Ce travail entend d’aborder la construction du discours de la politique extérieure brésilienne, depuis les années 1990, à propos de l’intégration de l’Amérique du Sud. S’engageant dans la perspective des études concernant l’Analyse des Politiques Extérieures, tout en moyennant les notables contributions dans le champ de l’Analyse du Discours, la thèse accompagne le développement de la notion même d’intégration sud-américaine au long des gouvernements d’Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso et Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Pour ce faire, on présente d’abord un débat théorique relevant du statut du discours en matière de politique extérieure, suivi d’un bilan des liens historiques entretenus entre le Brésil et ses voisins de l’Amérique du Sud, à fin de mieux discerner les caractéristiques institutionnelles et les acteurs les plus importants impliqués dans le processus de construction du discours de la politique extérieure brésilienne en vue de l’intégration régionale. L’analyse se tourne ensuite vers ces aspects discursifs, particulièrement les déclarations des chanceliers et des présidents brésiliens, pour comprendre leurs conditions d’émergence et l’existence, ainsi que de vérifier les continuités et les ruptures dans le développement de ce “nouveau” concept de région. Le but de la recherche est enfin celui de soulever les éléments majeurs – soient-ils politiques, sociaux ou symboliques – appelés à donner forme à ce discours de la politique extérieure pour l’intégration de l’Amérique du Sud. / Esta tese aborda a construção do discurso da política externa brasileira acerca da integração da América do Sul, particularmente a partir da década de 1990. Através da perspectiva de estudos da Análise de Política Externa e com relevantes contribuições do campo da Análise do Discurso, este trabalho enfoca o desenvolvimento desta noção de integração sul-americana ao longo dos governos de Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Assim, a pesquisa apresenta uma discussão teórica acerca do estatuto do discurso na área de política externa, seguida por um levantamento do histórico de aproximação entre o Brasil e seus vizinhos da América do Sul. Com base nestes elementos, o trabalho examina as características institucionais e os principais agentes envolvidos no processo de construção do discurso da política externa brasileira para a integração regional. A seguir, a análise se volta para os aspectos discursivos, com ênfase nos pronunciamentos dos chanceleres e dos presidentes brasileiros, para compreender suas condições de emergência e existência, bem como verificar as continuidades e rupturas no desenvolvimento desta “nova” noção de região. O objetivo desta análise consiste em identificar os principais elementos políticos, sociais e simbólicos mobilizados na articulação deste discurso da política externa para a integração da América do Sul. / This thesis focuses on the construction of the Brazilian foreign policy discourse concerning the South America integration, particularly from the 1990s. Through the perspective of studies of Foreign Policy Analysis and relevant contributions of the Analysis of Discourse field, this work focuses on the development of this notion of South American integration throughout the governments of Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Thus, the study presents a theoretical discussion concerning the status of the discourse in foreign policy field, followed for a review of the historical rapprochement between Brazil and its neighbors in South America. On this basis, the work examines the institutional characteristics and the major agents involved in the construction processes of the discourse of Brazilian foreign policy towards regional integration. Then the analysis turns to the discursive aspects, with emphasis on pronouncements of chancellors and presidents of Brazil, to understand their conditions of emergence and existence, as well as verify the continuities and ruptures in the development of this “new” concept of region. The objective of this analysis consists in identifying the main political, social and symbolic elements mobilized in the articulation of this foreign policy discourse to the South America integration.

Orientador: Monica Graciela Zoppi Fontana / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos de Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T18:05:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Noronha_Raquel_M.pdf: 543440 bytes, checksum: 5817c18b889308d97d2545a8744e29e9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Filiando-nos à Análise do Discurso de perspectiva materialista, estudamos a construção discursiva de uma imagem de enunciação/língua política ideal para o lugar social de presidente. Com este propósito, analisamos os discursos presidenciais do período de 1995 a 2008, que compreende os anos dos governos do ex-presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso e do atual, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Analisamos as configurações discursivas das enunciações destes presidentes, constatando a constituição de duas formações discursivas distintas que funcionam como matriz de sentidos do discurso Fernando Henrique, que chamamos DFH, e do discurso Lula, DL. Observando a construção de duas maneiras distintas de enunciar de um mesmo lugar, configurando diferentes línguas políticas (GUILHAUMOU, 1989). A partir das categorias apontadas por Guilhaumou, podemos dizer que a palavra do representante, no DFH, constitui-se a partir de processos metafóricos, de substituição da palavra dos representados; enquanto que no DL, por processos metonímicos, de continuação da língua do povo. A representação por metáfora política configura as posições de locutor e alocutário do discurso político através de categorias institucionais, assim, o representante funciona como líder, e os representados como cidadãos, eleitores. Já a representação por metonímia política, a legitimidade do representante é conferida através do grupo do qual se destaca para representar, e por isso pode, então, continuar a língua do povo. Analisando o DL, observamos que apesar de se configurar a partir de processos metonímicos, este discurso funciona não somente como continuação da língua do povo, mas no entremeio de duas enunciações/ línguas, uma técnica, administrativa e a do povo. Tendo estas análises, observamos o modo pelo qual a grande mídia, especificamente a revista Veja e o jornal Folha de São Paulo, coloca em circulação os discursos políticos presidenciais. Nosso intuito é observar a configuração de uma expectativa em relação à formação discursiva que pode interpretar adequadamente o lugar social de presidente. Nosso estudo indica que o modo pelo qual o DL enuncia produz um estranhamento por parte desta grande mídia que coloca em questionamento a legitimidade da língua política configurada neste discurso. A partir deste estranhamento podemos dizer que existe uma imagem de uma língua política ideal a partir da qual os sujeitos inscritos no lugar social de presidente poderiam/ teriam que falar. Isto é reforçado pela constante comparação entre o DFH e o DL, sempre em detrimento deste. A partir das análises que desenvolvemos ao longo deste trabalho podemos dizer que a grande mídia projeta a configuração discursiva do DFH como ideal, interpretando negativamente a configuração discursiva do DL como inadequada. Ao colocar em contraposição estes discursos, a grande mídia configura legitimidade ao discurso político que se constitua por processos metafóricos. Assim, concluímos que diferente dos revolucionários franceses que procuraram estabelecer uma equivalência entre a língua do povo e a língua política, o que confere legitimidade, na contemporaneidade, ao discurso político presidencial brasileiro é justamente a distância entre estas duas formas de enunciação / Abstract: Based on the Discourse Analysis from a materialistic perspective, we have studied the discursive construction of an image of an ideal political enunciation/ language to the social place of a President. With this purpose, we have studied the Presidents' discourses from 1995 to 2008, that is, the government of the president of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and the former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso. We have analyzed the discursive configurations of these Presidents in order to see the constitution of two distinct discursive formations. These formations work like sense matrix of what we have called Fernando Henrique's discourse (or DFH) and Lula's discourse (or DL). We have observed two different ways to enunciate from the president's place, what we can say, according to Guilhaumou, that configures different political languages. According to this author, we have analyzed the DFH in a metaphorical process, that is, the representer replace the represented ones. In this configuration, we say that the representer is projected as a leader. Following these arguments, we have analyzed the DL in a metonymical process, where the representer continues the people's language. This is possible once the representer is projected like part of the group from whom he is detached to represent. Observing that we have two different ways to enunciate from the same place, president's social place, we can say that we have different political languages working. After those analyzes, we have analyzed the media's discourse, as well, that is, the way the great media puts in circulation the president's discourses. We did so because the discourses are in the society mediated by the media. To do so, we analyze a week magazine, Veja, and a newspaper, Folha de São Paulo. By analyzing the way the media make the president's discourses in circulation we observe that the DL is projected like unappropriated. This works in order to show that there is an appropriated way to enunciate from the president's social place. By seeing the constant comparison between DFH and DL, we have seen that the appropriated way is by discourse formation of the DFH, that is, by configuring the representer and represented ones by constitutional categories, respectively as leader and citizens, electors. We have concluded that unlike the French revolutionizers who wanted to impute equivalence between political language and people's language, in the Brazilian contemporary political discourse the image of an appropriate enunciation is the dissociation between these two ways of enunciate / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestre em Linguística

Submitted by Fabiano Vassallo (fabianovassallo2127@gmail.com) on 2017-05-16T17:32:32Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação ARIANA DA ROSA SILVA.pdf: 2210369 bytes, checksum: 88790eabca11088fc2b27c1e16f699ec (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Josimara Dias Brumatti (bcgdigital@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-06-12T18:02:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação ARIANA DA ROSA SILVA.pdf: 2210369 bytes, checksum: 88790eabca11088fc2b27c1e16f699ec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-12T18:02:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação ARIANA DA ROSA SILVA.pdf: 2210369 bytes, checksum: 88790eabca11088fc2b27c1e16f699ec (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo está filiado à teoria da Análise do Discurso com base em estudos de Pêcheux, na França, e desenvolvida por Orlandi, no Brasil. A Análise do Discurso é uma disciplina que trabalha no confronto e propõe colocar em questão a evidência do sujeito e do sentido. Nossa pesquisa consiste em analisar os processos de produção de sentidos constitutivos do discurso político em debates eleitorais na mídia televisiva, mais especificamente, em dizeres dos candidatos à Presidência: Aécio Neves (PSDB) e Dilma Rousseff (PT), em dois debates eleitorais televisionados da campanha de 2014: o primeiro transmitido pela Bandeirantes e o último transmitido pela Globo. De acordo com a teoria à qual nos filiamos, o político não é o partidário, mas o perene processo de divisão de sentidos. Pensar na mídia em relação ao discurso político é refletir sobre a relação entre linguagem e sociedade. Mais do que isso, é pensar na discursividade produzida nessa tensão constitutiva das práticas sociais, constituindo sujeitos e possibilitando a produção de efeitos de sentido. Em nossa dissertação, entre outras questões, mobilizamos, teórica e analiticamente, o conceito de enunciação do ponto de vista linguístico, discursivo e psicanalítico. Isto nos permitiu observar que o modelo de “enunciação certeiro e firme, sem indecisões, tropeços, sem reticências ou rupturas sintáticas” (PAYER, 2005) de um sujeito que se encontra na ilusão de unicidade e origem do dizer, em algum momento falha, produzindo novos efeitos de sentido, pois “não há ritual sem falhas” (PÊCHEUX, 2014e [1978] [1988]), deixando entrever a verdade do sujeito sempre semidita, de acordo com a Psicanálise lacaniana. Além disso, pudemos observar as formações imaginárias das posições sujeito construídas discursivamente em seus dizeres, em relação ao lugar de onde fala, como candidato, e ao lugar do outro eleitor e do outro adversário político, através de uma análise dos elementos eu, nós, vocês e eles, de acordo com a proposta de Indursky (2013 [1997]). Isto nos permitiu verificar que estas imagens construídas discursivamente nos dizeres dos candidatos são fundamentais para a elaboração da argumentação no discurso político numa campanha, mas que não são garantias de sucesso, já que devemos considerar o processo de interpelação-identificação pelo qual o indivíduo é assujeitado / This study is related to the theory of Discourse Analysis based on studies of Pêcheux, France, and developed by Orlandi, Brazil. The Discourse Analysis is a discipline that works in the confrontation and proposes to question the evidence of subject and sense. Our research consists of analyzing the processes of production of sense constitutive of political discourse in electoral debates in the television media, more specifically, in the words of presidential candidates: Aécio Neves (PSDB) and Dilma Rousseff (PT), in two televised electoral debates on 2014 campaign: the first transmitted by Bandeirantes and the last transmitted by Globo. According to the theory to which we are affiliated, the political is not the partisan, but the perennial process of division of the senses. Thinking about the media in relation to political discourse is to reflect about the relationship between language and society. More than that, it is to think of the discursiveness produced in this constitutive tension of social practices, constituting subjects and enabling the production of effects of meaning. In our dissertation, among other issues, we mobilized the concept of enunciation from a linguistic, discursive and psychoanalytical point of view. This allowed us to observe that the model of "accurate and firm enunciation, without indecision, stumbling, without reluctance or syntactic ruptures" (PAYER, 2005) of a subject who finds himself in the illusion of oneness and origin of the saying, at some point fails, producing new effects of sense, because "there is no ritual without fail" (PÊCHEUX, 2014e [1978] [1988]), letting the truth glimpse of the subject always in half-words, according to the Lacanian Psychoanalysis. In addition, we observe the imaginary formations of the subject positions constructed discursively in their sayings, in relation to the place where they speak, as a candidate, and the place of the other elector and the other political adversary, through an analysis of the elements I, we, you and they, according to the proposal of Indursky (2013 [1997]). This allowed us to verify that these images discursively constructed in the sayings of the candidates are fundamental for the elaboration of the argumentation in the political discourse in a campaign, but that they are not guarantees of success, since we must consider the process of interpellation-identification which the individual passes

L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat consiste à étudier les évolutions dans les discours des leaders politiques et religieux au Liban exprimés publiquement mais aussi en cercle restreint durant la quinzaine d’années du conflit qui débute en 1975 et ne termine qu’en 1989 avec les accords de Taëf. Le travail porte sur une présentation et une analyse des projets politiques proposés pour le Liban par plusieurs personnalités provenant de différents partis politiques dans le pays durant la période étudiée. L’originalité de l’approche est de regrouper deux partis politiques qui s’opposent fortement, mais qui adoptent une idéologie établie sur des fondements communs. A partir de supports écrits, radiophoniques et télévisuels ainsi qu’avec l’aide d’entretiens que nous avions réalisés au cours de nos recherches au Liban et en France, nous étudions les projets politiques élaborés au Liban entre 1975-1989. Nos analyses dévoilent une évolution dans l’approche de la part d’acteurs confessionnels et politiques libanais d’influence quant à leur vision de l’avenir de la configuration politique de leur pays tout en se situant, d’une manière ou d’une autre, par rapport au Pacte national de 1943 ainsi que du rôle qu’ils envisagent pour eux-mêmes. / The objective of this PhD dissertation is to study the evolution in the different discourse of political and religious leaders in Lebanon expressed in public as well as within closed circles during the fifteen years of conflict which began in 1975 and finished in 1989 with the Taif Agreement. This dissertation centers on a presentation and an analysis of the political projects proposed for Lebanon by several leading personalities coming from different political parties in the country during the period studied here. The originality of the approach is to group together two political parties which strongly oppose one another but which adopt an ideology based on shared criteria. Based on written documents as well as radio and televised programs and press conferences in addition to interviews which we have conducted in Lebanon and in France, we studied the political projects which were developed in Lebanon during 1975-1989. Our analyses reveal an evolution in the approach on the part of Lebanese religious and political persons of influence vis-à-vis their vision for the future regarding the political configuration of their country, all the while with respect to their strategic positioning in relation to the National Pact of 1943 as well as the role which they envision for themselves.

Inscrite dans le champ de l’analyse du discours en interaction, notre thèse propose une étude des formes et des fonctions des discours rapportés (DR) dans le cadre des six débats télévisés de l’entre-deux-tours des présidentielles ayant eu lieu en France entre 1974 et 2012. Il y est question de déterminer avec précision à quoi sert le DR — dont on pourrait penser qu’il n’est pas véritablement constitutif du genre — dans ces interactions où chacun des candidats poursuit les objectifs particuliers de s’autopromouvoir et de délégitimer son adversaire.L’analyse détaillée des quelques quatre cents extraits recensés dans le corpus montre que les DR répondent, selon leur lieu d’apparition dans l’échange en cours, la nature de leur source (l’adversaire, un tiers extérieur au débat ou le locuteur lui-même) et leur teneur propositionnelle, à trois différentes visées qualifiables d’autopromotionnelle, de défensive et de polémique — visées auxquelles contribuent en outre parfois leur mode de mise en scène para- et non verbale (mouvements de la voix, mais aussi mimiques, postures, regards et gestuelles déployés par le locuteur conjointement au DR).Répondant ainsi à une intuition de départ, ce travail met à jour le fait que non seulement les discours rapportés sont mis au service des objectifs spécifiques des candidats lors des débats, mais encore qu’ils occupent, selon la nature de leur source, des fonctions différentes mais complémentaires (fonctions relatives à la dynamique des échanges et à l’élaboration d’un discours en confrontation, fonctions strictement argumentatives ou encore fonctions relatives à la finalité des débats en eux-mêmes). / Grounded in the framework of the discourse-in-interaction analysis, this work analyses the forms and functions of reported speech within the six second-round debates of the French presidential election taking place in France between 1974 and 2012. Its object is to precisely determine the purpose of reported speech (which one might think that it is not truly constitutive of the genre) within these interactions in which candidates’main aims are self-promotion and the opponent depreciation.By analysing in details the almost four hundreds extracts recorded in the corpus, our work shows that reported speeches aim, depending on their place within the exchanges, their source (the opponent, a third party or the speaker) and their propositional content, three different purposes we can consider as self-promotion, defence and argument — these purposes can be furthermore supported by some para- and non-verbal elements (voice movements, facial expression, posture, eye expression and gesture deployed at the same time).Following an initial intuition, this study reveals that not only reported speeches serve the candidates’ main goals during debates, but also, depending on their source, they assure different and complementary functions (functions serving the dynamic within the exchanges and the construction of a speech in confrontation, functions exclusively argumentative, or also functions relating to the debates global purpose). / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’histoire de France est marquée depuis le XVIe siècle par l’uniformisation linguistique. La République a ouvert son ère par une Terreur politique qui s’est accompagnée de Terreur linguistique. Depuis, France et français sont intimement liés dans l’organisation comme dans les imaginaires politiques. Or, à un moment récent et bref de l’histoire de France, lors de la XIème législature [1997-2002], le débat a émergé quant à l’opportunité de reconnaitre une diversité linguistique de moins en moins importante sur le territoire national, les locuteurs des langues régionales disparaissant progressivement par un pur effet démographique. En effet, le débat sur la Charte européenne des langues régionales ou minoritaires [1999] puis sur le statut de la Corse [2001] a occupé la scène politique et médiatique française comme rarement les questions de statut des langues en France l’avaient fait. La multiplicité des lieux d’expression et des conditions de production et de réception des discours politiques a nécessité, pour aborder ce que les médias nomment « la classe politique » et que nous définissons comme une communauté discursive, la construction d’un corpus fortement hétérogène. Séances parlementaires à l’Assemblée nationale ou au Sénat, rapports, avis, projets ou propositions de loi, questions au gouvernement, mais également expression de la communauté discursive des hommes et des femmes politiques dans la presse écrite et audiovisuelle ont été réunis pour tenter de saisir le débat dans son ensemble. L’hétérogénéité constitutive du corpus a justifié un traitement différencié des sous corpus, en fonction de leur lieu de production et de leurs conditions de transmission : le corpus parlementaire, représentant plus de 250000 mots a fait l’objet d’un traitement automatique par Lexico3, ce qui a permis d’entrer dans le corpus. Le traitement lexicométrique de l’ensemble parlementaire et traitement manuel des corpus médiatiques ont été articulés de manière féconde : une analyse de discours à entrée lexicale a été possible grâce à la façon dont le traitement automatique a mis en valeur des phénomènes de catégorisation opérées par les locuteurs au moyen du lexique. L’approche lexico-sémantique a été complétée d’une cartographie des arguments en présence : la communauté discursive des hommes politiques dessine des imaginaires sociodiscursifs. Des idéologies concurrentes de ce qu’est la Nation et de son devenir s’opposent alors. / French history is influenced, since the 16th century, by language standardisation. The French Republic has started its era through political Terror that was completed by language Terror. Since, France and French have been intertwined in terms of politics as well as in terms of collective representations. However, in recent years, during the mandate of L. Jospin as a Prime Minister [1997-2002], France debated about the possibility of acknowledging its language diversity. Although, for mere demographic reasons, this diversity is fading away, it meets a strong social support. In 1999, with the opportunity of signing the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and in 2001 at the time where a possible new status was debated for Corsica, a language debate finally took place in France. From this debate, we built a corpus constructed to take into account all accessible discourse produced by French political personnel, seen as a discursive community. The consequence of such a project is a highly heterogeneous corpus, where Parliament debates, reports, law propositions etc. adjoin excerpts from written and audiovisual media. This heterogeneity commanded to approach the data differently: the vast corpus gathered from the Parliament [250,000 words approx.] underwent statistical treatment through Lexico3. This lexico-semantic analysis was hinged on manual analysis of the somewhat numerically smaller media corpus thanks to the lexical categorisation phenomena that were put into light via statistics. This lexico-semantic approach was completed by the analysis of the arguments deployed by different sides of the discursive community, as well as by an exploration of their collective representations of language management. Ideology about both the Nation and its future emerge from the debate, on a much wider scale than for languages [country’s unity, human rights, diversity, etc.].

The thesis analyses the pragmatic aspects of the language of political discourse in the particular context of the institute of parliamentary question time. The thesis examines and compares the use of hedging in the context of other communication management strategies (e.g., evasion, reformulation, dodging a footing shift) in the British House of Commons and in the Australian House of Representatives. In addition, the thesis seeks to test the methodological approaches and verify the conclusions reached in previous research, especially by Alan Partington (2003) and Bruce Fraser (2010). Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Le travail de recherche mené dans cette thèse porte sur les discours et l’emploi de formules discursives d’ordre phraséologique prononcés par le président colombien Álvaro Uribe Vélez lors des Conseils Communaux de Gouvernance pendant ses deux mandats de présidence (du mois d’août 2002 jusqu’au mois de juillet 2010). L’objectif est d’étudier le rôle de ces Unités Discursives à Caractère Phraséologique dans les discours. Ces unités ont été extraites, décrites, analysées et caractérisées à l’aide du logiciel Lexico 3 et des différentes méthodes lexicométriques proposées par celui-ci: index, concordances, inventaire distributionnel, analyse factorielle des correspondances et spécificités. Le premier chapitre présente le contexte historique, politique et la présidence d’Á. Uribe Vélez. Nous proposons une présentation de la situation socio-politique de l’Amérique latine et de la Colombie et du locuteur politique avant et pendant sa présidence. Le deuxième chapitre est consacré à l’exploration de l’analyse du discours politique et des caractéristiques particulières qui le définissent. Nous proposons une analyse de deux types de discours politiques différents en fonction du destinataire. Cette analyse permet de mettre en évidence plusieurs stratégies mises en place dans ce type de discours : la construction d’une image de chaque intervenant et l’emploi d’un système de croyances communes utilisé comme moyen de persuasion. Le troisième chapitre a comme objectif de présenter l’état de l’art de la recherche menée en phraséologie tant en français qu’en espagnol. Ce panorama nous permet de mettre en avance une description et délimitation des unités qui nous intéressent. Le quatrième chapitre se focalise sur le processus de constitution du corpus et la présentation des différentes caractéristiques lexicométriques du corpus d’étude. Le cinquième chapitre explore les chronologies thématiques du corpus d’étude, mises en évidence grâce à des méthodes lexicométriques complémentaires. Enfin, le sixième chapitre aborde la phraséologie des discours du président colombien à partir des stratégies discursives mises en place par le locuteur politique. / This thesis focuses on the speeches and the use of speech formulae considered phraseological delivered by Colombian President Álvaro Uribe Vélez in the Communal Councils of Governance during his two presidential terms in office (from August 2002 until July 2010). The objective is to study the role of these phraseological units in the speeches. The units were extracted, described, analyzed and characterized using the software Lexico 3 and the different lexicometrical methods proposed by this software: index, table of matches, distributionnal inventory, factor analysis of correspondences and calculation of specificities. The first chapter presents the historical and political context and the presidency of Á. Uribe Vélez. We offer an overview of the socio-political situation in Latin America and especially in Colombia and the political speaker before and during his presidency. The second chapter is devoted to the exploration of the analysis of political discourse and special features that define it. We propose an analysis of two different types of political discourse depending on the recipient. This analysis allows us to highlight several strategies implemented in this type of discourse: building an image of each participant and the use of a common system of beliefs used as a means of persuasion. The objective of the third chapter is to provide an overview of the state of the art of research in phraseology in both French and Spanish. This view allows us to advance a description and definition of units of our interest. The fourth chapter focuses on the process of constitution of the corpus and the presentation of different lexicometrical characteristics of the corpus of study. The fifth chapter explores the thematic chronologies of our corpus, highlighted by complementary lexicometrical methods. Finally, the sixth chapter discusses the phraseology of the discourse of Colombian president taking into account the discursive strategies implemented by the political speaker.

The research undertakes a critical study of informal fallacies in some socio-political and religious discourses in Ghana. It clearly and aptly demonstrates that the aforementioned discourses are mostly, if not, always laced with fallacies which obscure and distort clear and critical thinking. The study shows that language, which is the fundamental means by which to engage in socio-political discourse, can be viewed as a complicated tool which is open to misuse and abuse. It shows that language used in socio-political discourses is more often than not utilized poorly, and as such assertions and appeals can be confused with factual/logical inaccuracies. Statements can be formulated in ways that make their content dangerously vague, ambiguous or generally misleading. The research shows that although fallacies can be committed intentionally or unintentionally, in discourses in general, they are mostly, if not always, committed intentionally in socio-political discourse so as to achieve political gains and agenda. Another area of discourse that is tackled in this work where fallacies frequently occur is the religious sector. The study notes that matters of religion are mostly matters that are delicate to handle as these matters are mostly, again if not always, based on faith. It is shown herein that many a time, religious personalities use fallacious as means to drive their religious agenda across. The research then looks at what these aforementioned fallacies imply in relation to socio-political and religious discourses. It proceeds to discuss the positive implications of fallacies before it progresses to the negative implications of same. It then asks how a fallacy will be beneficial to a person and or how it will disadvantage the same person. If fallacies often occur in socio-political and religious discourses, then one must have the ability to detect these fallacies and try to avoid them. The work discusses how to detect fallacies and how to avoid them. It makes bold claims that if one has knowledge about fallacies then one will be able to avoid them. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / Ph. D. (Philosophy)

Discourse pervades all areas of human activity. Beyond the use of verbal communication, discourse also extends to non-verbal elements such as body language, facial expressions, intonation and laughter. Despite the wide range of studies that examine the structures and nature of political discourse, very few have looked at the ways in which politicians use non-verbal elements and, in particular, laughter as part of their discourse strategies. This study looks at the use of laughter in the German Bundestag by analysing 16,000 observations of laughter taken from the transcripts of 847 plenary sessions spanning four electoral terms. The study finds that laughter can be used by politicians as a non-verbal means of expressing opinion and making a statement without breaking the stringent rules of conduct. The use of laughter in parliament can provide information on party alliances, both current and traditional, as well as the general ‘mood’ of the electoral period. Due to the changing nature of political debates and the increasing rejection of ‘traditional’ means of doing politics, fascinating changes are taking place in the political landscape.:1 Introduction 2 Discourse analysis 2.1 Political discourse analysis 2.2 Parliamentary debates 2.2.1 According to Klein 2.2.2 Parliamentary discourse as monologue, dialogue or trialogue? 2.2.3 Interjections as parliamentary discourse 2.3 Non-verbal communication 3 Humour 3.1 Humour in politics 3.2 The study of humour in politics 4 Background 4.1 The German Bundestag 4.2 Stenographic reports 4.2.1 Written or spoken language? 4.2.2 The difference between Lachen and Heiterkeit 4.3 Electoral term specifics 5 Data 5.1 Hypotheses 5.2 Description of the analysis 6 Results 7 Discussion 7.1 Reflections 7.2 Outlook 8 Conclusion References