Les approches psychologiques connaissent un essor dans l’étude des relations internationales. Elles sont essentielles dans l’étude du processus cognitif des leaders, qui est central à la prise de décisions en politique étrangère. Notre recherche porte sur l’axe d’engagement choisi par les États-Unis envers les alliés, de l’unilatéralisme au multilatéralisme, dans l’adoption des politiques étrangères et s’il est déterminé par la vision du monde des présidents. Parmi les politiques étrangères américaines adoptées entre 2001 et 2013, nous retenons les plus significatives en termes de multilatéralisme, afin de construire la variable dépendante. Le cadre théorique utilisé, le code opérationnel, propose l’analyse du schéma cognitif de leaders à l’aide d’une étude de contenu de leurs écrits et de leurs discours. Cette théorie énonce que la vision du monde inhérente à un leader influence le comportement et les décisions du gouvernement dans les relations internationales. Cette étude examinera les discours relatifs à la politique étrangère américaine prononcés lors des mandats de George W. Bush et lors du premier mandat de Barack Obama en tentant de comparer empiriquement les résultats de leur code opérationnel à leur degré de multilatéralisme avéré dans leurs décisions. Nos résultats ne montrent pas de liens directs entre la vision du monde des présidents et l’axe d’engagement adopté en politique extérieure. Nous en concluons que la méthode d’analyse quantitative ne nous permet pas de déceler de changements concrets entre les mandats des présidents. Nous proposons alors d'autres explications concurrentes comme la théorie des élites ou l’ordre international libéral qui pourraient mieux répondre à notre problématique. / Cognitive theories are increasingly recognized in international relations studies. They are necessary in the study of a leader's cognitive process which is central to foreign policy decision-making. This study focuses on the axis of commitment the United States has adopted towards allies, from unilateralist to multilateralist, and analyzes if it is influenced by the president’s worldview. American foreign policies adopted between 2001-2013 are selected according to their relevance to multilateralism to construct the dependent variable. Our theoretical framework is the operational code, which allows an evaluation of the cognitive scheme according to public and private content discourse analysis. This theory suggests that the president’s worldview has an impact on government's behaviour and decisions making within international relations. This research is based on George W. Bush’s foreign policy speeches during his two mandates and on Barack Obama’s first mandate speeches, seeking to empirically compare their operational codes to the levels of multilateralism resulting from their decisions. Our findings cannot establish a direct link between the president's worldview and their position on the foreign policy commitment axis. We conclude that our quantitative analysis method is not adapted to illustrate a tangible change between the president's mandates. Therefore, we suggest alternative explanations such as the elite theory and the liberal international order which could better answer our research question.

African Union (AU) multilateral efforts in governance flounder at the level of implementation and their substantive intervention worth do not accord with the aspirations embodied in adopted normative frameworks and instruments. The research served to uncover the policy and delivery challenges within the overall AU institutional system as a means of providing a perspective on the future of AU governance mechanisms and related intervention modalities. Detailed empirical engagement, through an institutional lens, with norm formation and implementation in accountability, the rule of law and state capacity, and related delivery practices, enabled the extraction of crucial efficacy challenges in the AU institutional system. The exploration, using evidence embodied in documents from the AU governance implementation system, served to confirm that the AU continues to struggle between the imperatives of integration through established shared values and the exercise of state sovereignty. Within the policy-delivery nexus, the research points to the importance of agency by AU institutions and how practices and incentives serve to pervert the aspiration for a multilateral value-adding system in governance. In addition to providing a comprehensive historical macro-overview of AU governance intervention and related implementation modalities, the research served to uncover the implementation ‘black-box’ through a careful and comprehensive study of practices in each of the governance intervention terrains. The institutional focus serves to affirm that answerability for performance in the use of public resource and the structuring of organisations, matter for delivery and the production of substantive regional integration value. The core efficacy challenges at the level of AU multilateral engagements and implementation, such as norm proliferation, the exercise of power and sovereignty, staffing and capacity gaps, point to the need for a substantive and strategic reorientation of the AU governance normative framework and related intervention modalities. As an outcome of the analysis and reflection, a ‘norm graduating model’ is proposed to accommodate contextual realities in AU Member States on the back of historically hard-fought-for shared values in governance. At the level of implementation modalities, efficacy challenges point to the importance of a more tempered and realistic delivery approach. The primary focus in the immediate term should be on building governance through a diffused peer-engagement strategy culminating in norm compliance and full adherence to the provisions of established AU governance instruments over the long-term. / Public Administration and Management / Ph. D. (Public Administration)

No description available.

[pt] O trabalho analisa a fragilidade dos mecanismos de accountability apresentados pelo Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento (NDB) em seu Ordenamento Socioambiental, Environmental and Social Framework (ESF), principalmente no que tange o acesso à informação e a participação da sociedade civil. Essa falta de accountability é um dos potenciais problemas advindos do modelo de sistemas nacionais avançados pelo ESF. A ausência no ESF de um mecanismo robusto que garanta a transparência e o controle socioambiental dos projetos da instituição, unido com a promoção do uso dos sistemas nacionais, pode dificultar a participação de membros da sociedade civil organizada e de comunidades potencialmente afetadas de importantes partes do processo. Após uma análise dos mecanismos de accountability no ESF do Banco Mundial, o trabalho argumenta que ocorreria um race to the bottom dos padrões de proteção socioambientais de ambos Banco Mundial e NDB, devido a uma competição no setor de financiamento para o desenvolvimento. / [en] This paper analyzes the fragility of the accountability mechanisms in the Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) of the New Development Bank (NDB). Two accountability elements were highlighted: access to information and civil society participation.t is argued in the paper that one potential problem derived from the use of the country systems, supported by the ESF, is an absence of oversight. The lack of a robust accountability mechanism, which guarantees transparency and strong environmental and social protection in the NDB s projects, coupled with the use of country systems, may hamper the participation of affected peoples during the entire process. After a comparative analysis of the World Bank s ESF, it is suggested that a development financing competition of sorts might be occurring, leading towards a race to the bottom in the environmental and social protection standards in both the World Bank and the NDB.

The regional economic community (REC) of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) compri'ses 15 Southern African countries. The' economic and political aspects of regional integration in SADC dictate the pace of integration while the influence of a legal regime for regional integration remains at the periphery. While the SADC Treaty and its Protocol on Trade are clear about the priority of economic integration; the full implementation of SADC's economic integration is still yet to be realised using these legal instruments. Regional economic integration is also a priority at both continental and global level. The legal instruments applicable at these levels are those established through the African Union (AU) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) respectively. Analysis of these external legal instruments is relevant because SADC Member States are signatories to agreements establishing these organisations·. Thus, rules based trade in SADC should be understood from a regional, continental and global perspective where a community must have well-structured and managed relations between itself and other legal systems as a necessary condition for its effectiveness. These structured relations refers to a legal and institutional framework that defines the relations between community and national laws, spelling out the modalities for implementing community law in Member States, defines the respective competencies of the community and Member States and provide rule based systems for resolution of conflicts. In setting the scene for an in-depth discussion of the legal and institutional framework for regional economic integration in SADC, this study presents the history of SADC, its political and economic characteristics that have shaped the legal aspects of trade within the region, the continent of Africa and the world at large. Within this context, the definition of regional integration is presented from a general and international understanding but ultimately gets narrowed down to what it means for Africa and SADC. The discussion on the · theories behind regional economic integration gives understanding to the integration approach employed in the organisation. South Africa's economic and political leadership is critical in the realisation of economic integration; hence this study acknowledges that without South Africa's full commitment; regional economic integration will suffer .a setback. Besides the challenge of implementing rules based trade in SADC, this study also identifies a number of obstacles to SADC regional economic integration and multiple memberships are identified as a: major stumbling block. A comparative study of SADC's institutional framework with that of the E1;Jropean Union· (EU) is undertaken to establish the rationale behind SADC's choice of utilising the EU model of integration. This study establishes the critical role institutions play in the implementation of treaty obligations as established by the agreements. The main lesson from this comparative study is that the EU institutions are allowed to fulfill their obligations of implementing treaty provisions, while SADC institutions are handicapped. The future of SADC is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identifies the tripartite free trade area (FTA) that includes the East Africa Community (EAC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) as one of viable legal instrument for deeper integration in SADC and the continent of Africa. General recommendations are made on the need for reform of rules and principles that are necessary for the implementation of SADC Treaty regime as well as possible improvements that are important for the full realisation of regional economic integration. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

The regional economic community (REC) of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) compri'ses 15 Southern African countries. The' economic and political aspects of regional integration in SADC dictate the pace of integration while the influence of a legal regime for regional integration remains at the periphery. While the SADC Treaty and its Protocol on Trade are clear about the priority of economic integration; the full implementation of SADC's economic integration is still yet to be realised using these legal instruments. Regional economic integration is also a priority at both continental and global level. The legal instruments applicable at these levels are those established through the African Union (AU) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) respectively. Analysis of these external legal instruments is relevant because SADC Member States are signatories to agreements establishing these organisations·. Thus, rules based trade in SADC should be understood from a regional, continental and global perspective where a community must have well-structured and managed relations between itself and other legal systems as a necessary condition for its effectiveness. These structured relations refers to a legal and institutional framework that defines the relations between community and national laws, spelling out the modalities for implementing community law in Member States, defines the respective competencies of the community and Member States and provide rule based systems for resolution of conflicts. In setting the scene for an in-depth discussion of the legal and institutional framework for regional economic integration in SADC, this study presents the history of SADC, its political and economic characteristics that have shaped the legal aspects of trade within the region, the continent of Africa and the world at large. Within this context, the definition of regional integration is presented from a general and international understanding but ultimately gets narrowed down to what it means for Africa and SADC. The discussion on the · theories behind regional economic integration gives understanding to the integration approach employed in the organisation. South Africa's economic and political leadership is critical in the realisation of economic integration; hence this study acknowledges that without South Africa's full commitment; regional economic integration will suffer .a setback. Besides the challenge of implementing rules based trade in SADC, this study also identifies a number of obstacles to SADC regional economic integration and multiple memberships are identified as a: major stumbling block. A comparative study of SADC's institutional framework with that of the E1;Jropean Union· (EU) is undertaken to establish the rationale behind SADC's choice of utilising the EU model of integration. This study establishes the critical role institutions play in the implementation of treaty obligations as established by the agreements. The main lesson from this comparative study is that the EU institutions are allowed to fulfill their obligations of implementing treaty provisions, while SADC institutions are handicapped. The future of SADC is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identifies the tripartite free trade area (FTA) that includes the East Africa Community (EAC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) as one of viable legal instrument for deeper integration in SADC and the continent of Africa. General recommendations are made on the need for reform of rules and principles that are necessary for the implementation of SADC Treaty regime as well as possible improvements that are important for the full realisation of regional economic integration. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

La participation juridique des Etats d’Afrique de l’Ouest au commerce international se traduit par l’instauration d’accords régionaux internes et externes et par leur adhésion au système multilatéral de l’OMC. Les Etats se retrouvent donc confrontés à différents engagements juridiques simultanément et cela pose le problème de leur capacité en tant que pays en développement ou PMA à y faire face. Aujourd’hui le développement de ces Etats est au coeur de toutes les négociations commerciales que ce soit dans la cadre des nouveaux accords de partenariat économique ou celui du cycle de Doha. Mais toutes ces négociations sont dans une impasse et cela favorise le développement des accords régionaux internes. Cette étude porte sur les différents processus d’interaction qui peuvent intervenir entre le régionalisme et le multilatéralisme. L’efficacité des différents accords commerciaux mises en place par les Etats ouest Africains suppose une cohérence et une compatibilité entre eux. / The legal participation of the States of West Africa to international trade is reflected by the establishment of internal and external regional agreements and their accession to the WTO multilateral system. States are therefore facing individual legal commitments simultaneously and this raises the problem of their capacity as developing countries or LDCs to cope. Today the development of these States is at the heart of all trade negotiations in the framework of the new agreements economic partnership or one of the Doha round. But all these negotiations are at an impasse and it promotes the development of internal regional agreements. This study focuses on the various processes of interaction that can occur between regionalism and multilateralism. The effectiveness of the various trade agreements put in place by States West Africans assumes coherence and compatibility between them.

Le développement démocratique engendre-t-il un changement dans la politique étrangère du Mexique ?La politique étrangère « traditionnelle » mexicaine est réputée pour être passive, légaliste et nationaliste, telle la définie le Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel au début du XXème siècle, jusqu’à la fin des années 1990. Depuis cette date, la politique étrangère mexicaine est en pleine transition sous l’effet d’un nouvel ordre mondial et du processus de démocratisation interne.En 2000, l’élection du président Fox jouit d’une légitimité internationale qui lui permet de renouveler la politique extérieure en se focalisant sur la défense des droits de l’Homme et de la démocratie. Ce changement diplomatique marque une rupture politique avec le régime précédent.Par le biais de la révision du ALENA, il cherche d’une part, à approfondir l’intégration avec les États-Unis avec la négociation d’un accord migratoire, et d’autre part, à développer une activité multilatérale, en particulier au sein des forums de l’ONU. Cette politique vise à réduire la dépendance du Mexique vis-à-vis des États-Unis en intensifiant sa présence multilatérale. Cet objectif sera néanmoins fortement perturbé par des éléments internes, comme l’inertie bureaucratique, et externes, avec les attentats terroristes du 11 septembre.Cette recherche s’appuie sur la littérature politiste spécialisée sur la politique étrangère mexicaine.Elle critique les analyses qui s’attachent exclusivement à démontrer le manque d’habilité et les erreurs diplomatiques de l’administration Fox. La thèse soutient au contraire, que ces changement sont permis de mettre sur l’agenda politique des dossiers fondamentaux comme la politique migratoire, les droits de l’Homme et la coopération pour le développement. / Has Mexican foreign policy changed with the advent of the new democratic rule in Mexico?Traditional Mexican Foreign Policy, known as passive, reactive, legalistic, and nationalistic, was installed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) from the start of the 20th century to the late90s. Since that date, Mexican foreign policy faces a double transformation dynamic: the external,with the establishment of a new world order; and the internal, with the Mexican democratization process.2000 elections, depicted as a transparent process, gave president Vicente Fox sufficient international legitimacy to modify foreign policy agenda, introducing the protection of human rights and democratic values. These changes produce a political rupture with the previous regimeand triggered a change in the foreign policy behaviour.The new foreign policy program includes a complementary strategy: first, widen the regional integration within the United States, by the revision of the NAFTA, with a negotiation of amigration agreement; second, deploying a strong multilateral activity (mainly United Nationsforums). This stratagem seeks to reduce Mexico’s U.S. dependence, by intensifying its multilateral presence. But, internal and external causalities, inertial bureaucratic practices and the effects of September 11 reversed this policy.This research is based on political literature specialized in Mexican foreign policy. It critically analyzes the classic approach that focus exclusively on the lack of diplomatic skill and blunders of Fox’s administration. This thesis argues instead that these changes have helped set the politicalagenda of fundamental issues as migration policy, human rights and development cooperation. / ¿Hubo cambio en la política exterior de México con la llegada de la democracia?La política exterior “tradicional” de México, conocida como pasiva, legalista y nacionalista,instalada a inicios del siglo XX por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) se enfrenta, en los años noventa, a un doble contexto de transición: el externo, ante la influencia de un nuevo orden mundial; y el interno, con el proceso de democratización. La elección del 2000, considerada un proceso electoral transparente y equitativo, le otorga algobierno de Fox una legitimidad internacional que le permite proponer una agenda de política exterior “nueva”, centrada en la protección de los derechos humanos y la democracia. Esto representa una ruptura política con respecto al régimen anterior y un signo de cambio en el comportamiento hacia el exterior.El nuevo programa de política exterior incluye una estrategia complementaria: primero, profundizar la integración con Estados Unidos, mediante la revisión del TLCAN, con la negociación de un acuerdo migratorio; y segundo, una actividad multilateral, particularmente en los foros de la ONU. Esta política busca reducir la dependencia de Estados Unidos, intensificando su presencia multilateral. Este objetivo es revertido a causa de factores tanto de causalidad interna como externa,como las inercias burocráticas y los efectos de los atentados del 11 de septiembre.Esta investigación se basa en la literatura especializada sobre la política exterior mexicana, y criticalos análisis enfocados exclusivamente en la falta de habilidad y los errores diplomáticos de la administración Fox. Esta tesis sostiene lo contrario, que estos cambios permitieron meter en la agenda política temas fundamentales como la política migratoria, los derechos humanos y la cooperación para el desarrollo.

Au cours de cette étude, nous avons cherché  à déterminer le niveau et les moyens de la puissance sud-coréenne. Nous nous sommes demandés si la Corée du Sud ne pourrait pas se présenter comme un État pivot capable de faire le lien entre des états ou des partenaires antagonistes, aussi bien en Asie du Nord-Est qu’en Asie du Sud-Est. Aussi après avoir examiné les moyens de la puissance sud-coréenne nous avons conclu que le pays était une puissance moyenne traditionnelle n’ayant pas encore acquis le statut de puissance régionale et qu’en ce sens elle constituait une puissance atypique. Confrontée aux trois grandes puissances que sont la Chine, les Etats-Unis et le Japon, la Corée du Sud ne dispose que d’une marge de manœuvre très étroite pour affirmer sa présence internationale. Le développement de sa présence en Asie du Sud-Est est donc devenu en l’espace de quelques années un impératif de sa politique étrangère du pays. A l’instar du Japon d’après-guerre, le Sud-Est asiatique constitue une aire d’apprentissage privilégiée pour la diplomatie sud-coréenne et pour son action extérieure. / In this study, we tried to determine the exact level and means of the South Korean power. We wondered if South Korea could present itself as a pivotal state that is able to bridge antagonistic partners, both in Northeast and Southeast Asia. After considering the aspects of the South Korean power we concluded that the country is a traditional middle size power that has not yet acquired the status of regional power. In that sense the country is an untypical power. Facing three major powers such as China, the United States and Japan, South Korea has only a very narrow latitude to establish its international presence. Therefore developing its presence in Southeast Asia has become in just a few years an priority of its foreign Policy. For South Korea Southeast Asia is a privileged place where to learn and to develop its own external action, like it was for the post war Japan. Eventually, a unified Korea with the North Korean nuclear arsenal could weigh as much as demographically declining Japan. However as long as the anachronism of the separation will remain, South Korea will continue to grow alone regionally and in the international stage and will seek for external alliances.

Le différend entre la France et les Etats-Unis sur le règlement de la question irakienne a provoqué une crise diplomatique majeure entre les deux pays, jugée par certains comme la plus sérieuse dans l’histoire des relations bilatérales. Le dossier irakien a cristallisé les positions diplomatiques des deux alliés et mis en lumière deux lectures d’une grande question internationale. Pour la France, il a été l’occasion de défendre des principes, de faire entendre sa voix et de partager sa vision d’un monde multipolaire fondé sur la quête d’un règlement pacifique des différends. Pour les Etats-Unis, cette question relevait d’un enjeu de sécurité nationale, dans une Amérique profondément traumatisée par les attentats de septembre 2001. La rupture franco-américaine a résulté de facteurs structurels anciens : la concurrence entre deux modèles politiques et diplomatiques qui se veulent universels et le déséquilibre entre une puissance française, déclinante, qui aspire à préserver ses sphères d’influence sur la scène internationale, et une puissance américaine, ascendante, devenue, depuis l’effondrement du bloc soviétique, l’unique superpuissance à la tête d’un monde unipolaire. L’affrontement bilatéral du printemps 2003 a ainsi révélé les caractères intrinsèques qui opposent la diplomatie française et la diplomatie américaine et dévoilé leur conception très éloignée qu’elles se faisaient du nouvel ordre mondial et de la place qu’elles aspirent à occuper sur l’échiquier international / The disagreement between France and the US over the Iraqi issue led to a serious diplomatic crisis between the two countries, considered by many analysts as the most serious one in the history of bilateral relations. The Iraqi case crystallized the diplomatic positions of both allies and revealed two different reads of this major international issue. For France, this case was the opportunity to defend its principles, to get itself heard by the rest of the world and to share its vision of a multipolar world, where disputes would be peacefully settled through international organizations. For the US, that issue fell under a matter of national security, in a country deeply traumatized by ‘9/11’. The split between thetwo countries resulted from historical structural causes : (i) the competition between two political and diplomatic models that present themselves as universal, and (ii) the imbalance between France’s declining power aspiring to preserve its spheres of influence over the world and America’s ascending power that has become, since the end of the Cold War, the only superpower. The bilateral confrontation of 2003 revealed the distinctive patterns of both French and American foreign policies and exposed their different views and models of the new world order, as well as their ambitions on the international scene