La diplomatie commerciale de la Chine résulte d’un processus complexe. Étant donné que d’une part, elle est liée à son histoire, à sa culture et à sa géographie. D’une autre part, elle est vivement rattachée à son régime politique, à l’état de son économie et à son système juridique. Ce qui implique la mise en place d’importantes mesures d’encadrement juridiques et réglementaires émises par l’autorité législative de l’État. Cette thèse tente d’analyser la diplomatie commerciale de la Chine depuis 1978, à travers sa construction, ses règlements et ses pratiques, tout en privilégiant une approche juridique. L’enjeu principal de cette démarche est de mettre en œuvre une étude comparative entre le régime juridique commercial chinois et celui de l’OMC, afin de saisir le fondement juridique de la diplomatie commerciale chinoise. Ainsi, cette recherche se base principalement sur trois dimensions de la diplomatie commerciale chinoise : la dimension multilatérale (l’intégration dans l’OMC), la dimension régionale (la participation dans les organisations régionales comme l’ASEAN) et la dimension bilatérale (la conclusion des accords commerciaux bilatéraux). Enfin, une telle approche permet de mettre en exergue les avantages et les inconvénients de chacune de ces dimensions tout en tenant compte du contexte économique international difficile. / Commercial diplomacy of China is the result of a complex process. Given that on the one hand, it is linked to its history, culture and geography. On the other hand, it is strongly linked to its political system, the state of its economy and its legal system. Which implies the implementation of important measures of legal and regulatory framework emitted by the legislative authority of the state. This thesis tries to analyze the commercial diplomacy of China since 1978, through its construction, its regulations and practices, while favoring legal approach. The main issue of this approach is to implement a comparative study of Chinese commercial law regime and the WTO in order to take the legal basis for China's trade diplomacy. Thus, this research is based on three dimensions of Chinese commercial diplomacy: multilateral dimension (integration into the WTO), the regional dimension (participation in regional organizations such as ASEAN) and the bilateral dimension (the concluding bilateral trade agreements). Finally, such an approach allows to highlight the advantages and disadvantages of each of these dimensions while considering the difficult international economic environment.

The topic of this master thesis is the Relationship of the Federal Republic of Germany to the intervention in Libya. The aim of this master thesis is to answer the research question: "Why did not Germany support the intervention in Libya?". After the abstention on the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973, Germany was for not continuing human rights protection. The decision, to reject the intervention, has confirmed that Germany is still very skeptical regarding the involvement of its military personnel and assets abroad. The decision of the Security Council is not only a milestone in German history, but also a milestone for the international community. For the first time has the United Nations Security Council agreed to use military forces against a functioning state with the aim of protecting civilian population. This master thesis is a single case study; through which the author examines a very specific situation when Germany decided not to participate in the voting process regarding the intervention in Libya. The theoretical part of the thesis is based on the constructivist theory, furthermore the thesis focuses also on the concepts of civilian power, multilateralism, culture of restraint, and the protection of human rights. All these terms have significant influence on German foreign...

[pt] Ascensão e queda da imagem de um Brasil ambientalmente responsável: uma análise à luz do arcabouço da diplomacia pública. A dissertação trata da aparente contradição na literatura de análise de política externa brasileira que ressalta a ativa participação brasileira em fóruns multilaterais de meio ambiente, mas também aponta sua falta de sistematicidade e contradições. A diplomacia pública é oferecida como saída para essa contradição ao interpretar os esforços brasileiros como iniciativas de comunicação visando lidar com pressões internacionais que retornam – após cerca de 30 anos - em uma aparente correlação com o abandono por parte do Estado da imagem construída de um país ambientalmente responsável. Para isso, o trabalho se vale de uma combinação de métodos qualitativos e quantitativos e de extensa revisão bibliográfica nos campos de política externa brasileira para meio ambiente e diplomacia pública. / [en] Ascensão e queda da imagem de um Brasil ambientalmente responsável: uma análise à luz do arcabouço da diplomacia pública. The dissertation deals with the apparent contradiction in the Brazilian foreign policy analysis literature that highlights the active Brazilian participation in multilateral environmental forums, but also points out its lack of systematicity and contradictions. Public diplomacy is offered as a way out of this contradiction when interpreting Brazilian efforts as communication initiatives aimed at dealing with international pressures that return - after 30 years - in an apparent correlation with the State s abandonment of the country s built image of itself as environmentally responsible. For this, the work uses a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods and an extensive bibliographic review in the fields of Brazilian foreign policy for the environment and public diplomacy.

L’Organisation de coopération et de développement économiques (OCDE) préconise aux États de bonnes pratiques à adopter dans différents domaines des politiques publiques. En collaboration avec les gouvernements, l’OCDE couvre des thèmes aussi variés que la santé, l’immigration, l’environnement, la lutte contre la corruption, ou encore la promotion de systèmes éducatifs efficaces. En matière d’éducation, l’OCDE est devenue un acteur majeur de la gouvernance mondiale, comme en témoignent la participation de 85 pays aux enquêtes PISA et leur couverture médiatique. À travers ses études comparatives, ses rapports détaillés et ses évaluations internationales, l’OCDE s’est imposée sur la scène éducative internationale comme un véritable « entrepreneur de normes ». Si dans leurs discours publics, les décideurs politiques affichent un intérêt accru envers les travaux de l’OCDE, leur appropriation dans la production de politiques éducatives nationales demeure difficile à appréhender. La question principale de notre thèse est : comment l’OCDE oriente-t-elle la production de politiques éducatives ? À partir du cas français, notre recherche s’intéresse ainsi à la manière dont les idées et outils de l’OCDE peuvent guider les politiques éducatives nationales, à travers les usages que les acteurs nationaux en font. En s’appuyant sur le cas de l’OCDE et des politiques éducatives en France, la thèse a pour objectif d’interroger deux aspects en relations internationales et en politiques publiques, étudiés de manière conjointe : la circulation internationale des idées et ressources et leur appropriation dans les espaces nationaux. Le projet contribue ainsi à la littérature sur l’internationalisation de l’action publique. Les résultats de notre thèse montrent que le type et la fréquence d’utilisation des idées et ressources de l’OCDE varient selon les phases de production d’une politique publique et selon les acteurs nationaux qui s’en saisissent. Les spécificités, tant liées au contexte qu’aux acteurs qui interviennent selon les phases de production d’une politique publique, influencent le type et la fréquence d’usage des recommandations et données de l’OCDE. / The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) recommends good practices to governments in various policy areas. In collaboration with governments, the OECD covers topics as diverse as health, immigration, the environment, the fight against corruption, and the promotion of efficient education systems. In education, the OECD appears to have become a major player in global governance, as evidenced by the media coverage of its PISA tests and the participation of 85 countries in these surveys. Through its comparative studies, detailed reports and international assessments, the OECD has established itself on the international education scene as a "norm entrepreneur". Although policy makers are showing increased interest in the OECD's work in their public speeches, its appropriation in the production of national education policies remains difficult to grasp. The main question of our thesis is: how does the OECD guide the production of educational policies? Based on the case of France, our research looks at how OECD ideas and tools can guide national education policies, through the uses that national actors make of OECD ideas and resources. Using the case of the OECD and educational policies in France, the thesis aims to interrogate two aspects of the literature in international relations and public policy, studied together: the international circulation of ideas and resources and their appropriation in national spaces. The project contributes to the literature on the internationalization of public action. The results of our thesis show that the type and frequency of use of OECD ideas and resources vary according to the phases in the production of public policy and the national actors who use them. The type and frequency of use of OECD recommendations and data are influenced by the specificities of both the context and the actors involved in each phase of public policy production.

Au lendemain de la seconde Guerre mondiale, le multilatéralisme est devenu la condition de légitimité des interventions à des fins de protection humaine. Néanmoins le multilatéralisme suscite des problèmes de coopération, de commandement et de contrôle dans une force multinationale composée des contingents ayant des cultures militaires propres. Les échecs successifs de la première moitié de la décennie 1990 générèrent des travaux concentrés sur le maintien de la paix suivant une démarche up-down. Ils proposèrent dans un premier temps, la création d’une doctrine ‘‘robuste’’ qui comprendrait également l’élaboration des règles d’engagement (ROE) fermes et dans un second temps, la mise en oeuvre de mandats sans ambiguïtés. Or, tant que la configuration du Conseil de sécurité restera inchangée, les mandats seront toujours ambigus puisque les résolutions dont ils découlent laissent une part d’ambiguïté afin d’éviter le risque de veto. Chaque opération de paix ayant ses particularités propres, la création d’une doctrine robuste pour le maintien de la paix ne serait pas efficace. Posant les directives déterminant le niveau de force qui peut être utilisé dans diverses situations, les ROE se trouvent au coeur des opérations de paix et affectent la légitimité de celles-ci. Plutôt qu’une doctrine, la création d’un régime des ROE suivant une démarche bottom-up et son intériorisation par les casques bleus entrainerait une harmonisation de leurs comportements. Il serait alors possible de rechercher l’émergence d’une perception commune entre les Etats à l’égard du maintien de la paix et ce à travers une norme safe-efficient qui assurerait un environnement safe pour les soldats et un environnement efficient pour la réussite des opérations de maintien de la paix. Plus les Etats seront conscients des problèmes et des ambiguïtés relatifs aux opérations de paix, plus ils pourront avoir la volonté politique de mettre en oeuvre des mandats plus crédibles par l’intermédiaire de cette norme safe-efficient. / After the Second World War, multilateralism has become the legitimacy condition of interventions for human protection. Nevertheless, multilateralism creates problems of cooperation, command and control in a multinational force, which is composed of contingents having their own military cultures. Successive failures of the first half of the 1990s generate peacekeeping studies following an up-down path. Initially, they had proposed to create a “robust” doctrine that comprehends the drafting of firm Rules of Engagements (ROE), and in later times, they proposed to carry out the mandates without ambiguities for peace operations. Yet, as long as the configuration of the Security Council remains the same, the mandates will always be ambiguous, given that they are derived from the already ambiguous resolutions avoiding the risk of veto. Since every peace operation has its own particularities, the creation of a robust peacekeeping doctrine would not be efficient. ROEs are the directives issued by competent military authority that delineate the circumstances and limitations about the use of force. They are at the core of the peace operations and influence their legitimacy. Rather than a doctrine, the creation of a regime of ROE following a bottom-up path, and its internalization by peacekeepers, lead to a harmonization of their behaviors. It will then become possible to look for the emergence of a common perception between states about peacekeeping, and through this, a safe-efficient norm will emerge. This will secure a safe environment for soldiers and an efficient environment for the success of peacekeeping operations. The more awareness is created about problems and ambiguities concerning peace operations, the more willing will states become to carry out credible mandates through this safe-efficient norm.

One of the major analytical shortcomings regularly made by EU and NATO experts today lies with exclusively seeing the European defence project as a post-World War II (WWII) phenomenon and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as mainly a post-Cold War product. No analyst has so far seriously explored the idea of European defence predating WWII and the 20th century. Instead, since 1999 one frequently reads and hears about the ‘anomalous,’ ‘elusive’ CSDP suddenly complicating transatlantic relations. But the CSDP is hardly an oddity or aberration, and it is certainly not as mysterious as some might suggest. Drawing extensively from primary sources and predicated on an overarching evolutionist approach, this thesis shows that the present CSDP is an ephemeral security and defence concept, only the latest of its kind and full of potential. Drawing its deepest ideational roots from the (pre-)Enlightenment era, the CSDP leads to a pan-European defence almost irreversibly. A common defence for Europe is quite possible and, due to the growing impact of the exogenous (multipolar) momentum, can be realized sooner rather than later even without a full-fledged European federation. / May 2016

[pt] A dissertação analisa o processo de construção social do Refugiado em dois momentos históricos específicos da segunda metade do século XX: entre 1945- 1954 e no pós-Guerra Fria. O objetivo central é mostrar como as práticas discursivas relativas ao Refugiado são informadas pelas estruturas constitucionais da sociedade internacional e pelas crenças e valores fundamentais que definem os critérios de legitimidade da ação estatal. Procura evidenciar o caráter contingente e variável da definição do Refugiado em dois contextos de transformação da ordem internacional. A pesquisa parte da abordagem construtivista, assentada na proposta de Reus-Smit (1999) e de Onuf (1989), na tentativa de fornecer uma explicação mais adequada dos processos sociais de constituição do Refugiado na moderna sociedade de Estados, enfatizando o papel das organizações internacionais, em especial do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Refugiados (ACNUR). Neste sentido, ressalta a importância da territorialidade e do imaginário espacial enquanto critérios centrais para a delimitação dos fenômenos migratórios forçados, critérios esses tensionados a partir da década de noventa. / [en] The dissertation s main purpose is to analyze the process of social construction of the Refugee in two specific historical moments in the second half of the twentieth century: from 1945 to 1954 and after the end of the Cold War. The main goal is to demonstrate how discursive practices related to the refugee are informed by the constitutional structures of international society and by the fundamental values and beliefs that legitimate state action. It also aims at showing the contingent and changing nature of the refugee definition in contexts of profound transformations in international orders. The research is based on a constructivist approach, mainly in Reus-Smit (1999) and Onuf s (1989) frameworks, in an attempt to provide a more adequate understanding of the social processes constitutive of the refugee in the modern society of States, highlighting the role of international organizations, in particular the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In that sense, it gives emphasis to the primary importance attached to territoriality and the spatial imagery as fundamental criteria to establishing the limits of forced international migration, a criteria that has faced great challenges since the nineties.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabio Arroyo Favero.pdf: 1018837 bytes, checksum: e2c703d670621b1dfd076ae8a9766694 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The objective of this dissertation is to make an investigation about the impact and influence that diplomacy in its multilateral expression may have in the option of using military forces abroad by members of the government of the United States. The analysis is developed for the specific case of the Iraq war, which started in March 2003. First we present one conceptual understanding of unilateralism and multilateralism as categories of classification of the degree of openness and influence of others actors in the foreign affairs of one State. After this we make one bibliographical review of the history of United States foreign affairs, identifying the meanings and the possible sources of unilateralism and multilateralism in its development, and which are their specificities. Then, we develop the proposed analysis, through the details about the context of the Iraqi crisis and north American involvement in it, and afterwards we identify in the United States action the degree in which its diplomatic action involved others actors and interests, for the purpose of having a scale of its multilateralism or unilateralism. Then we evaluate if these categories are useful for the better understanding of the role diplomacy may have in the United States foreign policy, specifically in the case of the war. Our conclusions points out a complex balance, since our sources indicate a strong unilateral tendency in the choice about the military option to disarm Iraq. However, at the same time we could see an wide and systematic effort to convince allies and specially the UN Security Council of the legitimacy and the need of the military action against Iraq. This effort appears to not have been more insistent on the account of the favorable domestic conditions for the war, with the support of US Congress, and the threat of a veto openly made by others member of the UN, fact which would potentially neutralize any chance of approval of one second resolution with an explicit authorization about the use of military force. This diplomatic effort confirm the limits of classifying the Iraq War as strictly unilateral, and the importance that such a diplomatic legitimation may have upon members of the United States government as to the use of military force abroad / O objetivo desta dissertação é fazer uma investigação a respeito do impacto e influência que a diplomacia, em sua vertente multilateral, pode ter sobre a opção dos membros do governo dos EUA em fazer uso de suas forças armadas no exterior. A análise é desenvolvida com base no estudo de caso específico da Guerra contra o Iraque, que teve início em março de 2003. Primeiramente desenvolvemos uma delimitação conceitual do que entendemos por unilateralismo e multilateralismo como sendo categorias de classificação do grau de abertura e influência de outros atores na política externa de um determinado Estado. Em seguida, fazemos uma revisão bibliográfica da história da política externa norte-americana, identificando os sentidos e possíveis fontes respectivas do unilateralismo e multilateralismo neste panorama, e quais as suas especificidades. Finalmente, desenvolvemos a análise proposta, através da contextualização da questão iraquiana e do envolvimento norte-americano nela, para em seguida identificarmos na ação dos EUA o grau em que sua atuação diplomática envolveu outros atores e interesses, com vistas a realizarmos uma gradação do seu multilateralismo ou unilateralismo e se esta categorização serve para o melhor entendimento do papel que a diplomacia teria na política externa dos EUA especificamente no caso da guerra resultante deste processo. Nossas conclusões apontam para um balanço complexo, pois as fontes trabalhadas indicam uma forte vocação unilateral na escolha da opção militar para desarmar o Iraque. Porém, ao mesmo tempo é possível notar que houve um amplo e sistemático esforço de convencer aliados e especialmente o Conselho de Segurança da ONU da legitimidade e da necessidade da ação militar contra o Iraque. E este esforço parece não ter sido mais insistente por conta de condições domésticas favoráveis a guerra, como o apoio do Congresso dos EUA, e a ameaça de um veto feito abertamente por parte de outros membros da ONU, sendo que este último fator neutralizaria qualquer chance de aprovação de uma resolução explícita quanto ao uso da força militar contra o Iraque. Este esforço diplomático confirma os limites da qualificação da Guerra contra o Iraque como sendo estritamente unilateral, e a importância que tal legitimação diplomática parece ter para os membros do governo dos EUA quanto ao uso da força militar no exterior

冷戰之後，前蘇聯地區出現了一系列新獨立的共和國。哈薩克、烏茲別克、土庫曼、吉爾及斯和塔吉克脫離蘇聯徹底獨立，並加入聯合國；宣告了中亞地區在歐亞大陸腹地的重新崛起，並改變了歐亞大陸的地緣政治格局。 中共為了強化與俄羅斯、哈薩克、吉爾吉斯、和塔吉克四國的邊境安全和相互信心，於是創建了「上海五國」會晤機制。之後逐年召開會晤，2001年，更將「上海五國」機制改為「上海合作組織」之正式組織。該組織是第一個中國作為創始國的區域性合作國際組織，其順利發展和有效發揮職能不僅對維護中共周邊環境的穩定、擴大中共對外經濟活動空間有重大的現實意義，而且對於中共加入經濟全球化的進程的影響不容忽視。維護地區安全和加強經濟合作是「上海合作組織」的基本宗旨，推動「多邊外交」是其主要的任務。 本論文以中共在「上海合作組織」的多邊外交與合作為研究主題，主要探討的目的有1. 中共多邊外交的發展。2. 「上海合作組織」多邊合作形成的背景，演進的歷程與內容。3. 胡錦濤時期中共在「上海合作組織」中「多邊外交」的實踐對未來區域發展可能的影響進行研究評估，並針對該組織未來的可能發展與限制提出結論與建議。

<p>Essay in Political Science, Advanced Course, by Christoffer Hagström</p><p>“The Bush Administration´s view on international cooperation and international</p><p>law and political-theoretical traditions influence on the administration´s foreign</p><p>policy”</p><p>Supervisor: Jan Olsson</p><p>The purpose of this paper is to analyze the American foreign policy, particularly with regard to</p><p>international cooperation and international law. The two following research-questions are used in</p><p>order to fulfil the purpose: (1) what is the Bush-administrations´s view of of the place for</p><p>international cooperation and international law in American foreign policy?, and (2) how does the</p><p>administration´s foreign policy correspond to dominant political-theoretical thought-traditions? The</p><p>traditions used are: liberalism, realism and neoconservatism. The sources of the study mostly</p><p>include literature and policy-documents. The author conducts qualitative and quantitative content</p><p>analysis of the Bush-administration´s policy document National Security Strategy of the United</p><p>States from March 2006. First the document is summarized based on different criteria followed by</p><p>categorizations of ideas connected with realism, liberalism and neoconservatism in the document. In</p><p>the quantative analysis value-words that are appropriate for the various traditions is chosen. The</p><p>frequency of those words can be seen as indications of the influence of the traditions in the thoughts</p><p>of the Bush-administration, but is mostly seen as a complement to the qualtative analysis. The main</p><p>conclusions of the paper are that the Bush-administration most often wish to act according to</p><p>international law and to cooperate with other actors internationally in the long run, it may even be</p><p>necessary. In the short run however, it may act outside the parameters of international organizations</p><p>and international law in order to accomplish foreign policy-goals. Matters related to the security of</p><p>the American state and people is considered much more important than international cooperation</p><p>and law. Liberalism seems to be the tradition that has most affected the Bush-administration´s</p><p>foreign policy. It is followed shortly thereafter by realism and neoconservatism seems to have had</p><p>the least influence on the the thought-traditions. All of the them has been active in the making of the</p><p>foreign policy.</p>