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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
111

Réflexions sur la contribution de la Francophonie dans la mise en oeuvre du statut de la Cour pénale internationale / Reflections on the contribution of Francophonie in the implementation of the statute of the International Criminal Court

Djimasde, Nodjioutengar Evariste 17 February 2017 (has links)
Prenant appui sur le Statut de Rome et les textes de référence issus des instances de la Francophonie, cette thèse vise à mettre en lumière la contribution de cet acteur, dans le processus de lutte contre l’impunité. Il s’agit, en effet, de démontrer que les crimes, d’une extrême gravité, prévus et punis par le Statut de Rome sont aux antipodes des valeurs humanistes prônées par la Francophonie.Regroupant 80 Etats et gouvernements (54membres, 3 associés et 23 observateurs) dont 55 sont Parties au Statut, disposant d’un vaste réseau institutionnel et comptant 274 millions de locuteurs à travers le monde, la Francophonie, en dépit de ses imperfections, est tout autant légitime que capable pour insuffler le processus de mise en œuvre du Statut. Pour corriger les imperfections de la Francophonie, cette thèse a insisté, tout particulièrement, sur la nécessité de créer, dans chaque État, des organes ayant pour compétence de mobiliser tous les acteurs susceptibles d’être impliqués dans la mise en œuvre du Statut de Rome. / On the basis of the Rome Statute and the reference or authoritative text from bodies or instances of Francophonie, this dissertation aims to highlight the contribution of this author in the fight against impunity. In fact, this is necessary to demonstrate that extremely serious offences laid down or defined and punishable by the Rome Statute are the clear opposite of humanistic values promoted by the International Organization of the Francophonie (IOF).The IOF consists of 56 states and governments, as well as 23 observers, 3 associates and 54 members in 5 continents. With 55 of members being states parties to the Rome Statute, sharing a wide institutional network and having 274 millions of people speaking a common language. The IOF, in spite of its imperfections, is equally legitimate and has the capacity to provide fresh momentum for the Rome Statute implementation process.To overcome the shortcomings of the present system of Francophonie, this dissertation particularly insists on the need or the importance to create in member’s states authorities or departments in order to mobilize and involve actors or partners to the implementation of the Rome Statute.
112

A internacionalização do terror : o caso argentino

Braga, Leonardo Marmontel January 2012 (has links)
A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.
113

A internacionalização do terror : o caso argentino

Braga, Leonardo Marmontel January 2012 (has links)
A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.
114

Exploring the differences and similarities in sexual violence as forms of genocide and crimes against humanity

Wakefield, Lorenzo Mark January 2009 (has links)
Magister Legum - LLM / Even though sexual violence has always been a part and parcel of conflicts and atrocities throughout the ages, it never found any interpretation by subsequent tribunals who were responsible for prosecuting offenders.The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu was the first of its kind to give jurisprudential recognition and interpretation to sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide respectively. This case was important for the following reasons:1. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to an act of genocide; 2. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to a crime against humanity; and 3. It was the first case to define rape within an international context.Following the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu many tribunals gave recognition to the extent of which sexual violence takes place during atrocities by correctly convicting accused for either participating in sexual violence or aiding and abetting to sexual violence. Amidst the various interpretations on what constitutes sexual violence and how it is defined, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone all either conceptualised sexual violence as genocide, war crimes or/ and crimes against humanity.At the same time, the development of sexual violence as either a crime against humanity or a war crime did not end with the courts. The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu sparked a fire in the international community, which led to it paying more attention to the place of sexual violence in treaty law. Taking into account that rape is listed as a crime against humanity in both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda statutes, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court statutes both list more than one form of sexual violence as a crime against humanity. It is interesting to note that the latter two treaty developments took place only after the International Criminal Tribunal conceptualised sexual violence as a crime against humanity.Thus apart from merely listing rape as a crime against humanity, the Statute establishing the Special Court for Sierra Leone, states in article 2(g) that sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy and any other form of sexual violence constitutes a crime against humanity. The Statute establishing the International Criminal Court states in article 7(1)(g) that rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilisation or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity constitutes a crime against humanity. The interpretation of these acts is further guided by the ‘Elements of Crimes’ which are annexed to the International Criminal Court statute.Once again it is interesting to note that the ‘Elements of Crimes’ for these acts are similar to how the International Criminal Tribunals (both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals) conceptualised various acts of sexual violence.On the other hand, the definition of genocide remained the same as it was defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948. This definition does not expressly mention any form of sexual violence as a form of genocide.However, once again, the trial chamber in the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu set the benchmark for sexual violence to constitute a form of genocide by way of interpretation. The definition of genocide did not subsequently change in the Statute establishing the International Criminal Court.Based on these premises, this thesis attempts to investigate the similarities and differences in sexual violence as a form of both genocide and a crime against humanity,by addressing the following question:What are the essential and practical differences between sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide and what is the legal effect of the differences, should there be any? Chapter 1 highlights the historical overview and developments of sexual violence as genocide and crimes against humanity, while chapter 2 investigates how sexual violence can amount to a form of genocide. Chapter 3 assesses the advances made in sexual violence as a crime against humanity, while chapter 4 importantly draws a comparative analysis between sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity. Chapter 4 draws this comparison by weighing up four differences and four similarities in sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity.Chapter 5 highlights the conclusion and provides an answer for the research question that is posed above. Here it is concluded that even though there exist multiple differences in sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide, there are also multiple similarities which could possibly amount to a better chance for conviction of an accused under a crime against humanity than genocide. Chapter 5 also provide possible recommendations for the consequences that might flow should sexual violence as a crime against humanity be fairly similar to sexual violence as genocide.
115

[pt] DE NUREMBERG A SAN JOSÉ: OS CRIMES CONTRA A HUMANIDADE E A RESPONSABILIDADE INTERNACIONAL DO ESTADO BRASILEIRO NO SISTEMA INTERAMERICANO DE DIREITOS HUMANOS / [en] FROM NUREMBERG TO SAN JOSÉ: THE CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY AND THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSIBILITY OF THE BRAZILIAN STATE BEFORE THE INTER-AMERICAN HUMAN RIGHTS SYSTEM

AMANDA CATALDO DE S T DOS SANTOS 03 January 2022 (has links)
[pt] A tese objetiva examinar a responsabilidade internacional do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes perpetrados por agentes estatais, no contexto do regime militar (1964-1985), a partir da jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (Corte IDH). A análise considerará os precedentes normativos e jurisdicionais que embasaram as condenações do Estado brasileiro nos casos Julia Gomes Lund e outros vs. Brasil (2010) e Vladimir Herzog e outros vs. Brasil (2018). Em um primeiro momento, vislumbra-se apresentar o cenário de emergência das normativas internacionais relacionadas à responsabilidade penal dos indivíduos e à responsabilidade dos Estados. Uma vez apresentado o panorama normativo global, será elencado o case law da Corte IDH referente às graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas, de modo sistemático e massivo, por meio dos aparatos burocráticos de poder estatais. Conforme será aventado, apenas em casos específicos, a Corte IDH utiliza conceitos atinentes ao direito penal internacional como base interpretativa das obrigações consubstanciadas na Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, construindo um verdadeiro diálogo entre esse ramo do direito e a normativa dos direitos humanos. Finalmente, a pesquisa se concentrará nos supracitados julgados, separados por quase uma década, mas que possuem em comum o contexto no qual os fatos dos casos ocorreram. Destacadamente, o caso Herzog traz em seu bojo a qualificação dos crimes contra a humanidade – um passo significativo, em relação ao caso Gomes Lund, para ativistas e operadores do direito no âmbito doméstico. Sob esse viés, o presente trabalho pretende investigar em que medida o enquadramento dos crimes contra a humanidade possui o condão de fortalecer as iniciativas em prol da responsabilidade criminal dos agentes do regime ditatorial e de ensejar a contestação de estruturas e práticas repressivas ainda vigentes.A tese objetiva examinar a responsabilidade internacional do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes perpetrados por agentes estatais, no contexto do regime militar (1964-1985), a partir da jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (Corte IDH). A análise considerará os precedentes normativos e jurisdicionais que embasaram as condenações do Estado brasileiro nos casos Julia Gomes Lund e outros vs. Brasil (2010) e Vladimir Herzog e outros vs. Brasil (2018). Em um primeiro momento, vislumbra-se apresentar o cenário de emergência das normativas internacionais relacionadas à responsabilidade penal dos indivíduos e à responsabilidade dos Estados. Uma vez apresentado o panorama normativo global, será elencado o case law da Corte IDH referente às graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas, de modo sistemático e massivo, por meio dos aparatos burocráticos de poder estatais. Conforme será aventado, apenas em casos específicos, a Corte IDH utiliza conceitos atinentes ao direito penal internacional como base interpretativa das obrigações consubstanciadas na Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, construindo um verdadeiro diálogo entre esse ramo do direito e a normativa dos direitos humanos. Finalmente, a pesquisa se concentrará nos supracitados julgados, separados por quase uma década, mas que possuem em comum o contexto no qual os fatos dos casos ocorreram. Destacadamente, o caso Herzog traz em seu bojo a qualificação dos crimes contra a humanidade – um passo significativo, em relação ao caso Gomes Lund, para ativistas e operadores do direito no âmbito doméstico. Sob esse viés, o presente trabalho pretende investigar em que medida o enquadramento dos crimes contra a humanidade possui o condão de fortalecer as iniciativas em prol da responsabilidade criminal dos agentes do regime ditatorial e de ensejar a contestação de estruturas e práticas repressivas ainda vigentes. / [en] The thesis aims to analyze the international responsibility of the Brazilian State for crimes perpetrated by State agents, in the context of the military regime (1964-1985), based on the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACourtHR). The analysis will consider the normative and jurisdictional cases that served as precedents to the Brazilian State s convictions in the cases Julia Gomes Lund et al. vs. Brazil (2010) and Vladimir Herzog et al. vs. Brazil (2018). Initially, will be presented the emergency scenario of international regulations related to the criminal responsibility of individuals and the responsibility of States. Once the global normative panorama is presented, will be introduced the case law of the Inter-American Court regarding the serious violations of human rights perpetrated, in a systematic and massive way, through the bureaucratic apparatus of State power. As will be explained, only in specific cases, the Inter-American Court uses concepts of international criminal law as an interpretive basis for the obligations embodied in the American Convention of Human Rights, building a dialogue between this area of Law and the human rights normative. Finally, the research will focus on the aforementioned judgments, separated by almost a decade, but which share the context in which the facts of the cases occurred. Notably, the Herzog s case considers the qualification of crimes against humanity – a significant step, in relation to the Gomes Lund s case, for activists and legal practitioners in the domestic sphere. Under this bias, the present work intends to investigate to what extent the framing of crimes against humanity has the power to strengthen initiatives in favor of the criminal responsibility of the agents of the dictatorial regime and the contestation of repressive structures and practices still valid.
116

THE CRIMINALISATION OF NGO-LED SAR OPERATIONS : A Contributing Factor Towards Crimes Against Humanity Against Migrants in Libya

Kaur, Maanpreet January 2023 (has links)
In the perilous waters of the Mediterranean Sea, migrants find themselves facing limited choices when in distress. Their options are stark: either to rely on the lifesaving efforts of Non- Governmental Organisations (NGO) aid workers conducting Search and Rescue (SAR) Operations, to be intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard (LCG) and subsequently detained in Libya where their human rights are gravely violated, or to face the tragic fate of perishing at sea. Unfortunately, the criminalisation of SAR Operations, spearheaded by NGO aid workers, hinders the rescue of migrants, thereby exacerbating the risks they face and leaving them vulnerable to interception by the LCG. This interception, as argued in this thesis, inevitably leads to the perpetration of Crimes Against Humanity (CAH) against these vulnerable migrants. This thesis sheds light on the issue of Italy’s increasing criminalisation and vilification of humanitarian aid workers engaged in SAR missions in the Mediterranean Sea. It critically examines the consequences of such criminalisation on the lives and rights of migrants, exploring the complex dynamics between SAR Operations, interception by the LCG, and the commission of CAH. Drawing upon a comprehensive lens of interpretation that integrates legal analysis, human rights principles, and the international legal framework, this study concludes that criminalisation of SAR operations is indeed a contributing factor towards the CAH faced by migrants in Libya. Moreover, it identifies the potential liability of Italian State Officials (ISO) at the International Criminal Court (ICC) for their role in enacting legislations that effectively criminalises SAR operations.
117

Právněhistorické aspekty trestání nacistických zločinců na pozadí procesu s Adolfem Eichmannem / Legal-Historical Aspects of Punishment of Nazi Criminals on the Background of the Adolf Eichmann Trial

Kohout, David January 2013 (has links)
in English Dissertation Thesis David Kohout: Legal-Historical Aspects of Punishment of Nazi Criminals on the Background of the Adolf Eichmann Trial This Dissertation on the topic of "Legal-Historical Aspects of Punishment of Nazi Criminals on the Background of the Adolf Eichmann Trial" seeks to analyze the main approaches to the prosecution and punishment of the Nazi crimes. It was chosen to use the trial of Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem in years 1961 - 1962 as a connecting thread of this whole work. It was so not only due to the individual remarkableness of the trial but also due to the fact that it was in many ways a very illustrative for the previous legal development until that time. Additionally, many commentators of this trial attribute it a great impact on the renewal of the interest in the prosecution of former Nazis who were implicated in perpetration of crimes committed until 1945 and who remained at large after the end of war. Therefore this Thesis goes beyond the Eichmann trial and focuses on its broader context in material but also personal sense (in the text it often referred to cases of prosecution of close collaborators of Adolf Eichmann). In the opening chapters this Dissertation, however, starts with events that go far back in time before the Adolf Eichmann trial. This is for the...
118

Le statut des tribunaux ad hoc en droit international pénal / The status of the ad hoc tribunals in international criminal laws

Hassan, Kamal 30 June 2015 (has links)
Cette thèse a pour objet d’examiner les tribunaux ad hoc en analysant leur définition en droit international public, leurs principes juridiques fondateurs, leur compétence face aux crimes internationaux et leurs objectifs pour déterminer s’il existe un statut international commun pour ces tribunaux. La mise en œuvre des premiers tribunaux ad hoc sur la scène internationale après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les TMI de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, était due à l’incapacité ou à l’absence de volonté du système judiciaire interne des pays intéressés pour traduire en justice les auteurs des crimes de guerre. Par la suite, neuf tribunaux ad hoc ont été créés (soit unilatéralement par le Conseil de sécurité, soit par un accord international) en vue de juger les crimes internationaux les plus monstrueux, tels que les crimes de génocide, les crimes contre l’humanité et les crimes de guerre. Nous pouvons dire à cet égard que les tribunaux ad hoc bénéficient de tous les mécanismes nécessaires pour être efficaces, comme la responsabilité pénale individuelle, la primauté sur les juridictions nationales et l'obligation des Etats de coopérer, et ils ont réussi à satisfaire l'objectif de justice. Toutefois, ces tribunaux s'étaient vu attribuer, outre leur fonction naturelle d'assurer la justice, un objectif supplémentaire, à savoir la réalisation de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, objectif qu'ils n'ont pu réaliser, car un organe juridique ne peut pas atteindre un objectif dont les motifs sont politiques. Après avoir étudié le statut des tribunaux ad hoc, et nécessairement avoir analysé tous les textes qui organisent la fonction de ces Tribunaux, nous sommes à même de confirmer que les tribunaux ad hoc ne seront pas remplacés par d'autres types d'organes de justice, tels que la justice transitionnelle et la compétence universelle. En outre, malgré l'entrée en fonction de la CPI en 2002, en tant que Cour permanente, nous assisterons à de nouvelles créations de tribunaux ad hoc, dont les statuts pourront s'inspirer du statut commun et de nos propositions personnelles. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine the ad hoc tribunals by analysing their definition in international public law, their founding legal principles, their jurisdiction over international crimes and their goals to determine wether there is a common international status for these tribunals.The implementation of the first ad hoc tribunals on the international stage after World War II, the IMT of Nuremberg and Tokyo, was due to the inability or unwillingness of the internal judicial system in the countries concerned to bring the perpetrators of war crimes to justice.Subsequently, nine ad hoc tribunals were established (either unilaterally by the Security Council or through an international agreement) with a view to prosecute the most monstrous crimes, such as crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. In this respect, we can say that the ad hoc tribunals benefit from all the mechanisms required to be efficient, such as individual criminal responsibility, primacy over nation courts and the obligation of States to cooperate,and they have succeeded to achieve the purpose of justice.However, in addition to their natural function to ensure justice, these tribunals had been given a further aim : to achieve international peace and security. They were not able to achieve this aim, because a legal body cannot reach a goal whose motives are political.After studying the status of the ad hoc tribunals and thus necessarily analysing all the texts which organise the function of these tribunals, we are in a position to confirm that the ad hoc tribunals will not be replaced by other judicial bodies, such as transitional justice or universal jurisdiction.Moreover, despite the entry into force of the ICC as a permanent court in 2002, new ad hoc tribunals will be established. Their status could be based on the common status and on our proposals.
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Juger les crimes contre les Juifs: des Allemands devant les tribunaux belges, 1941-1951 / Judge crimes against the Jews: German before Belgian courts, 1941-1951

Weisers, Marie-Anne 19 June 2014 (has links)
La thèse porte sur le travail effectué par la justice belge, après la Seconde guerre mondiale, face aux crimes commis par les Allemands contre les Juifs. L'étude porte d'abord sur la mise en place du cadre juridique international et national. Ensuite, elle tente de montrer à travers une étude de cas comment, malgré un cadre juridique trop étroit, les juridictions militaires belges ont tenté de poursuivre et condamner les responsables allemands des persécutions raciales. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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International crimes prosecution case selection : the ICC, ICTR, and SCSL

Mahony, Christopher January 2013 (has links)
International crimes prosecutions have become more common since 1993, both domestically and at international courts and tribunals. The advance of this norm confronts realist state interests causing debate about the norm's status. Kathryn Sikkink views a norm as cascading when enough states adopt it to cause international influence, without domestic pressure, to procure levels of conformity. This thesis considers the degree of conformity by observing the level of case selection independence to determine whether this norm is cascading. By identifying the jurisdictional and functional elements of case selection independence, I develop a framework for observing the interface between politics and law. While Sikkink errs towards the quantity of international crimes prosecutions, I focus on the quality. This project examines case selection independence at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court, in Uganda. The project considers whether case selection has become more or less independent at these courts - whether the norm of international crimes prosecution has cascaded or contracted. In observing the various case selection independence elements I attempt to explain the observed cascades and contractions at each court. I then consider whether a cascade or contraction occurred during the period of the courts' collective design and function. The research qualitatively observes a cumulative justice contraction. The research observes a combination of factors affecting case selection independence, including shifts in power dynamics between and among weak and powerful states, increasing state sophistication in international court engagement, a shift in jurisdiction triggering actors and forums, and realist state co-option of norm entrepreneurs via endearing explanation of independence-diminishing policies.

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