over one hundred years and the vicissitudes of scholarly thought are highlighted by the changes in the characterization of the theory of Romanization. In the recent past, scholars have sought a framework that could progress beyond the problematic concept of Romanization in order to better understand acculturation in the Roman provinces. In this paper, I provide an alternative method for examining the somewhat hackneyed issue of Roman imperialism. I argue the relationship between Rome and the provinces can be examined through the Gramcian theory of cultural hegemony. Using cultural hegemony, I explore the political consequences of direct change acculturation of the provinces of the Roman Empire. I argue that Roman culture was an efficacious mechanism for the dissemination of Roman ideology and diffusion of the Roman worldview was politically advantageous for Rome. Furthermore, I argue the custom of public bathing was a Roman cultural phenomenon that aided the Empire in preserving their hegemony in the provinces.

This dissertation is a study of US foreign policy that aims at maintaining its regional hegemonic status and preventing the emergence of another regional hegemon by implementing the offshore balancing strategy. US intervention during the 2003 Iraq War, strained US-Iran relationship, and the establishment of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in early 2014 compel a reevaluation of US foreign policy. Two major claims of this dissertation include: (1) US foreign policy is consistent with offensive realist theoretical claims; and (2) US foreign policy is characterized by continuity when it comes to issues related to America's strategic interests. Utilizing a case study and comparative case study methodology, this dissertation outlines the following findings. The first finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy actions under the Bush Doctrine, which led to the 2003 Iraq War, were dictated by the anarchic status of the international system, the possession by Iraq of military capabilities that could harm or destroy America, fear from and suspicion of Iraq's intentions, the need to ensure survival in an anarchic system, and the need to maximize relative power vis-à-vis other states. All these factors led to three main pattern of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. Because there was no other regional great power capable and willing to balance Iraq, the US was forced to rely on direct balancing by threatening Iraq to take military actions, creating an anti-Iraqi alliance, and maximizing its relative power by destroying Iraq's military capabilities. Second, US foreign policy under the Bush Doctrine was a continuation of the 20th century foreign policy. US foreign policy during the 20th century was dictated by three major patterns of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. In realizing its foreign policy goals, the US had to rely on buck-passing and balancing strategies. Whenever there was no regional great power able and willing "to carry the buck", the US would rely on direct balancing by either threatening the aggressor, creating alliances with other regional states, or utilizing additional resources of its own. Four major presidential doctrines and related occurrences were utilized to test the claim: the Roosevelt Corollary, the Truman Doctrine, the Carter Doctrine, and the Reagan Doctrine. The last finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy toward Iran constitutes continuity and is dictated by US need to maintain regional hegemony by acting as an offshore balancer. In addition, the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests in several occasions, and a strategic win or loss for one state is a win or loss for the other. Like that of the US, Iran's foreign policy is guided by rationality. The Iran-Contra affair, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, and the Russia-Chechnya conflict support the claim that Iran's foreign policy is based on rationality instead of religious ideology as argued by many scholars. Also, the 2001 Afghanistan war, the 2003 Iraq war, and the establishment of the ISIL support the claim that the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests. Cooperation is often desirable and in some cases inevitable. Despite this strong claim, US-Iran relationship has its own limitations because neither the US nor Iran would accept a too powerful other that could establish absolute dominance in the region.

This thesis will examine the representation of motherhood in horror cinema in order to discuss the problems and potentials of repeated domestic traditions. While maternal horror narratives impose gender roles based on heterosexual hegemonic biases, some of these films also examine the feminine experience and criticize the patriarchal institutional structures that affect domesticity and femininity. If we discuss these promising features, we can build on the implied trajectories, and engender more representation of marginalized experience in order to seek out new methods of cultural stabilization and unity. This proposal relies on Jacques Derrida's theory of hauntology, which addresses past and future specters of anxieties and ideologies, and suggests that in order to confront these anxieties, we must recognize how and why mainstream repeats cultural traditions, and how to engage these specters to project new resolutions. By studying The Ring (2001), Silent Hill (2006), and Mama (2013), I have determined that most maternal horror narratives impose gender roles and standards upon its mother characters, but their conclusions criticize patriarchal rhetoric, and repeat cultural traditions with new, progressive implications that can both challenge and resolve cultural stability. This thesis intends to generate more discussion for domestic representation in mainstream media, negotiate our desire for cultural stability with destabilizing, non-hegemonic resolutions, and call attention to the social pressure enforced on mothers that neglects their experience and position.

In this thesis I examine women's participation in the violent revolutionary organization, Weatherman/Weather Underground. My attempt is to uncover Weatherman's view of women's liberation, their differences to the women's liberation movement and examine the practices implemented. I discuss Weatherman, more generally, in the context and circumstances of their emergence from the Students for a Democratic Society in the late sixties. Influenced by popular revolutionary thinkers Weatherman declared itself and its members revolutionaries dedicated to bringing about a socialist revolution in the United States through strategies of guerilla warfare. Weatherman's insistence on revolutionary violence situated masculinity and machismo within the center of their politics and practice. Weatherman promised its female members liberation through violence and machismo in the fight for a socialist revolution. I explore Weatherman's political position on women's liberation and the result of their politics evident in autonomous women's actions and sexual practices. In addition, I contend that Weatherman's politics more generally, and women's participation in Weatherman was shaped by the cultural hegemony of masculinity, termed by Connell as hegemonic masculinity. Exploration of women's participation in political violence is important to the acknowledgment of women as agents of aggression and the gender fluidity they represent. Weatherwomen's acceptance and adoption of masculinity provides an example of gender fluidity in contexts outside of common homosexual, transgendered, or queer representations. Furthermore, varying perceptions of women's liberation during the late sixties and early seventies has yet to be explored outside of the narrow scope of the autonomous feminist movement. Women who participated in the Weatherman/Weather Underground, their politics of women's liberation and methods in which to accomplish liberation have been ignored by historians of feminism and the New Left. This thesis uncovers the politics of women's liberation in the Weatherman/ Weather Underground, through which I examine the meaning of women's liberation, methods of liberation, and the empowered and limited position of women within the Weatherman/Weather Underground.

This multi-case ethnographic study examined the gender beliefs of two teachers and 12 parents and the gender identity of thirty 8-10 year old boys in two primary schools in Jamaica. The study was conducted against the background of gross underachievement among Jamaican boys and the research literature pointing to gender socialization as a factor in the declining results and interest in academic studies. Through 10 weeks of observations, interviews and focus group discussions answers were sought for the following questions: 1. What beliefs do teachers hold about gender? 2. What beliefs do parents hold about gender? 3. What are boys' perceptions of their gender identity? From the data collected it was revealed that teachers' expressed beliefs was not always consistent with their classroom practices; teachers traditional methods even though recognising that girls and boys have different learning styles; boys arrived at school far less prepared to work than girls; they were more likely to be off task than were girls; they identified strongly and early with traditional masculinity in the process devaluing anything feminine; parents, particularly mothers felt powerless to change the attitudes of boys towards school work; they allow their boys far more latitude to play at home and in many instances failed to help them develop a sense of responsibility. Parents held traditional gender beliefs guided mostly by religious teachings. In the matter of careers however, they were prepared to allow their sons to work in traditional female careers. The findings suggest the need for a radical redefinition of what it means to be masculinity, one which will allow boys to embrace feminine values and attitudes. The central education authorities in Jamaica need a clear gender policy for schools; schools need to work closer with parents for a greater level of consistency in the socialization of boys. Finally, teacher preparation programmes need to pay more than lip service to gender in the education process. Teachers in training need to understand that their socialization practices are driven by their beliefs and impact the development of boys and girls' identities.