Esta tese tem por objetivo contribuir para uma melhor compreensão do papel do eurocentrismo no pensamento educacional brasileiro. Para tanto orientado pela filosofia afrocêntrica de Abdias do Nascimento, Molefi Kete Asante, Marimba Ani e pelos trabalhos de Cheikh Anta Diop, Asa Hilliard, Carter G. Woodson e Wade Nobles realizamos uma crítica afrocentrada do pensamento educacional de Rui Barbosa, José Veríssimo, Fernando de Azevedo, Anísio Teixeira, Paulo Freire e Darcy Ribeiro bem como dos modelos educacionais defendidos e implementados por estes importantes pensadores da educação do país. Para reforçar esta crítica, este trabalho avalia a maneira pela qual a intelectualidade afro-brasileira compreendeu e reagiu aos sistemas de educação desenvolvidos por aqueles intelectuais. Nossa análise também mostrou que o modelo eurocêntrico de educação implantado no país tem como um de seus principais objetivos manter o poder e a hegemonia branca europeia. Em uma sociedade orientada e organizada pela ideologia da supremacia branca os não brancos descendentes de africanos e indígenas não têm poder, e desse modo, como conclusão deste trabalho, argumentamos que somente um modelo educacional quilombista (afrocentrado) é capaz de oferecer uma educação que atenda de modo satisfatório às necessidades dos afro-brasileiros. / This thesis aims to contribute to a better understanding of the role of Eurocentrism in the Brazilian educational thinking. For both guided by afrocentric philosophy of Abdias do Nascimento, Molefi Kete Asante, Marimba Ani and by the works of Cheikh Anta Diop, Asa Hilliard, Carter G. Woodson and Wade Nobles we performed an afrocentric review of the educational thought of Rui Barbosa, José Veríssimo, Fernando de Azevedo, Anísio Teixeira, Darcy Ribeiro and Paulo Freire and the educational models advocated and implemented by these important thinkers of education in the country. To reinforce this criticism, this work assesses the manner in which Afro-Brazilian intellectuals understood and reacted to education systems developed by those thinkers. Our analysis also showed that the Eurocentric model of education implemented in the country has as one of its main objectives to maintain the power and white European hegemony. In a society oriented and organized by ideology of white supremacy non-whites descendants of Africans and Indians have no power, and thereby, at the conclusion of this study, argue that only the quilombista educational model (afrocentric) is able to offer an education that meets satisfactorily the needs of Afro-Brazilians.

Esta tese tem por objetivo contribuir para uma melhor compreensão do papel do eurocentrismo no pensamento educacional brasileiro. Para tanto orientado pela filosofia afrocêntrica de Abdias do Nascimento, Molefi Kete Asante, Marimba Ani e pelos trabalhos de Cheikh Anta Diop, Asa Hilliard, Carter G. Woodson e Wade Nobles realizamos uma crítica afrocentrada do pensamento educacional de Rui Barbosa, José Veríssimo, Fernando de Azevedo, Anísio Teixeira, Paulo Freire e Darcy Ribeiro bem como dos modelos educacionais defendidos e implementados por estes importantes pensadores da educação do país. Para reforçar esta crítica, este trabalho avalia a maneira pela qual a intelectualidade afro-brasileira compreendeu e reagiu aos sistemas de educação desenvolvidos por aqueles intelectuais. Nossa análise também mostrou que o modelo eurocêntrico de educação implantado no país tem como um de seus principais objetivos manter o poder e a hegemonia branca europeia. Em uma sociedade orientada e organizada pela ideologia da supremacia branca os não brancos descendentes de africanos e indígenas não têm poder, e desse modo, como conclusão deste trabalho, argumentamos que somente um modelo educacional quilombista (afrocentrado) é capaz de oferecer uma educação que atenda de modo satisfatório às necessidades dos afro-brasileiros. / This thesis aims to contribute to a better understanding of the role of Eurocentrism in the Brazilian educational thinking. For both guided by afrocentric philosophy of Abdias do Nascimento, Molefi Kete Asante, Marimba Ani and by the works of Cheikh Anta Diop, Asa Hilliard, Carter G. Woodson and Wade Nobles we performed an afrocentric review of the educational thought of Rui Barbosa, José Veríssimo, Fernando de Azevedo, Anísio Teixeira, Darcy Ribeiro and Paulo Freire and the educational models advocated and implemented by these important thinkers of education in the country. To reinforce this criticism, this work assesses the manner in which Afro-Brazilian intellectuals understood and reacted to education systems developed by those thinkers. Our analysis also showed that the Eurocentric model of education implemented in the country has as one of its main objectives to maintain the power and white European hegemony. In a society oriented and organized by ideology of white supremacy non-whites descendants of Africans and Indians have no power, and thereby, at the conclusion of this study, argue that only the quilombista educational model (afrocentric) is able to offer an education that meets satisfactorily the needs of Afro-Brazilians.

<p>The values of the Swedish school system is said to be rooted in the ethics of Christianity and western humanism. Critics say that this expression can be seen as a sign of an obscured eurocentrism when world-wide accepted values is said to be cared for by Christianity and the west. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the politicians argue on this issue, why the values of the Swedish school system should be said to be cared for by the ethics of Christianity and the western humanism. I also want to examine if these arguments in fact corresponds with the worldview of eurocentrism. The examination consists of a discourse analysis review of, for example, journals of the Swedish parliament, which is later compared with the theories of eurocentrism.</p><p>I believe the argumentation can be categorized in three main categories: first a conservative ideological perspective where they are driven by the notion that the Swedish culture could be defined by establishing and defending its foundations; a philosophical/religious perspective where they want to justify the indisputable values they believe should be maintained in the schools; a eurocentric/psychological perspective where they tend to express the Swedish identity by defining what is typically characteristic of “us” and typically characteristic of “the others”. More than that, they seem to be making allowances for the fact that the political situation demands it. The debates are more or less imprinted by a eurocentric discourse, and there are significant differences between the different parties as well as between the political blocks.</p>

The values of the Swedish school system is said to be rooted in the ethics of Christianity and western humanism. Critics say that this expression can be seen as a sign of an obscured eurocentrism when world-wide accepted values is said to be cared for by Christianity and the west. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the politicians argue on this issue, why the values of the Swedish school system should be said to be cared for by the ethics of Christianity and the western humanism. I also want to examine if these arguments in fact corresponds with the worldview of eurocentrism. The examination consists of a discourse analysis review of, for example, journals of the Swedish parliament, which is later compared with the theories of eurocentrism. I believe the argumentation can be categorized in three main categories: first a conservative ideological perspective where they are driven by the notion that the Swedish culture could be defined by establishing and defending its foundations; a philosophical/religious perspective where they want to justify the indisputable values they believe should be maintained in the schools; a eurocentric/psychological perspective where they tend to express the Swedish identity by defining what is typically characteristic of “us” and typically characteristic of “the others”. More than that, they seem to be making allowances for the fact that the political situation demands it. The debates are more or less imprinted by a eurocentric discourse, and there are significant differences between the different parties as well as between the political blocks.

Eurocentrism suggests a western model of daily life that should be adopted, because it is seen as the only solution to the world's challenges. Studies identified that students' perceptions of their own global awareness and attitudes toward internationalism reflected ideas of Eurocentrism, and agricultural students exhibited limited international experience and backgrounds. Persaud and others posited that Eurocentric views held by students may be associated with historical socio-cultural conditioning. The purpose of this study was to determine college students' Eurocentric attitudes about agriculture, the factors influencing those views, and how students' attitudes differed between grade levels. A stratified random sample of students (N = 166) was asked to complete an online questionnaire. The instrument measured students' Eurocentric attitudes about agriculture using a Likert-type five-point scale. Students responded whether they strongly agreed, agreed, had no opinion, disagreed, or strongly disagreed with 16 Eurocentric statements about agriculture. Descriptive statistics (mean, standard deviation, one-way ANOVA (analysis of variance), radar plots) were used to analyze the data. This study showed that selected students had Eurocentric attitudes about agriculture. While upperclassmen held some less Eurocentric attitudes about agriculture than those of underclassmen, Eurocentric attitudes were still represented. Students generally agreed and sometimes strongly agreed with the 16 proposed Eurocentric statements.

Denna undersökning handlade om lärares attityder till eurocentrism i kurserna historia 1b och historia 1a1 i svensk gymnasieskola. Är undervisningen i dessa kurser eurocentrisk och tror lärare att en eurocentrisk undervisning kan påverka elever med annan kulturell bakgrund än svensk? Vilka faktorer styr lärares innehåll, planering och genomförande av kursmoment i historia 1b och historia 1a1? Hur kan lärare arbeta med utomeuropeiska perspektiv och fenomen i dessa kurser? Dessa är några frågor som diskuterades i denna undersökning.   Metodmässigt utgick undersökningen från intervjuer med sex yrkesverksamma lärare. Dessa lärare intervjuades med hjälp av några intervjufrågor och intervjuerna ämnade att se till deras tankar och attityder om ämnet i fråga.   Det framgår av undersökningen att de intervjuade lärarna till stor del såg sin egen undervisning som eurocentrisk. Flera lärare menade att undervisningen till övervägande del var eurocentrisk medan några menade att det rådde en ganska jämn balans mellan europeisk och utomeuropeisk historia. Flera av lärarna visade även en tro på att elever med annan kulturell bakgrund än europeisk kan påverkas av en eurocentrisk undervisning, i vilken utsträckning och vilken typ av påverkan som skedde fanns inget enhälligt svar. Avslutningsvis gav alla lärare flera exempel på hur lärare kan arbeta med utomeuropeiska perspektiv och fenomen i sin framtida undervisning.

The purpose of this study was to identify the way in which history textbooks from the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s used for grades 7-9 depicts World War II from a eurocentric perspective. A qualitative textual analysis was used to achieve the purpose. Three history textbooks from each decade was included in the study, also comparisons have been made to see any changes over time. The study used John M. Hobson matrix describing how the Occident and the Orient are defined from a eurocentric perspective. In the matrix, there are two different sides for the eurocentric discourse to reveal itself. One is "The dynamic west" that includes values ​​such as "civilized", "democratic" and "restrained". The second part is "The unchanging east" where values ​​such as "wild/savage," "corrupt" and "chaotic" are included. One result from the study, among other things, is that the books from the 1980s depict Germany as an actor affecting values ​​in "The dynamic west". This is not the case in the books from the other studied decades. USA is the most clearly depicted country from a dynamical west perspective during all studied decades. The former colonial empires France and Britain are depicted either neutral or so concerns the countries values ​​for "The dynamic west". There is no book that places France and Britain on the other side of the matrix. Japan is the country that is mostly depicted in a way that can be linked to "The unchanging east" comparing to the other countries in the study. This is the case for all studied decades. The study also concluded that there are larger differences between the individual books the way in which stories about the Second World War are eurocentric than it is between decades. The conclusion from the study is that teachers should be alert concerning of the pupils development of history perspective and identity, given that the books that the study has analyzed depicts the Second World War from a eurocentric perspective.   Keywords: World War II, Eurocentrism, The dynamic west, The unchanging east, Textual analysis

Thesis (Ph. D. in Spanish)--Vanderbilt University, May 2009. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Denna uppsats är en analys av Narnias berättelse och dess underliggande budskap. I dennaundersökning har det undersökts hur Bibeln och kristen tro framkommer i Narnias berättelse.Detta arbete handlar också om den kritik Lewis fått för hur han framställer landet Carlormen,islam, kvinnor och hur den kritiken kan bemötas. Denna undersökning är en litteraturstudieoch för att få svar på frågeställningarna har en hermeneutisk metod använts. Genom attstudera och tolka Narnias berättelser och texter så kan vi se att kristen tro framkommer tydligtom vi är inställda på att leta efter dessa kopplingar. Slutsatsen är att det finns många argumentsom grund för den kritik som Lewis har fått för att skriva både islamofobiskt ochkvinnoförnedrande, men att det samtidigt också finns mycket som talar emot dessa argument.

Denna studie har som syfte att undersöka vilken innebörd några av de utmaningar som kan uppstå i ett mångkulturellt klassrum kan ha för några grundskolelärare i historia. Studien utgår ifrån två fallbeskrivningar om utmaningar som kan uppstå i ett mångkulturellt klassrum. Den ena utmaningen rör en klassrumssituation där en lärare och elev inte förstår varandras sätt att tolka händelsen utifrån sin förförståelse. Den andra beskrivningen handlar om en elev som ber att få läsa om sitt hemland och läraren blir stressad då detta faller utanför ordinarie undervisningsinnehåll.Metoden som används är ostrukturerade intervjuer med sju lärare, som arbetar vid fyra olika skolor på två olika orter i Sverige.Studien utgår från en existensfilosofisk teori. Där lärarnas tolkning och hantering av de situationer som uppstår i fallbeskrivningarna står i fokus. Till detta får lärarna även beskriva vad de eftersträvar i sin undervisning. Med hjälp av de teoretiska begreppen bearbetas resultaten med avsikten att ge en djupare förståelse för innebörden av utmaningarna för läraren.Studien visar att innebörden av de utmaningar som kan uppstå i ett mångkulturellt samhälle skiljer sig åt för de intervjuade lärarna. En betydande faktor för innebörden är lärarnas tolkning av läroplanens styrning och vad de själva eftersträvar. För de lärare som menar att det eftersträvansvärda hindras av läroplanens styrning innebär utmaningarna ett problem. För de lärare som tolkar läroplanen som möjliggörande för det dom vill uppnå, innebär inte situationerna ett hinder. De upplever snarare situationerna som en möjlighet och ett medel till att uppnå det eftersträvansvärda.