O tema desta pesquisa é o Plano de Metas e seus possíveis efeitos no trabalho docente, com domínio de interesse no estado do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. O estudo também procura apresentar um breve e recente histórico das políticas de educação do Estado, no que tange ao período de transição do Programa Nova Escola para a implantação do Plano de Metas, procurando contextualizar o momento da implantação do Plano. Como desdobramento deste tema, buscase de um lado, analisar as características, estratégias e desdobramentos do Plano. De outro lado, como o profissional docente se relaciona com estas mudanças e quais alterações elas promovem no seu trabalho. A pesquisa tem como marco principal as reformas que adequam o estado burocrático ao modelo gerencial e as reformas educacionais brasileiras iniciadas na década de 1990 e seus impactos nas políticas estaduais fluminenses, apontando como ambas interferiram nas condições de trabalho dos professores no período de 1990 a 2013, sendo que o foco do estudo é o período de 2011 a 2013, momento da implementação do Plano de Metas. As análises tiveram por base a realização de pesquisa qualitativa, constituída por análise documental e procedimentos complementares, tendose por referencial teórico central o autor italiano Antônio Gramsci. Seus estudos foram de grande valia para analisarmos o Plano de Metas como um programa de ação que a todo tempo combina coerção e persuasão, com vistas ao controle do trabalho docente e ao fortalecimento da hegemonia do projeto político governamental. Por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, como recurso complementar, foram obtidas informações relevantes a respeito da avaliação dos professores em relação ao Plano, às experiências vinculadas a sua implementação, bem como a respeito dos impactos do Plano no seu trabalho. / This research focused on the Target Plan and its possible effects on teachers from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The study also seeks to present a brief resume on the recent educational policies of the State, based on the Programa Nova Escola - Target Plan transition, contextualizing with the implementation moment. As an extension of this theme, we try to find the characteristics, strategies and developments of the Target Plan. As well as how teachers relates with these changes in their workplace. The research has a main landmark on reforms that adapt the bureaucratic state in the management model and the 90s Brazilian educational reforms. Focused in their impact on Rio de Janeiro state policies, pointing out how both interfered in the working conditions of teachers between 1990 and 2013. With an extra attention to the period from 2011 to 2013 Target Plan implementation years. The analysis were qualitative and the theoretical framework was the Italian author: Antonio Gramsci. His studies were important to the Target Plan analysis as a coercion and demand-control action program. Through semi-structured interviews methodology, we obtained the crucial elements to acquire the evaluation of teachers, in order to understand their experiences from the Target Plan implementation and verify their workplace impacts perception.

This work analyzes the patterns of recruitment and selection of the lawyers publics elite in the Brazilian State of Sergipe. Focusing initially on the relations between the legal and political space in the institutionalization process the state attorney career in Sergipe, in intenden to comprehend the historical and social conditions of formation that rulling elite. Recently, the state attorney started the discussion the importance their profession, with the resolute purpose in motion the process of professional career, passing by the implementation of the ideology of professionalism and meritocracy imported from core countries. Conflicts arising there from confined in the context of the need for border demarcation between the professional and the political in a country that historically guided the access and mobility in the legal profession by the logic of personal relationships. From the investigation into high positions occupation rules on prosecutors of space, the intention of the work, to discuss issues surrounding the problem of professionalization of the State Attorney careers, is to examine the form of production of discourses and toggle positions within the group to face the questioning of social practices, concepts and meanings into play in the interaction of these singularly considered individuals and groups that have formed within the common social space. The composition´s examination of the ruling elite the institution, in different historical periods, and recent divisions of the group revealed that the effects of social and demographic diversification of the group, from the 1990s, became progressively mobile conflicts in inside the field that, despite this, it kept the old logic of recruitment and selection its ruling elite, primarily recruited from the remarkable origins holders, endowed with social capital and political relationship needed to win the game. / Ce travail a pour objet l'étude des modes de recrutement et de sélection de l'élites avocats publics dans la province brésilienne du Sergipe. Son point de départ a ét´l'étude des relations entre l'espace juridique et politique dans le processus d'institutionnalisation de l'Etat avocat carrière dans Sergipe, la recherche a porté à saisir les conditions historiques et sociales qui prévalent dans la composition du groupe d'élite au pouvoir. Récemment, les procureurs de l'État ont rouvert le débat sur l'importance de leur profession, avec la ferme intention de décoller la carrière du processus de professionnalisation, ce qui implique la mise en oeuvre de l'idéologie de la méritocratie professionnalisme et importés de pays clés. Les conflits qui en découlent confiné dans le contexte de la nécessité de la démarcation de la frontière entre le professionnel et le politique dans un pays qui, historiquement, a guidé l'accès et la mobilité dans la profession juridique par la logique des relations personnelles. De l'enquête sur les positions élevées règles d'occupation sur les procureurs de l'espace, de l'intention du travail, pour discuter des questions entourant le problème de la professionnalisation des carrières State Attorney, est d'examiner la forme de production de discours et de bascule postes au sein du groupe pour faire face à la remise en cause des pratiques sociales, des concepts et des significations en jeu dans l'interaction de ces singulièrement considérés comme individus et des groupes qui se sont formés dans l'espace social commun. L'examen de la composition de l'élite dirigeante de l'institution, à différentes périodes historiques, et des divisions récentes du groupe a révélé que les effets de la diversification sociale et démographique du groupe, à partir des années 1990, sont devenus progressivement des conflits mobiles dans à l'intérieur du champ qui, malgré cela, il a gardé la vieille logique de recrutement et de sélection de son élite dirigeante, principalement recrutés parmi les titulaires origines remarquables, doté d'un capital social et la relation politique nécessaire pour gagner le jeu. / Este trabalho tem por objeto o estudo dos padrões de recrutamento e seleção da elite dos advogados públicos sergipanos. Partindo do exame das relações entre o espaço jurídico e político no processo de institucionalização da carreira de procurador de estado em Sergipe, a pesquisa centrou-se em apreender as condicionantes históricas e sociais preponderantes na composição da elite dirigente do grupo. Recentemente, os procuradores de estado reabriram a discussão sobre a importância de sua profissão, com o firme propósito de deslanchar o processo de profissionalização da carreira, que passa pela implantação da ideologia da profissionalização e meritocracia importada de países centrais. Os conflitos daí decorrentes circunscrevem-se no contexto da necessidade de demarcação das fronteiras entre o profissional e o político, num país que historicamente pautou o acesso e mobilidade nas carreiras jurídicas pela lógica das relações pessoais. A partir da investigação sobre as regras de ocupação de altas posições no espaço dos procuradores, a intenção do trabalho, ao discutir questões em torno do problema da profissionalização das carreiras de procurador de Estado, é examinar a forma de produção dos discursos e da alternância de posições dentro do grupo ao enfrentar os questionamentos sobre práticas sociais, concepções e significados em jogo na interação destes indivíduos singularmente considerados e dos grupos que se formaram dentro do espaço social comum. O exame da composição da elite dirigente da instituição, em diferentes períodos históricos, e das recentes clivagens do grupo revelou que os efeitos da diversificação social e demográfica do grupo, a partir da década de 1990, se tornou, progressivamente, o móvel dos conflitos no interior do campo que, a despeito disto, manteve a antiga lógica de recrutamento e seleção de sua elite dirigente, recrutada fundamentalmente entre os detentores de origens notáveis, dotados de capitais de relação social e política necessários para vencer o jogo.

De 1872 à 1914, l’armée française s’ouvre à un ensemble toujours plus grand de Français venus accomplir leur service militaire obligatoire. L’armée devient alors une « armée nationale » en ce sens qu’elle réunit la nation et l’institution militaire à travers l'imaginaire politique du « soldat-citoyen ». Au-delà des discours et des postures idéologiques entourant le thème de l’armée nationale, l’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre comment l’institution militaire a été transformée par l’universalisation progressive du service et de saisir les effets éventuels de celui-ci dans la société française de la Belle Époque. L’approche méthodologique retenue est celle d’une socio-histoire de l’armée, réalisée à partir d’un groupe méconnu, celui des sous-officiers dont la position et le statut permettent d’explorer les mécanismes ordinaires de la promotion hiérarchique et de la discipline dans le rang. Cette approche permet de comprendre comment la défense d’une « spécificité militaire » a renforcé la domination symbolique des officiers sur la troupe. L’attention portée à l’avancement révèle également la progression, à tous les niveaux de la hiérarchie, du principe de la méritocratie scolaire qui transforme les rapports sociaux et hiérarchiques dans l’armée. Enfin, l’étude des « règles du jeu » disciplinaires par lesquelles les sous-officiers exercent leur contrôle sur la troupe permet de mieux cerner les raisons de l’obéissance militaire obtenue dans les casernes avant 1914. Ces dynamiques éclairent en définitive l’organisation d’une institution dont les critères de recrutement, de promotion et les techniques disciplinaires, élaborés en temps de paix, ne disparaissent pas dans les tranchées de la Première Guerre mondiale. / From 1872 to 1914, the French Army kept incorporating a growing number of young men who came to perform their military service. Thus, the Army became a « National Army » , associating the Nation and the military institution through the figure of the « citizen-soldier ». Beyond words and ideological postures, the point of this research is to comprehend how the military institution and the French society have been transformed by compulsory military service. To this end, a socio-historical approach focusing on non-commissioned officers, allows us to explore the features of hierarchical promotion and military discipline. This research reveals how the defense of the « military specifics» was a way of strengthening the symbolic domination of officers. A notice to military promotion also reveals the crucial part of meritocracy which transformed social and hierarchical relations in the French Army. Finally, the analysis of disciplinary rules give reasons for military obedience into the barracks. These elements enlighten how the criteria for recruitment, promotions and disciplinary procedures developed during peacetime did not disappear after 1914.

[pt] O principal objetivo desta tese é compreender a implementação do Prêmio Escola Nota Dez (PENDEz) em quatro pares de escolas parceiras do Estado do Ceará, a partir da percepção e atuação dos agentes implementadores. O PENDEz constitui o principal instrumento de indução estadual do Pacto pela Alfabetização na Idade Certa (Paic) e premia financeiramente, todo ano, desde 2007, as 150 escolas com melhor desempenho nas avaliações estaduais do segundo ano (Spaece-Alfa) e do quinto e nono anos (Spaece) do ensino fundamental. Ao mesmo tempo, oferece auxílio financeiro às 150 escolas com menor desempenho, no valor de 50 por cento do total dos recursos financeiros destinados às escolas premiadas. Esta pesquisa focalizou a implementação do PENDEz nos anos iniciais do ensino fundamental, fez uso dos dados do Spaece-Alfa na seleção dos quatro pares de escolas e envolveu análise documental, observação e entrevistas. Foram analisadas as normas, condicionalidades e incentivos presentes nos documentos relativos à formulação do PENDEz e, por meio de entrevistas, foram investigadas as percepções dos agentes implementadores (gerentes do Paic, diretores escolares e coordenadores pedagógicos) em uma dupla direção: a das pressões e condicionalidades que o Prêmio exerce sobre suas ações e sobre as relações estabelecidas nas parcerias, e a do papel dos agentes e o uso de sua discricionariedade na adequação, interpretação e ajuste local da própria política. Também foram considerados os contextos de implementação, por meio de visitas às oito escolas parceiras e às respectivas secretarias municipais de educação. Os roteiros de entrevistas e as análise foram construídas em interlocução com estudos sobre burocracia de nível de rua e de médio escalão (LIPSKY, LOTTA, OLIVEIRA), equidade escolar (DUBET), instrumentos da ação pública (LASCOUMÉS e LE GALÉS) e accountability (AFONSO; BARROSO). O que se constatou, nos quatro pares de escolas investigados, foi que as escolas apoiadas conseguiram melhorar seus resultados, independentemente de terem recebido auxílio financeiro do governo estadual ou apoio técnico-pedagógico das escolas premiadas, como preconizam as normas do PENDez. Constatou-se, também, a importância da dimensão simbólica do Prêmio, que atua de forma a colocar as escolas premiadas e seus agentes em condição de destaque social, enquanto as escolas apoiadas e seus agentes são estigmatizados, mesmo tendo desempenhado um bom trabalho. O uso da discricionariedade foi identificado na variação dos critérios utilizados por cada escola para julgar quem, entre os diferentes agentes escolares, deveria ser considerado apto a receber a bonificação prevista no Prêmio. Sem infringir as normas, as escolas encontraram brechas para bonificarem os agentes considerados mais merecedores, por terem contribuído para a aprendizagem da turma responsável pela premiação da escola. Verificou-se, também, que, em que pese o PENDez ter como objetivos potencializar as ações do Paic, combater as desigualdades educacionais e melhorar os resultados das escolas, seu componente meritocrático, que confere prestígio social às escolas premiadas, causa impactos negativos nos agentes escolares e, principalmente, nos estudantes das escolas apoiadas, conforme relato dos agentes implementadores. / [en] The goal of this doctoral dissertation is to investigate the implementation of the Prêmio Escola Nota Dez (PENDez) - Maximum Score School Award - in four pairs of schools in Ceará state – Brazil. For this purpose this study seeks to understand how the implementation of policy occurs, based on the perception and performance of the implementing agents. PENDEz is the main instrument for state induction of the Pacto de Alfabetização na Idade Certa (Paic) - Pact for Literacy in the Right Age. Since 2007, the PENDEz has been awarding the 150 best performing schools in the Sistema Permanente de Avaliação da Educação Básica do Ceará (Basic Education Permanent Assessment System of Ceará state) – Spaece-Alfa. This program also provides financial support to the lower performing schools. This resource is equal to half of the award of the schools that reached the best results. This research focused on the implementation of PENDEz in the initial years of elementary school. There were used of Spaece-Alfa data for the selection of four pairs of schools. The analysis was based on documentary exploration, observation and interviews with the implementing agents (teachers, education administrators and managers of the PAIC). The research intends to describe the pressures and conditionalities of the PENDez on the schools and the relations established in the partnerships schools. This study also aims to show the role of the agents and the use of their discricionariety in the adequacy, interpretation and local adjustment of the policy itself. The interview scripts and analyzes were constructed in interlocution with studies of street and middle level bureaucracy (LIPSKY, LOTTA, OLIVEIRA), school equity (DUBET), public action instruments (LASCOUMÉS and LE GALÉS) and accountability AFONSO; BARROSO). The results show that the supported schools were able to improve their results, regardless of whether they received financial assistance from the state government or technical-pedagogical support from the awardwinning schools, as advocated by PENDEZ standards. It was also noted the importance of the symbolic dimension of the Prize, which acts in a way that places awarding schools and their agents in a socially prominent condition, while supported schools and their agents are stigmatized, even though they have done a good job. The use of discricionariety was identified in the variation of the criteria used by each school to judge who among the different school agents should be considered fit to receive the bonus provided in the Award. Without breaching the rules, schools found loopholes to boost the agents considered most deserving because they contributed to the learning of the class responsible for school awards. It was also verified that, in spite of the fact that PENDez aims to strengthen Paic actions, combat educational inequalities and improve school performance, its meritocratic component, which gives social prestige to the award-winning schools, has a negative impact on the agents school students and, especially, the students of the supported schools, as reported by the implementing agents.

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La recherche sur le comportement politique a souvent privilégié les données provenant des cultures occidentales, mais cette approche risque d’occulter les subtilités du comportement humain en dehors de ce cadre. Les chercheurs risquent ainsi de tomber dans le piège de généraliser à partir de contextes spécifiques, ce qui peut conduire à des conclusions erronées. Cette thèse aborde cette problématique en examinant les attitudes et les comportements politiques en Asie de l’Est à travers le prisme de la culture confucéenne. Son objectif principal est d’interroger certaines idées établies sur le comportement politique afin d’évaluer leur pertinence au-delà des frontières occidentales. Cette thèse est composée de trois chapitres empiriques distincts. Chacun d’entre eux aborde un domaine spécifique où la culture peut exercer son influence. Le premier chapitre empirique (chapitre 2) se penche sur le biais de négativité dans les attitudes des citoyens envers l’autorité politique. Il est bien établi que les évaluations politiques des citoyens sont plus fortement influencées par des perceptions négatives que positives des caractéristiques, des événements et des résultats politiques. Dans ce chapitre, j’avance l’idée que la culture joue un rôle crucial mais souvent sous-estimé dans ces biais de négativité. Une analyse multiniveau utilisant la World Values Survey (WVS) met en lumière que le biais de négativité dans la satisfaction à l’égard des gouvernements nationaux diminue à mesure que le niveau de collectivisme dans une société augmente. En outre, j’explore l’impact des valeurs culturelles au niveau individuel en m’appuyant sur les données de l’Asian Barometer Survey (ABS). En accord avec les résultats de la WVS, je constate que le collectivisme atténue l’asymétrie négative-positive lorsque les citoyens évaluent l’autorité politique en fonction des performances gouvernementales. Ces découvertes soulignent l’importance de la prudence lorsqu’il s’agit de généraliser le biais de négativité comme un modèle décrivant uniformément les attitudes des citoyens envers l’autorité politique à travers le monde. Le deuxième chapitre empirique (chapitre 3) plonge dans le phénomène du biais de négativité dans la construction de la confiance généralisée, soit la confiance que les individus accordent aux membres de la société. Les études antérieures ont démontré que la confiance est relativement facile à ébranler, mais difficile à instaurer. Toutefois, je soutiens dans ce chapitre que la littérature sur le biais de négativité est ancrée dans des hypothèses individualistes et néglige les contextes collectivistes. À travers une expérience en ligne préenregistrée réalisée en Chine, je constate que l’exposition à des informations négatives sur le manque de fiabilité d’autres membres de la société a un impact plus marqué sur la confiance généralisée que l’exposition à des informations positives équivalentes sur la fiabilité de ces individus. Cependant, l’effet asymétrique de l’information sur la confiance est conditionné par les valeurs culturelles auto-attribuées par les participants. Les individus aux valeurs collectivistes élevées montrent moins de biais de négativité dans le processus de formation de la confiance. Ces résultats éclairent le rôle de la culture dans la compréhension de la dynamique de la confiance et appellent à une exploration plus approfondie des influences culturelles sur le biais de négativité. Le troisième chapitre empirique (chapitre 4) explore l’écart de participation électorale entre hommes et femmes. En Asie de l’Est, la participation politique des femmes n’a pas évolué au même rythme que le développement économique de la région. Cet écart est souvent imputé à l’influence de la culture confucéenne qui met l’accent sur la hiérarchie, l’ordre et l’obéissance. Toutefois, ce chapitre nuance cette perspective en mettant en avant comment certains aspects du Confucianisme, tels que la méritocratie, peuvent en réalité renforcer le rôle des femmes dans la société moderne en Asie de l’Est. Centré sur le contexte chinois, notamment sur l’institution historiquement significative du système d’examen civil (keju) basée sur Confucius, ce chapitre met en lumière l’impact durable des héritages méritocratiques sur les comportements contemporains. À l’aide de données provenant d’archives historiques et de la China General Social Survey, je découvre une corrélation négative entre les performances des ancêtres d’une préfecture aux examens keju et l’écart entre les sexes dans la participation aux élections villageoises contemporaine. Cette thèse contribue à notre compréhension de la relation entre la culture et l’engagement politique des citoyens. En se concentrant spécifiquement sur l’Asie de l’Est, cette étude représente l’une des rares investigations visant à étudier empiriquement l’influence culturelle sur les attitudes et les comportements politiques dans cette région. En plaidant en faveur d’une recherche qui va au-delà des échantillons “WEIRD”, elle ouvre la voie à de futures investigations dans des contextes globaux, ce qui permettra de développer des perspectives plus inclusives et nuancées dans le domaine de la recherche sur le comportement politique. / The political behavior literature has traditionally centered on data from Western cultures, but this tendency risks overlooking the complexities of human behavior outside the Western sphere. Researchers might fall into the trap of the exception fallacy when they propose generalized theory based on specific contexts. This dissertation addresses this issue by examining political attitudes and behaviors in East Asia through the lens of the Confucian culture. Its primary aim is to interrogate established theories of political behavior to determine their applicability beyond Western contexts. This dissertation is composed of three distinct empirical chapters. Each examines a specific domain where culture may exert its influence. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 2) investigates the negativity biases in citizens’ attitudes toward the political authority. In particular, we know that citizens’ political evaluations tend to be more strongly influenced by negative than positive perceptions of traits, events and policy outcomes. In this chapter, I argue that culture is a significant yet understudied correlate of negativity biases. A multilevel analysis using the World Values Survey (WVS) demonstrates that the negativity bias in national government satisfaction weakens as a society’s level of collectivism is higher. Next, I explore the effect of cultural values at the individual level with data from the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS). In line with the results from the WVS, I find that collectivism reduces the negative-positive asymmetry when citizens evaluate the incumbent authority on the basis of government performance. These results invite more caution when taking negativity biases as a general pattern that describes citizens’ attitudes toward political authority everywhere. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 3) examines the phenomenon of negativity bias in the formation of generalized trust, the trust that individuals have in the members of society. Previous research demonstrates that generalized trust is relatively easy to destroy but challenging to create. In this chapter, I argue that the negativity bias literature is based on individualist assumptions and overlooks collectivist contexts. Using a preregistered online experiment conducted in China, I find that receiving negative information about the untrustworthiness of other social members has a more profound impact on generalized trust than receiving comparable positive information about their trustworthiness. Nevertheless, the asymmetric effect of information on trust is contingent on participants’ self-rated cultural values. Individuals with higher collectivist values tend to exhibit less negativity bias in trust development. These results shed light on the role of culture in understanding the dynamics of trust formation and call for further exploration of cultural influences on negativity biases. The third empirical chapter (Chapter 4) explores the gender gap in electoral participation. East Asian women’s political participation has not kept pace with the region’s economic development. This discrepancy is often attributed to the influence of Confucian culture, which emphasizes hierarchy, order, and obedience. This chapter nuances this perspective by highlighting how certain elements of Confucianism, such as meritocracy, may actually empower modern-day East Asian women. This chapter focuses on the Chinese context, particularly the historically significant Confucian-based meritocratic institution known as the civil examination system (keju). I argue that historical meritocratic legacies can have a lasting impact on contemporary behavior, specifically by reducing the gender gap in political participation in local village elections. Using data from historical archives and the China General Social Survey, I find a negative correlation between the performance of a prefecture’s ancestors in the keju exams and the gender gap in village election turnout among present-day respondents. This dissertation contributes to the understanding of the relationship between culture and political attitudes and behavior. In particular, this study represents one of the few investigations aimed at empirically studying the cultural influence on political attitudes and behaviors in this region. By advocating for research beyond “WEIRD” samples, it sets the stage for future endeavors that embrace global contexts and fosters more inclusive and nuanced perspectives in political behavior research.

School orchestra programs are overwhelmingly concentrated in suburban districts, which are becoming increasingly racially and economically diverse. Diversifying suburbs lie at the crossroads of race, racism, and whiteness and findings drawn from these settings can have implications for racial dynamics in all educational contexts. The purpose of this instrumental case study was to explore how racially underrepresented students perceive race within an urban characteristic high school orchestra program through the lens of critical race theory. I developed a composite counter-story to examine the racialized experience of school orchestra told from the perspective of students of color with a particular interest on competition. Participants were six students and two teachers affiliated with the same high school orchestra program in Texas. Emergent thematic findings examined students' sense of racial belonging, mechanisms upholding the racial status quo, and fulfilling aspects of students' orchestra participation. Though the lens of critical race theory, I discuss how everyday whiteness, property of whiteness, and meritocracy function to maintain white hegemony in school orchestra.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:32:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 REGIME DE CICLOS COM PROGRESSAO CONTINUADA NAS ESCOLAS PUBLICAS PAULISTAS.pdf: 1455470 bytes, checksum: f6ec07da71e6ba4b4653cd0896f3a892 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-01-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The aim of this study is to contribute to the comprehension of how the changes entailed in the educational reform work and are expressed. It was accomplished based on a research about the new set, relative to the scholar organization, created by the changes introduced with the implantation of Cycle Regime with Ongoing Progression at elementary education in public schools from São Paulo. The initial hypothesis was that the this implantation would modify, meaningfully, the school time organization, what would generate a direct impact with the cultural capital and habitus of the teachers. The research took place in 2003 in two public schools from São Paulo state net subordinated to the same Teaching Board. It was made through interviews to two teachers in each school who worked at the second cycle of elementary school, 5th to 8th grades, at a total of four, and to the pedagogic coordinators that were working at this duty since the implantation of the reform. It was also performed the collection and analysis of school documents which expressed the school time organization. This job used the Pierre Bourdieu theoretical corpus as reference, mainly the cultural capital, arbitrary cultural dominant, strategies and habitus, to verify the resulting impact of the reform quoted at the consolidated docent practices. It was testified that the initial hypothesis, concerning the school time, was not proved. Nevertheless, the direct impact on the teacher s cultural capital and habitus regarding to meritocracy, which prizes and settles an ideal student pattern, the pedagogic authority reduction on behalf of ongoing progression that makes impossible the power of the decision about the retention or approval of the pupils, and the valorization and defense of the transmission of scholar contents without which school becomes devoid of its leading duty, was evidenced. Finally the adoption of strategies such as the defense of the Grade Board strengthening and the reduction of the cycles duration from four two years aiming at overcoming these impacts and its effects that are considered damaging, by the docents, to public schools and the pupils future. / Este estudo tem a finalidade de contribuir para a compreensão de como operam e se expressam as mudanças envolvidas em reformas educacionais. Realizou-se a partir de uma pesquisa sobre o novo cenário, relativo à organização escolar, criado pelas alterações introduzidas com a implantação do Regime de Ciclos com Progressão Continuada no Ensino Fundamental das escolas públicas paulistas. Partiu-se da hipótese inicial de que a implantação da referida reforma alteraria significativamente a organização do tempo escolar o que geraria um impacto direto no capital cultural e habitus dos professores. A pesquisa foi realizada em 2003 em duas escolas públicas, da rede estadual paulista subordinadas à mesma Diretoria de Ensino, por meio de entrevistas com dois professores de cada escola, de segundo ciclo do Ensino Fundamental, 5ª à 8ª séries, num total de quatro, com os professores coordenadores pedagógicos de cada unidade escolar, que estivessem no exercício dessa função desde a implantação da referida reforma. Foi também, realizada a coleta e análise dos documentos escolares que expressam a organização do tempo escolar. Este trabalho tem como referência o corpo teórico de Pierre Bourdieu privilegiadamente os conceitos de capital cultural, arbitrário cultural dominante, estratégias e habitus para se verificar o impacto resultante da implantação da reforma em tela nas práticas docentes consolidadas. Constatou-se que a hipótese inicial, no que se refere à organização do tempo escolar, não se comprovou. No entanto, emergiu, ao longo da pesquisa, o impacto direto sobre o capital cultural e habitus dos professores referentes a meritocracia, que valoriza e estabelece um padrão de aluno ideal, a redução da autoridade pedagógica em função da progressão continuada que impossibilita o exercício do poder de decisão sobre a retenção ou aprovação do alunado e, a valorização e defesa da transmissão dos conteúdos escolares sem o que a escola fica esvaziada de sua função precípua. Finalmente a adoção de estratégias, como, por exemplo, a defesa do fortalecimento do Conselho de Série e da redução do período de duração dos ciclos de quatro para dois anos visando a superação desses impactos e seus efeitos que são considerados danosos, pelos docentes, à escola pública e ao futuro dos alunos.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-25T18:52:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Rayner Carvalho Pestana.pdf: 3842091 bytes, checksum: 6249d189977450bb8ee9dbbc3e59483d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-25T18:52:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Rayner Carvalho Pestana.pdf: 3842091 bytes, checksum: 6249d189977450bb8ee9dbbc3e59483d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-03 / The transformation of the Brazilian Public Management, specifically about the adoption of modern tools for human resources, has been happening since the last century and the concern about the introduction of meritocracy in career management is still considered a recurring theme. An evidence of that is the guidance from management and control department of federal state-owned companies to adopt meritocracy in their career management systems. The organization studied here, although already have passed thirteen years of validity of its current jobs and salaries plan, seems not yet to have been able to establish career management policies based on meritocracy. Due to the problem presented, the main objective of this research focused on raising the implications of the organizational context of a Brazilian federal state-owned company, dependent on the Treasury, for the introduction of meritocracy in career management. An applied qualitative research was carried out, configured in the form of a single case study to map the features of the current cultural, managerial and political contexts and to interpret their implications in the adoption of meritocracy as an organizational value. The research subjects were purposefully selected, among managers and career employees, and interviewed based on a script and from a photograph (photo elicitation) to reveal the current context. The field data were subjected to an inductive hermeneutic analysis. Based on these results, it can be inferred that meritocracy in career management, understood as ?a set of criteria, adopted by an organization that has on individual performance, effort and results, the fundamental pillars for granting promotions and progressions to its employees in their own careers?, is not yet explicitly manifested in the studied company. It was perceived that the company is set as a political arena type and that the current alternative process of granting promotions and progressions has been working as a fundamental mechanism for the on going internal power dynamics. On the context found, some manager actions were proposed to contribute to the implementation of meritocracy in career management. It can be considered, as a contribution to the field, the opportunity for reflecting on the negative implications of the penetration of management values in human resources, regarding: uncritical transfer of tools from the private sector to the public one; defense of entrepreneurship discourse that considers the career management as sole responsibility of the professional; only financial and quantitative focus on performance evaluations; and probability of management tools not resulting in professional development but only in the control and exploitation of the individual. For future research it is suggested i.e.: to investigate what commitment means to the organizational members in order to connect it to the company's concepts raised in the study; to analyze meritocracy from the psychological contract breach viewpoint; and to expand this study to other public organizations dependent or not on the Treasury, to ascertain the implications of cultural and managerial traits and the power dynamics for the adoption of meritocracy in career management. / A transforma??o da Administra??o P?blica Brasileira, no que tange ? ado??o de ferramentas modernas de gest?o de pessoas, vem ocorrendo desde o s?culo passado e a preocupa??o com a meritocracia na gest?o de carreira se configura como um assunto ainda recorrente. Como prova disso, destacam-se as orienta??es do ?rg?o de gest?o e controle das empresas estatais federais para que elas adotem a meritocracia nos seus sistemas de gest?o de carreira. A organiza??o aqui estudada, embora passados treze anos de vig?ncia do atual plano de cargos e sal?rios, parece ainda n?o ter conseguido instituir pol?ticas de gest?o de carreira calcadas na meritocracia. Diante do problema apresentado, o objetivo principal desta pesquisa se concentrou em levantar as implica??es dos tra?os provenientes do contexto organizacional de uma estatal federal brasileira, dependente do Tesouro Nacional, para a implanta??o da meritocracia na gest?o de carreira. Realizou-se pesquisa aplicada de natureza qualitativa, configurada em forma de estudo de caso ?nico para mapear os tra?os do contexto cultural, gerencial e pol?tico vigentes e interpretar suas implica??es na ado??o da meritocracia como um valor organizacional. Os sujeitos da pesquisa foram selecionados pelo m?todo proposital, entre gerentes e empregados de carreira, e entrevistados mediante roteiro e a partir de uma fotografia (elicita??o fotogr?fica) que revelasse o contexto vigente na ?tica dos mesmos. Os dados de campo foram qualitativamente analisados de forma hermen?utico-indutiva. Com base nos resultados obtidos, conclui-se que a meritocracia na gest?o de carreira, entendida como ?o conjunto de crit?rios, adotado por uma organiza??o, que possui no desempenho, no esfor?o individual e nos resultados alcan?ados os pilares fundamentais para a concess?o de promo??es e progress?es dos empregados em suas respectivas carreiras?, n?o ?, ainda, praticada explicitamente na empresa estudada. Revelou-se que a empresa se configura como uma organiza??o do tipo arena pol?tica e que o vigente processo alternativo de concess?o de promo??es e progress?es tem funcionado como um mecanismo fundamental na din?mica interna de poder. Diante deste contexto, foram propostas a??es de forma a contribuir com a implanta??o da meritocracia na gest?o de carreira. Considera-se como contribui??o ? ?rea a oportunidade de reflex?o sobre as implica??es da penetra??o de valores do management na gest?o de pessoas, relativas a: transfer?ncia acr?tica de ferramentas do setor privado para o p?blico; defesa do discurso do empreendedorismo, pressupondo a gest?o de carreira como responsabilidade unicamente do profissional; perspectiva apenas financeira e quantitativa das avalia??es de desempenho; e probabilidade das ferramentas de gest?o n?o resultarem no desenvolvimento profissional, mas no controle e explora??o do indiv?duo. Para aprofundamento em futuras pesquisas, sugere-se, dentre outras a??es: investigar o conceito de comprometimento na organiza??o, conectando-o ?s concep??es da Empresa levantadas no estudo; analisar a meritocracia a partir da ?tica da quebra do contrato psicol?gico; e expandir a presente pesquisa a outras organiza??es p?blicas dependentes ou n?o do Tesouro, a fim de evidenciar as implica??es dos tra?os culturais e gerenciais e da din?mica de poder existentes na ado??o da meritocracia na gest?o de carreira.