The Soviet Union was the great enemy of Western civlisationen during the cold war. Sweden was not part of the cold war. Despite that Sweden had more in common with the Western powers. The country had more cultural, economic and political similarities with them. The purpose of this study was to examine how Swedish newspapers wrote about the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. I have also examined whether they expressed a fear of Russia. The newspapers that were included in the study were: Norrkensflamman (socialistic), Aftonbladet (social democratic), Arbetet (social democratic), Dagens Nyheter (independent), Expressen (liberal) and Svenska Dagbladet (conservative). The results showed that Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet had a western and eurocentric international outlook. Aftonbladet and Arbetet also had a western and eurocentric international outlook but were more critical of the western powers. Norrskensflamman was the only newspaper that supported the Soviet Union. They also saw the capitalist world as the great enemy. Russian fear was expressed in Arbetet, Svenska Dagbladet and Expressen. Arbetet thought the rest of the world should demand that Russia abolishing all their nuclear weapons. Svenska Dagbladet and Expressen saw Russia’s political system as threat to the west. Svenska Dagbladet also suspected that Russia should attack their neighbours in the future.

Den här studien har undersökt hur framställningar görs av individer med utländsk härkomst, etniska grupper och icke-västerländska kulturer görs i svenska läroböcker för samhällskunskap. Det undersöks också om det görs framställningar av ett ”vi” och ”de andra” i läroböckerna. I resultatet får läsaren följa fem olika teman som kommit fram genom läsning av sex läroböcker. Resultatet har analyserats med en postkolonial teori för att göra analyser om framställningarna som görs i läroböckerna kan tolkas som diskriminerande. I studien har också en läromedels teori använts för att analysera om framställningarna som görs i läroböckerna har en funktion av att förmedla diskriminerande diskurser. Vad resultatet av studien visar är att funktionen med läroböckerna inte är att göra diskriminerande framställningar, dock gör framställningarna att det görs ett ”vi” och ”de andra”. Av resultatet framkommer också att det förekommer tveksamma framställningar i läroböckernas innehåll.

Na recente literatura em Ciências Sociais, o paradigma eurocêntrico da modernidade vem sofrendo ataques de diferentes naturezas. Entretanto, esse paradigma ainda fornece as categorias e formas de pensar hegemônicas para a análise sobre a modernidade e os obstáculos a ela, em sociedades periféricas. Este trabalho busca analisar o setor sociológico de uma estrutura de atitudes e referências eurocêntricas e as apropriações deste para a reflexão sobre os dilemas da modernidade, no Brasil e nas sociedades muçulmanas. A partir disso, busca-se avançar na crítica a esse paradigma eurocêntrico, por meio de um diálogo interparadigmática pós-colonial este entendida como um programa de estudos críticos à modernidade, elaborado a partir de um ponto de vista periférico. Por fim, pretende-se mostrar que uma série de elementos dessas abordagens antieurocêntricas estão presentes em análises históricas e sociológicas acerca da modernidade no Brasil e nas sociedades árabes e muçulmanas. / The Eurocentric paradigm of modernity has been suffering several kinds of attacks in the recent literature of Social Sciences. Nevertheless, such paradigm still provides the hegemonic categories and structures of thought for the reflection about modernity and the obstacles imposed to it in peripheral societies. This work intends to analyze the sociological sector of a eurocentric structure of attitudes and references, and the appropriations of such structure for reflections about the dilemmas of modernity, in Brazil and in Muslim societies. Furthermore, it intends to advance a criticism about that eurocentric paradigm, by means of an interparadigmatic postcolonial dialogue such a dialogue understood as a programme of critical studies on modernity, formulated from a peripheral point of view. Finally, this work tries to demonstrate that many elements of those anti-eurocentric approaches are present in historical and sociological analysis about modernity in Brazil and in Arab and Muslim societies.

Teria sido Marx um pensador inescapavelmente eurocêntrico? Como Marx pensou o colonialismo? Qual sua análise a respeito de formações sociais ditas periférias? Esta dissertação pretende propor algumas respostas para estas questões. Para isso, acompanhamos as idas e vindas do autor em textos sobre a colonização britânica na Índia, na China e Irlanda. Como ponto de partida de nossa análise, seguimos o princípio metodológico de observar como as lutas sociais impactaram o filósofo alemão. Mostramos que seu pensamento político está intimamente ligado a seu contexto histórico. Marx é interpelado pelas lutas dos povos periféricos e responde a elas. Sua reflexão se constitui, assim, em um pensamento-luta. Com efeito, a alcunha também serve para descrever outra face do filósofo: seu profundo engajamento com essas mesmas lutas. Se Marx se deixou contaminar por elas foi porque ele se encontrava envolvido, seja diretamente no caso da Irlanda , seja indiretamente no caso de Índia e China, se solidarizando com a luta do povo oprimido. Nessa chave, observar o percurso da análise do filósofo a respeito do colonialismo implica um olhar duplo: por um lado, teremos de percorrer suas inflexões teóricas que se manifestam em suas análises conjunturais; por outro, é preciso observar sua mudança de postura para com os povos outros todos aqueles com os quais Marx não se identifica a princípio, sejam indianos e chineses (orientais), russos (eslavos) ou irlandeses (celtas). Espera-se, com isso, evidenciar algumas mudanças na visão do autor, que irá, progressivamente, se des-europeizar, assumindo uma concepção de história multilinear e estabelecendo uma crítica contumaz do colonialismo. Destacamos no decorrer da pesquisa alguns momentos-chave dessas mudanças: 1857-1858 para a Índia e a China, 1867 para a Irlanda e os textos do fim da vida, sobre a Comuna Russa. Estes, considerados uma espécie de culminação desta nova visão de Marx sobre a história, são analisados em nossa conclusão, de modo a marcar a perspectiva marxiana final. Por fim, procuramos defender, a partir desta nova posição encontrada, a possibilidade de um diálogo mais profundo entre a obra de Marx e o chamado pós-colonialismo. Dado que a posição de Marx com relação ao colonialismo e ao capitalismo irá se modificar no decorrer de sua vida, movendo-se em um sentido mais crítico, indagamos se não haveria a possibilidade profícua de, por meio de um diálogo com a perspectiva marxiana, reconectar a teoria pós-colonial à crítica do capitalismo contemporâneo. / Had Marx been an inescapably Eurocentric thinker? How did Marx think colonialism? What is his analysis about so-called peripheral social formations? This dissertation intends to propose some answers to these questions. Thus, we follow the comings and goings of the author in texts on British colonization in India, China and Ireland. As a starting point for our analysis, we follow the methodological principle of observing how social struggles affected the German philosopher. We show that there is a connection between his political thinking and the historical context. When challenged by the struggles of the peripheral peoples, Marx responded to them and thence reelaborated his theories. His reflection thus constitutes a \"thought-struggle\". In fact, the label also serves to describe another face of the philosopher: his deep commitment to these same struggles. If Marx allowed himself to be contaminated by them, it was because he was involved, either directly - in the case of Ireland - or indirectly - in the case of India and China, in solidarity with the struggle of the oppressed people. For this reason, to observe the course of the philosopher\'s analysis of colonialism implies a double look: on the one hand, we will have to go through his theoretical inflections that show themselves in his conjuncture analyzes. On the other hand, it is necessary to observe the change of attitude towards the \"other\" peoples - all those with whom Marx does not identify at first, whether Indian or Chinese (\"oriental\"), Russian (Slavic) or Irish (Celtic). It is hoped, therefore, to point out some changes in the author\'s vision, which will progressively \"de-Europeanize\", assuming a multilinear conception of history and establishing a contumacious critique of colonialism. In the course of our research, we highlight some key moments of these changes: 1857-1858 for India and China, 1867 for Ireland and the texts of the end of his life, on the Russian Commune. These specifically are considered a kind of culmination of this new vision on history, and therefore are analyzed in our conclusion, in order to mark the final Marxian perspective. Finally, we try to defend, from this new perspective, the possibility of a more fruitful dialogue between Marx\'s work and the so-called post-colonialism. Since Marx\'s position on colonialism and capitalism will change over the course of his life, moving in a more critical sense, we ask whether there would be no fruitful possibility of, through a dialogue with the Marxian perspective, reconnecting postcolonial theory with the critique of contemporary capitalism.

Esta tese traz uma análise da perspectiva africana na coleção História Geral da África (UNESCO). Para isto, baseia-se no exame da história institucional do projeto que lhe originou e da escrita da história ali presente, em seus oito volumes. Tais considerações levaram a definição da perspectiva africana como uma perspectiva que privilegia os fatores internos ao continente, em oposição aos externos, na explicação histórica, científica, da África. Ademais, constatou-se que esta perspectiva se diversifica, na História Geral da África (HGA), em três abordagens complementares da história da África: a) regionalismo; b) difusionismo intra-africano; c) sujeito africano. A partir de tal investigação, reflete-se sobre algumas consequências teóricas e metodológicas que tal perspectiva africana traz para uma visão científica contemporânea e tendencialmente pós-eurocêntrica da história da África. / This thesis presents an analysis of the African perspective in the project General History of Africa (UNESCO). It examines the institutional history of the project and the writing of history in this collection of eight volumes. Such considerations have led to the definition of the African perspective as a perspective that focuses on the internal factors of the continent, as opposed to external ones, in its scientific explanation of Africa history. In addition, this study concluded that this perspective unfolds into three complementary approaches of the General History of Africa (GHA): a) regionalism b) intra-African diffusionism c) African subject. This analysis provides the basis for a discussion on some theoretical and methodological outcomes that such an African perspective brings to a scientific view on the history of Africa that is contemporary and potentially post-Eurocentric.

Esta tese traz uma análise da perspectiva africana na coleção História Geral da África (UNESCO). Para isto, baseia-se no exame da história institucional do projeto que lhe originou e da escrita da história ali presente, em seus oito volumes. Tais considerações levaram a definição da perspectiva africana como uma perspectiva que privilegia os fatores internos ao continente, em oposição aos externos, na explicação histórica, científica, da África. Ademais, constatou-se que esta perspectiva se diversifica, na História Geral da África (HGA), em três abordagens complementares da história da África: a) regionalismo; b) difusionismo intra-africano; c) sujeito africano. A partir de tal investigação, reflete-se sobre algumas consequências teóricas e metodológicas que tal perspectiva africana traz para uma visão científica contemporânea e tendencialmente pós-eurocêntrica da história da África. / This thesis presents an analysis of the African perspective in the project General History of Africa (UNESCO). It examines the institutional history of the project and the writing of history in this collection of eight volumes. Such considerations have led to the definition of the African perspective as a perspective that focuses on the internal factors of the continent, as opposed to external ones, in its scientific explanation of Africa history. In addition, this study concluded that this perspective unfolds into three complementary approaches of the General History of Africa (GHA): a) regionalism b) intra-African diffusionism c) African subject. This analysis provides the basis for a discussion on some theoretical and methodological outcomes that such an African perspective brings to a scientific view on the history of Africa that is contemporary and potentially post-Eurocentric.

Debatten om islam och muslimer kretsar kring en postkolonial diskursordning som aktualiseras genom den orientaliska, essentiella och eurocentriska diskursen. Under perioden 030601-040101 är en distinktion mellan Occidenten och Orienten tydlig när islam och muslimer kommer på tal i DN och Expressens krönikor och debattsidor. Muslimer framställs genom dessa diskurser som ett hot mot svenska och europeiska värderingar och borde således hållas på avstånd. Den muslimska kvinnan presenteras som förtryckt och oförmögen att kunna frigöra sig utan hjälp utifrån. Slöjan och andra muslimska kvinnors klädesplagg tillskrivs politiska värderingar och betraktas som någonting påtvingad. Islam framställs som en religion oförenlig med demokratiska värderingar och som sammanfaller med terrorism och fanatism. Även antisemitism beskrivs som en muslimsk företeelse. Islam i media presenteras, till skillnad från andra religioner, som en ideologisk och politisk rörelse och inte som en personlig andlig tro. I debatten om islams roll i Sverige och Europa har en perspektivförskjutning skett från det reella till doktrin, där muslimer avhumaniserats som individer och tillskrivits en kollektiv identitet.

Den här studiens syfte är att undersöka hur fyra svenska medier (Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet och SR Ekot) rapporterat om revolutionen i Egypten under 2011 och början av 2012. I enlighet med postkoloniala teorier visar undersökningen hur reportagen bär spår av eurocentrism, alltså idén att så kallade västerländska normer är bättre än andra normer, i detta fall muslimska. Reportagen reproducerar även stereotypa uppfattningar av i synnerhet personer med anknytning till muslimska partier. Det framstår även som trovärdigt att dramaturgiska grepp förstärker behoven av dessa förenklingar. Under året förändrades tonläget i reportagen. Under första delen av revolutionen var inställningen till revolutionen och demonstranternas mål positiv. Senare under året var tonen mer negativ. I början beskrevs demonstranter och folk som en enhet, senare särskilde reportagen ofta muslimer och kristna. Trots att Egyptens befolkning till 90 procent består av muslimer så kom kristna oftare till tals än muslimer. Resultatet av denna undersökning visar på tendensen att det i den svenska medierapporteringen fanns förhoppningar att ”de” (Egyptens folk) skulle bli mer som ”vi”(européer). För att komma fram till detta resultat har arton gestaltande reportage studerats med kritisk diskursanalys enligt Roger Fowler. Reportagen är strategiskt valda från specifika perioder i anslutning till tre nyckelhändelser - revolutionens inledning, valet och årsdagen. Den teoretiska ramen formas av postkoloniala teorier om ”vi” och ”de andra” samt dramaturgi, framför allt användandet av polemik och retoriska grepp.

<p>Debatten om islam och muslimer kretsar kring en postkolonial diskursordning som aktualiseras genom den orientaliska, essentiella och eurocentriska diskursen. Under perioden 030601-040101 är en distinktion mellan Occidenten och Orienten tydlig när islam och muslimer kommer på tal i DN och Expressens krönikor och debattsidor. Muslimer framställs genom dessa diskurser som ett hot mot svenska och europeiska värderingar och borde således hållas på avstånd. Den muslimska kvinnan presenteras som förtryckt och oförmögen att kunna frigöra sig utan hjälp utifrån. Slöjan och andra muslimska kvinnors klädesplagg tillskrivs politiska värderingar och betraktas som någonting påtvingad. Islam framställs som en religion oförenlig med demokratiska värderingar och som sammanfaller med terrorism och fanatism. Även antisemitism beskrivs som en muslimsk företeelse. Islam i media presenteras, till skillnad från andra religioner, som en ideologisk och politisk rörelse och inte som en personlig andlig tro. I debatten om islams roll i Sverige och Europa har en perspektivförskjutning skett från det reella till doktrin, där muslimer avhumaniserats som individer och tillskrivits en kollektiv identitet.</p>

From the end of the Second World War until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the world was divided. An iron curtain separated the world into two parts, east and west. These were dominated by the two great powers, the Soviet Union and the USA. The contradictions between the great powers should characterize the whole period that was named the Cold War. USA and the Soviet Union never met in open confrontation during this time, but it happened indirectly in the many conflicts that occurred during the Cold War. The Vietnam War (1964-1975) and the Afghanistan War (1979-1989) were two conflicts in which the great powers brought war against smaller states and the non-fighting part supported the resistance against the great power.   The purpose of this study is to examine the three Swedish newspapers, Svenska Dagbladet, Dagens nyheter och Norrskensflamman, and thereby discover how they reported during the Vietnam War and the Afghanistan War.  We seek the answer on following questions: What did the reporting looked like during the Vietnam War and the Afghanistan War and how did it change over time? How does the newspapers political point of view appear on the editorial pages? Which international outlook can be seen in the news report and which are the similarities and differences?   In order to do this we’ve used a qualitative method. The result shows that three different international outlooks are described in the newspapers. We can also confirm that the political point of view for each newspaper is confirmed by the standard reporting and primarily by the content of the editorial pages.