[pt] Este estudo tem por objetivo analisar as relações entre o poder constituinte e a escravidão no Brasil. Na tentativa de compreensão substantiva do poder constituinte no Brasil, bem como da operacionalização do direito enquanto elemento central à hierarquização e violência raciais neste solo, mobilizou-se as ferramentas metodológicas ofertadas pelo direito em pretuguês e as chaves analíticas derivadas do conceito de dispositivo de racialidade, também intencionando a promoção de reflexões sobre alternativas de práticas jurídicas e programas de ensino antirracistas. Objetivando-se a realização de uma leitura do fenômeno a partir de chaves epistêmicas que fissuram o colonialismo jurídico, adota-se como premissa a insuficiência do Direito diante do racismo incrustado nas instituições e estruturas brasileiras. Assume-se que a resposta às cisões promovidas pelo Direito, sobremaneira as raciais, não residem na atuação do sistema de justiça, o qual aponta para avanços pontuais e intencionalmente insólitos e frágeis diantes dos grandes tensionamentos, constrangimentos e interpelações intra institucionais promovidos. Para a realização da pesquisa, foram investigados os periódicos da imprensa negra e abolicionista oitocentista, compreendendo-se as etapas de levantamento, catalogação, sistematização e estudo qualitativo das informações alcançadas. Empreendeu-se, ainda, a revisão bibliográfica de temas atinentes ao problema, com vistas à proposição de novos paradigmas à análise do poder constituinte no Brasil, desde as autoinscrições negras rumo a um novo projeto de nação brasileira e as propostas de ampliação das dimensões de liberdade, cidadania, igualdade e povo. / [en] The aim of this study is to analyze the relationship between constituent power and slavery in Brazil. In an attempt to gain a substantive understanding of constituent power in Brazil, as well as the operationalization of law as a central element of racial hierarchization and violence on this soil, the methodological tools offered by law in Pretuguês and the analytical keys derived from the concept of a raciality device were mobilized, also with the intention of promoting reflections on alternative legal practices and anti-racist teaching programs. With the aim of reading the phenomenon from epistemic keys that break down legal colonialism, the premise is that the law is insufficient in the face of the racism embedded in Brazilian institutions and structures. It is assumed that the answer to the divisions promoted by the Law, especially racial ones, does not lie in the actions of the justice system, which points to occasional and intentionally unusual and fragile advances in the face of the great tensions, constraints and intra-institutional interpellations promoted. In order to carry out the research, the periodicals of the nineteenth-century black and abolitionist press were investigated, comprising the stages of surveying, cataloging, systematizing and qualitatively studying the information obtained. We also undertook a bibliographical review of issues related to the problem, with a view to proposing new paradigms for the analysis of constituent power in Brazil, from black self-inscriptions towards a new project for a Brazilian nation and proposals for expanding the dimensions of freedom, citizenship, equality and people.

[pt] É importante diferenciar o Maquiavelismo do Maquiavelianismo. O primeiro está baseado na crença de que todos os meios disponíveis são justificáveis para ascender e manter o poder, ainda que imorais; enquanto o outro consiste na verdadeira essência do pensamento de Nicolau Maquiavel, trazer as lições deixadas pelos antigos para os tempos moderno, principalmente no que consiste a chamada liberdade republicana. Isto faz total sentido se enxergarmos a renascença como o período de substituição da vida passiva, marcada pela pura reflexão espiritual e contemplação divina, pela vida ativa em que o homem assume uma atividade criadora perante o mundo, não apenas nas artes como nas instituições políticas. Essa é a pratica do viver civiles, em que toda forma de organização social é moldada pela própria comunidade com o objetivo de aprimorar o convívio social. Esta noção está na própria essência do movimento do humanismo cívico que marcou todo o período da Renascença. É sob esta perspectiva que devemos interpretas a obra de Nicolau Maquiavel. O príncipe novo nada mais é que a forma alegórica desta engenharia institucional que posteriormente ganharia a alcunha de Poder Constituinte, mas já estava presente na dinâmica renascentista. Ainda segundo Maquiavel, o príncipe novo necessariamente assumiria a forma de um Oxímoro, figura alegórica em que duas partes de natureza opostas se unem contraditoriamente em um todo harmônico. Aqui, ele se refere aos pequenos e aos grandes que em uma eterna disputa, sempre dentro de um determinado arcabouço institucional, colaboram para aprovar leis uteis para o beneficio mutuo de toda a sociedade. Este processo consiste na fundação continua que deve ser encarado como a próprio essência do poder constituinte que possuía uma natureza invariavelmente aberta. É assim que devemos ler as referencias ao governo misto ao longo de toda a obra maquiaveliana. A figura do Oxímoro exclui qualquer associação do pensamento do secretário florentino com o fenômeno populista, ao menos se levarmos em consideração a definição dada por Laclau em a Razão Populista. O populismo é marcado pela ascensão de uma particularidade (plebe) e sua consolidação como totalidade (populus), enquanto Maquiavel propôs com a cooperação ainda que forçada entre os dois polos antagônicos da sociedade com a manutenção de suas respectivas funções sociais. Entretanto, podemos identificar no conceito de virtù, a vagueza conceitual necessária para caracterizar o conceito de significante flutuante. Isto explica a facilidade das mais diversas correntes ideológicas em se apoderar do legado do secretário florentino em prol de uma causa própria. Ironicamente, Maquiavel parece ter aberto a caixa de pandora do populismo, ainda que contra a própria vontade. / [en] It is important to distinguish the Machiavellianism from the Machiavellian commonwealth. The first is based on the believe that all available means are justifiable to ascend and preserve power, yet imoral; while the other consistes on the true essence of Nicolà Machiavelli s thought: apply the leassons let by the ancient to modern times, specially about the so called republicana liberty. It makes all sense if we analyse the renaissance as the moment of substituition of the passive life, marked by purê spiritual reflexion and divine contemplation, for the active life that the man adopts a creative active before the world, not just in the arts as the political instituitions as well. This is the practice of the viver civiles in which all the forms of social organization are shaped by the own community. in order to improve the social life. This concept is in the own essence of the civic humanism that forged all the period of the Renaissance. It is under this perspective that we should interpret all the Machiavellian work. The príncipe novo is just the alegorical form of the popular statecraft that would later be named constituitional power, but it was already present in the renascence dynamic. Accorduing to the florentina secretary, this príncipe novo would necessarily assume the shape of an Oxymoron, figure of speech in which two parts of opposite nature contradictorily unite in a harmonious whole. Here, he refers to the eternal dispute among the small and the big when operete inside a framework tend tocooperate aproving useful laws for the whole civil society. This process consists in the continuos foundation and caracterizes the own essence of the constitucional power which always have an opened nature. That is the way we should read the references to the mixed government all along the machiavellian works. The Oxymoron figure exculpes any association of the machiavellian Thoughr to the populista phenomenom, at least if we consider the definition given by Ernesto Laclau in his Razão Populista. The populism is caracterized by the ascention of a particularity (plebe) and it s consolidation as totality (populus), while Machiavelli proposed the cooperation yet forced between two antagonical Poles with the preservativos of their respectiva social functions. Nevetheless, we might identify in the concept of virtù, enough conceptual vaporousness to classify it as a flowing significant. It explains the easiness with the most diverse ideologia corrents apropriated from the Machiavellian Legacy. ironically, Machiavelli seemed to have opened the populism pandora box, yet unwittingly.

An experimental method was further developed to quantify the anisotropy of multi-site fatigue crack initiation behaviors in high strength Al alloys by four-point bend fatigue testing under stress control. In this method, fatigue crack initiation sites (fatigue weak-links, FWLs) were measured on the sample surface at different cyclic stress levels. The FWL density in an alloy could be best described using a three-parameter Weibull function of stress, though other types of sigmoidal functions might also be used to quantify the relationship between FWL density and stress. The strength distribution of the FWLs was derived from the Weibull function determined by fitting the FWLs vs. stress curve experimentally obtained. As materials properties, the FWL density and strength distribution could be used to evaluate the fatigue crack nucleation behaviors of engineering alloys quantitatively and the alloy quality in terms of FWL density and strength distribution. In this work, the effects of environment, types of microstructural heterogeneities and loading direction on FWLs were all studied in detail in AA7075-T651, AA2026-T3511, and A713 Al alloys, etc. It was also found that FWLs should be quantified as a Weibull-type function of strain instead of stress, when the applied maximum cyclic stress exceeded the yield strength of the tested alloys. In this work, four-point bend fatigue tests were conducted on the L-T (Rolling-Transverse), L-S (Rolling-Short transverse) and T-S planes of an AA7075-T651 alloy plate, respectively, at room temperature, 20 Hz, R=0.1, in air. The FWL populations, measured on these surfaces, were a Weibull-type function of the applied maximum cyclic stress, from which FWL density and strength distribution could be determined. The alloy showed a significant anisotropy of FWLs with the weak-link density being 11 mm-2, 15 mm-2 and 4 mm-2 on the L-T, L-S and T-S planes, respectively. Fatigue cracks were predominantly initiated at Fe-containing particles on the L-T and L-S planes, but only at Si-bearing particles on the T-S plane, profoundly demonstrating that the pre-fractured Fe-containing particles were responsible for crack initiation on the L-T and L-S planes, since the pre-fracture of these particles due to extensive deformation in the L direction during the prior rolling operation could only promote crack initiation when the sample was cyclically stressed in the L direction on both the L-T and L-S planes. The fatigue strengths of the L-T, L-S and T-S planes of the AA7075 alloy were measured to be 243.6, 273.0 and 280.6 MPa, respectively. The differences in grain and particle structures between these planes were responsible for the anisotropy of fatigue strength and FWLs on these planes. Three types of fatigue cracks from particles, type-I: the micro-cracks in the particles could not propagate into the matrix, i.e., type-II: the micro-cracks were fully arrested soon after they propagated into the matrix, and type-III: the micro-cracks became long cracks, were observed in the AA7075-T651 alloy after fatigue testing. By cross-sectioning these three-types of particles using Focused Ion Beam (FIB), it was found that the thickness of the particles was the dominant factor controlling fatigue crack initiation at the particles, namely, the thicker a pre-fractured Fe-containing particle, the easier it became a type-III crack on the L-T and L-S planes. On the T-S plane, there were only types-I and III Si-bearing particles at which crack were initiated. The type-I particles were less than 6.5 μm in thickness and type-III particles were thicker than 8.3 μm. Cross-sectioning of these particles using FIB revealed that these particles all contained gas pores which promoted crack initiation at the particles because of higher stress concentration at the pores in connection with the particles. It was also found that fatigue cracks did not always follow the any specific crystallographic planes within each grain, based on the Electron Backscatter Diffraction (EBSD) measurement. Also, the grain orientation did not show a strong influence on crack initiation at particles which were located within the grains. The topography measurements with an Atomic Force Microscope (AFM) revealed that Fe-containing particles were protruded on the mechanically polished surface, while the Si-bearing particles were intruded on the surface, which was consistent with hardness measurements showing that Si-bearing particles were softer (4.030.92 GPa) than Fe-containing ones (8.9 0.87 GPa) in the alloy. To verify the 3-D effects of the pre-fractured particles on fatigue crack initiation in high strength Al alloys, rectangular micro-notches of three different types of dimensions were fabricated using FIB in the selected grains on the T-S planes of both AA2024-T351 and AA7075-T651 Al alloys, to mimic the three types of pre-fractured particles found in these alloys. Fatigue testing on these samples with the micro-notches verified that the wider and deeper the micro-notches, the easier fatigue cracks could be initiated at the notches. In the AA2024-T351 samples, cracks preferred to propagate along the {111} slip plane with the smallest twist angle and relatively large Schmid factor. These experimental data obtained in this work could pave a way to building a 3-D quantitative model for quantification of fatigue crack initiation behaviors by taking into account the driving force and resistance to short crack growth at the particles in the surface of these alloys.

本文以摩根台指與台灣50指數成分股調整的股價效應做比較，兩者對於成分股調整的宣告及生效是否存在異常報酬，而異常報酬的不同是否與其指數編制方式有關。實證結果發現摩根台指新增股具有 顯著正報酬、剔除股具有顯著負報酬，且在宣告日二十天後價格呈現反轉，符合價格壓力假說。而台灣50指數新增股異常報酬則不顯著異於零，兩種指數的新增股在宣告成份股調整後皆有超額成交量、流動性持續增加。再者摩根台指的宣告效果比台灣50指數強，且透過加權的方式較能表現出指數成份股調整所帶來的現貨價格影響。 / The study examines both the price and volume effect of stock additions or deletions on both the MSCI Taiwan index and Taiwan50 index. We document significant abnormal returns of stock additions and deletions for the MSCI Taiwan Index both on the announced period or on the effective period. In addition, we also find a significant abnormal return of stock deletions for Taiwan 50 Index either announced period or the effective period. While we do not find any significant abnormal return of stock additions. Further more, both the announced date effect and the effective date effect for MSCI Taiwan Index are stronger than those for Taiwan 50 Index. Our results support the price pressure hypothesis.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Comment une prise de pouvoir par la force peut-elle donner naissance à un ordre juridique stable? Peu étudié par les juristes, le coup d’Etat moderne n’est pas seulement un procédé permettant l’accession au pouvoir, il est également l’un des modes d’enclenchement du pouvoir constituant originaire, moment de rupture et de reconstruction constitutionnelles. Cette notion se trouve être au croisement de la science politique, de la philosophie du droit, et de l’histoire. Permettant l’instauration d’une nouvelle constitution, le coup d’Etat moderne est une prise de pouvoir soudaine par un petit groupe d'hommes appartenant à l’appareil de l’Etat et utilisant la force. En se fondant sur différents évènements historiques majeurs, comme les coups de Bonaparte, Lénine, Pinochet, etc., il paraît nécessaire de définir ce concept, le distinguant de la révolution. Il est possible d’établir une classification des différents types de coups, selon leurs protagonistes et leur impact sur l’ordre juridique : coup d’Etat révolutionnaire, coup d’Etat classique, coup d’Etat moderne, putsch, et pronunciamiento. Il se dégage alors les techniques de préparation, de mise en oeuvre, et de maintien du coup qui touchent à la fois aux sphères politique et juridique. / How can the violent overthrow of a government generate a stable legal order? Often overlooked by the legal community, a modern coup is not just a process of accession to power; it is also one of the ways of engaging the original constituent power, of constitutional rupture and of reconstruction. This concept is located at the intersection of political science, of the philosophy of law and of history. The modern coup, which permits the establishment of a new constitution, is the sudden, illegal replacement of a government by a small group of the existing state establishment by the use of force. Based on various historical events, such as the coups d’état of Bonaparte, Lenin, Pinochet, etc., we define this concept and distinguish it from a revolution. We establish a classification of different types of coups, according to their protagonists and their impact on the constitutional system: revolutionary coups, classical coups, modern coups, putsches, and pronunciamienti. We also define the techniques of preparation, implementation and preservation of the coup which affect both the political and legal spheres

[pt] O trabalho visa a compreender os processos, mecanismos e métodos discursivos pelos quais os participantes (parlamentares) de uma Comissão Temática (chamada Comissão da Soberania e dos Direitos e Garantias do Homem e da Mulher - CSDGHM) da primeira fase dos trabalhos da última Assembleia Nacional Constituinte brasileira, negociam a aprovação do seu texto final, que vale como o projeto da comissão. Essa pesquisa situa-se numa lacuna da literatura jurídica e linguística: jurídica, porque não há trabalhos no campo do direito que deem conta do nível micro de produção de textos normativos, seus processos e consequências; linguística, porque, mesmo com o avanço notável dos estudos sobre linguagem e direito (também chamados de linguística forense), uma parte dos estudos mais amplos sobre linguística aplicada das profissões, nenhum capítulo desses estudos parece muito preocupado sobre como os textos normativos são criados. Utilizando ferramentas analíticas dos estudos discursivo-interacionais e da etnometodologia - especialmente os conceitos de intersubjetividade, formulação e account -, este trabalho se baseia na análise de documentos e transcrições oficiais (leigas) de reuniões da CSDGHM, disponíveis em domínio público em páginas dos sites da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal. Ao todo, foram inicialmente analisados três textos de anteprojetos da CSDGHM e transcrições de 13 reuniões de debates da CSDGHM, além de alguns textos de projetos de emendas ao texto do anteprojeto, por amostragem. Depois da pré-análise, quatro partes do texto do anteprojeto foram selecionadas como guias analíticos para a identificação de fenômenos e processos discursivos-chaves nas reuniões de debates, por terem sido as partes do texto que mais controvérsia geraram nas reuniões de debate da comissão. A análise demonstrou, em primeiro lugar, que o processo de formação de normas é uma macroatividade, que engloba três tipos de atividades principais - a atividade de redação, a atividade de emendas e a atividade de debates. Esta última atividade, a de debates, é a mais visível e mais trabalhosa das três, e o local privilegiado onde são negociados aspectos controvertidos do texto do anteprojeto que está em discussão, em busca de uma intersubjetividade que permita a aprovação do anteprojeto por consenso, por negociação da redação de partes do texto, ou por uma votação polarizada em termos de sim ou não. Em segundo lugar a análise demonstrou que os participantes negociam a intersubjetividade quanto a texto através de formulações - que negociam o(s) sentido(s) do texto normativo em discussão e seus efeitos na possibilidade aceitação ou rejeição desse texto -; e de accounts - que são usados como instrumentos discursivos de defesa da correção e razoabilidade das posições ideológicas dos participantes, em relação ao texto em discussão e ao(s) seu(s) sentido(s) formulado(s). Por fim, a análise demonstrou a complexidade do processo de formação de normas, em geral, da atividade de debates, mais particularmente, e dos instrumentos, procedimentos, mecanismos e protocolos utilizados pelos participantes dessa atividade para chegarem a um acordo ou uma votação sobre o texto a ser aprovado, ainda mais particularmente. Implicações para futuras pesquisas (nesse e em outros campos jurídicos e da linguística aplicada das profissões) são discutidas, em considerações finais. / [en] This research aims at understanding the discursive processes, mechanisms and methods whereby participants (members of parliament) of a Thematic Committee (called Comissão da Soberania e dos Direitos e Garantias do Homem e da Mulher - CSDGHM, or Committee on the Sovereignty, Rights and Guaranties of Men and Women) from the first phase of the last Brazilian Constitutional Assembly negotiate the approval of its final text, that counts as the (normative) project of the committee. This research situates itself in a gap of both the juridical and linguistics literature: juridical, because there is no work in the field of law that account for the micro level of the production of normative texts, its processes and consequences; linguistics, because, notwithstanding the notable development of the studies on Language and Law (also called Forensic Linguistics), a part of the more general studies on Applied Linguistics of Professions, no chapter of these studies seem much concerned with how normative texts are created. Using analytical framework from interactional-discursive studies and ethnomethodology - especially the concepts of intersubjectivity, formulation and account -, this research stems from the analysis of documents and official (lay) transcriptions of CSDGHM s meetings, available to public domain from websites of the Brazilian Camara dos Deputados (House of Representatives) and Senado Federal (Federal Senate). Overall, texts from three versions of the committee s project, transcripts from 13 meetings and some text from amendment propositions were initially analyzed. After this pre-analysis, for parts of the projects texts were selected as analytical guides to the spotting of key discursive phenomena and processes in the debate meetings, because these parts of the project were the most subjected to controversy in those meetings. Analysis has shown, first, that the process of norm-enacting is a macroactivity, which encompasses three main types of activities - the drafting activity, the amendment activity and the debate activity. This last activity - debate activity - is the most visible and most difficult of the three, and as such, is the privileged locus where controversial aspects of the text of the committee s project are negotiated, in search of a intersubjectivity that allows for the approval of that project, either by consensus, bargaining on parts of the text, or by a polarized vote in terms of yes ou no. Second, analysis has shown that participants negotiate intersubjectivity about the text through formulations - which negotiate the sense/s of the normative text under discussion and its effects on the possibility of accepting or rejecting this text -; and through accounts - which are used as discursive instruments to defend the correction or reasonableness of the ideological positions of the participants, with regard to the text under discussion and its/their formulated sense/s. Finally, analysis has shown the complexity of the process of norm-enacting, in general, of the debate activity, more particularly, and of the instruments, procedures, mechanisms and protocols used by participants of these activities to reach an agreement or a vote on the text to be approved, even more particularly.

A dissertação analisa a interação entre a dinâmica da participação popular e a dinâmica político-legislativa a partir do exame da mobilização social ocorrida ao longa da elaboração da Constituição de 1988. Defendo a hipótese de que, no período da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC), essa interação foi intensificada e requalificada em função: primeiro, do contexto de crise do estado desenvolvimentista e de crise político-institucional que possibilitou o processo de transição democrática e favoreceu a mobilização social; segundo, do uso, até então inédito no mundo, de instrumentos de democracia direta (como a emendas populares) já no processo de elaboração da nova Constituição, o que criou novas oportunidades para a mobilização social na ANC. Utilizando um arcabouço conceitual e analítico das teorias sobre movimentos sociais (especialmente a Teoria do Processo Político), construo e analiso um banco de dados das ações coletivas realizadas ao longo da Constituinte. Demonstro, por meio desta análise, que esses instrumentos populares geraram uma institucionalização da interação entre os parlamentares e os atores extraparlamentares. E isto produziu impactos significativos tanto na dinâmica político-legislativa quanto na dinâmica da participação popular, influenciando a mobilização social, o jogo político e os resultados da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. / The dissertation analyzes the interaction between the popular participation dynamics and the political-legislative dynamics by investigating the social mobilization that occurred during the preparation of the 1988s Constitution. I support the hypothesis that, during the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), this interaction was increased and requalified according to: first, the context of the of the developmental state crisis and the political-institutional crisis, which allowed the process of democratic transition and favored social mobilization; and second, the use of direct democracy instruments (like the popular amendments) already in the process of drafting the new Constitution, which created new opportunities for social mobilization in the ANC. Using a conceptual and analytical framework of the theories of social movements (especially the Political Process Theory), I construct and analyze a database of collective actions carried out during the Constituent Assembly. This analysis shows that these popular instruments created an institutionalization of the interaction between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary actors. And that this produced significant impacts both on political-legislative dynamics and on the dynamics of popular participation, influencing social mobilization, the political game and the results of the National Constituent Assembly.

Le contrôle de constitutionnalité des révisions n’est pas encore accepté en France. Il s’agit d’une position qui fait consensus en doctrine depuis les débuts de la IIIème République. Dans sa décision du 26 mars 2003, le Conseil constitutionnel a également rejeté sa compétence en matière de lois constitutionnelles. Pour autant, la situation française reste, à l’aune du droit comparé, si ce n’est exceptionnelle, du moins isolée par rapport à ses proches voisins allemands et italiens. En outre, il existe dans le texte de la Constitution de 1958 une disposition formellement non-révisable. L’article 89 alinéa 5 dispose ainsi : « La forme républicaine du Gouvernement ne peut faire l’objet d’une révision ». Loin des débats sur la supraconstitutionnalité, il est donc possible d’envisager un contentieux spécifique des lois de révision constitutionnelles sur le fondement même de la Constitution. On désigne ces normes comme des normes à constitutionnalité renforcée. Il s’agit d’envisager d’abord s’il existe en théorie une hiérarchie entre les normes à constitutionnalité renforcée et les normes à constitutionnalité simple. Cette recherche ne peut se fonder que dans le cadre d’une analyse positiviste et kelsénienne du droit. Elle montre bien que le pouvoir constituant pose des normes spécifiques lors de la production de la constitution que le pouvoir de révision, mais aussi tous les autres pouvoirs constitués de l’État, doit respecter. Ensuite, il convient de vérifier que cette théorie est effective dans la pratique. L’étude des « changements de constitution », lors de transitions constitutionnelles ou des révisions totales conforte cette posture théorique. L’analyse de la jurisprudence constitutionnelle comparée démontre enfin que, loin d’être la prémisse d’un « Gouvernement des juges », le contrôle des révisions constitutionnelles permet le parachèvement de l’État de droit / Judicial review of constitutional amendments is not yet accepted in France. The legal community quasi-unanimously agreed on that solution since the early days of the III Republic. In its decision dated from march 26th, 2003, the Constitutional Council has explicitly denied its power concerning constitutional amendments. In view of the situation in neighboring countries Germany and Italy, the French situation remains singular, if not exceptional.The Constitution contains a provision which cannot be amended. Article 89 para 5 thus states: The republican form of government shall not be the object of any amendment.” Far from the debate on supraconstitutionaliy, it is therefore possible to envisage a specific action of constitutional amendment, based on the Constitution itself. These norms are called constitutionally enforced. The idea is to determine whether a hierarchy exists between “enforced constitutionally norms” and “simple constitutionally norms”. This research must be conducted under a positivist and kelsenian approach. It demonstrates that the constituent power creates specific norms that the amending power, along with all delegated power must respect. It should then be assessed if this theory is effective. The analysis of “constitutions changes” during constitutional transition reinforces the theoretical analysis. Comparative constitutional law studies demonstrate that judicial review of constitutional amendments is not a “Government by judiciary”; it further advances the rule of Law

O enchimento de reservatórios hidrelétricos provoca impactos ambientais, interferindo nos ecossistemas e nos modos de vida das populações envolvidas, pois durante este processo a biomassa terrestre é decomposta lançando substâncias que se concentram nos volumes dos diferentes compartimentos do reservatório. Nestas condições, algumas regiões do reservatório passam por períodos em que os teores de oxigênio dissolvido e a concentração de matéria orgânica comprometem o equilíbrio da flora e fauna locais, afetando tanto a qualidade das águas como também os ecótonos vizinhos. Neste trabalho, será tratado o problema do transporte das concentrações das espécies constituintes, da temperatura e da turbulência, 2D e 2DH, durante o enchimento de compartimentos de reservatórios / The wadding of hidroelectric reservoirs provokes ambient impacts, intervening with the ecosystems and the ways of life of the involved populations, because during this process the terrestrial biomass is decomposed launching substances that stay concentrated in the volumes of the different compartments of the reservoir. In these conditions, some regions of the reservoir pass for periods where the texts of dissolved oxygen and the concentration of organic substance compromise the balance of the local flora and fauna, affecting as much the quality of waters as the neighboring ecotones. In this work, will be treated the problem of the transport of the concentrations of the constituent species, of the temperature and the turbulence, 2D and 2DH, during the wadding of compartments of reservoirs