Le premier chapitre résume et anticipe une grande partie des thèmes de la recherche. Le §.1 et le 2 montrent la surprise et l’égarement de certains autorisés intellectuels libéraux démocratiques face à la victoire de Berlusconi en 1994, qui, avec les transformations de la loi électorale en 1993, marquerait, selon l’opinion courante, le passage à la « deuxième République ». Ma recherche suggère plutôt que 1994 a été le retour à une culture antipolitique longtemps refoulée, que Berlusconi a bien su interpréter et représenter, tant dans ses télévisions que dans sa propagande politique directe. En revanche à mon avis c’est la défaite des référendums de 1995 pour l’abrogation du duopole télévisuel et pour la limitation de la publicité (§.3) qui montre des indices bien plus forts de son hégémonie en tant que personnage public et « commanager » (« communication manager » - P. Musso), mais les politiciens traditionnels ont de graves responsabilités en ce qui concerne les origines du duopole et le développement de son hégémonie télévisuelle (§.4). Dans le §.5,6 et 8 j’expose les deux clefs d’interprétation de l’histoire de la néo-télévision qui guideront ma recherche surtout dans les ch. 5, 6 et 7 : l’ « effet Meyrowitz » et l’ « l’effet Chomsky » (les guillemets sont nécessaires car je ne prétends pas qu’il s’agisse de théories pouvant être universalisées et formalisées, mais seulement de critères pour l’organisation et l’interprétation des données historiques). La première suggère la possibilité que la néo-télévision en Italie ait stimulé la perte progressive de l’aura, du prestige et de l’autorité des parents, des politiciens et en général des adultes. La théorie de Meyrowitz, inspirée à la sociologie dramaturgique de Goffman, visait à expliquer l’époque des mouvements de la contestation en Amérique par le biais de la diffusion de la télévision parmi les familles américaines (50% environ d’entre elles avaient un poste en 1954). Mais le recours à la paléotélévision ne peut pas donner de contributions importantes à la compréhension de ces mêmes mouvements en Italie : elle y était moins répandue, avait beaucoup moins d’heures d’émission, avait une seule chaîne au début et au maximum deux, etc ; et de toute façon beaucoup d’autres stimulations (la contagion étrangère, p.ex) se sont manifestées. La néotélévision en revanche a constitué un changement rapide qui a concerné tous les aspects (heures d’émission, nombre de chaînes,etc), donc ont peut s’attendre à une ultérieure perte de prestige des adultes, mais dans une forme différente par rapport à la contestation. L’ « effet Chomsky » peut intégrer l’ « effet Meyrowitz ». Selon Chomsky, les médias qui vivent de publicité doivent « produire » (je dirais : attirer, sélectionner, former) leur public, qu’ils devront « vendre aux annonceurs ». Les grilles de la néo-télévision seront donc au service des exigences des ces derniers. Il ne s’agit certes pas d’une idée nouvelle, ni d’une idée de Chomsky seulement, qui l’emploie de façon apodictique dans sa polémique contre les media mainstream : elle est partagée entre autres par A. Pilati avec une intention décidemment apologétique (cf. §.8). Naturellement cet « effet » est encore moins déterminable de manière scientifique, car la formation concerne notamment en tant que telle la longue période, est le résultat de trop de facteurs croisés et ses conséquences sont difficilement prévisibles, sinon carrément imprévisibles. Néanmoins les attitudes des italiens envers la publicité et les marques ont changé depuis de façon si radicale (cf sondages Eurisko) que l’on ne peut que les mettre en relation avec le développement contemporain de la néotélévision. En outre la publicité adressée aux enfants vise à en faire des consommateurs autonomes par rapport à leurs parents. / The first chapter summarises and anticipates most of the research topics. Paragraphs 1 and 2 show the surprise and perplexity of some pre-eminent liberal-democratic intellectuals facing Berlusconi’s victory in 1994, which, along with the transformation of the electoral law in the previous years, mark out the passage to the “second republic” according to the current opinion. My research suggests that 1994 instead marked the return to an anti-political culture which was repressed for a long time and Berlusconi was able to interpret and represent, both in his television channels and in the direct political propaganda. I believe that the defeat of the referendum in 1995 for the repeal of television duopoly and the limitation of advertising (§.3) are, on the other hand, a much clearer clue of his hegemony as public figure and “commanager” (“communication manager” – P. Musso), but traditional politicians are highly responsible for the origin of the duopoly and his achievement of “neotelevision” (Casetti-Odin) hegemony (§.4). In §.5, 6 and 8, I expound the two keys to understand the history of “neotelevision” (Casetti-Odin) which will guide my research especially in chapters 5, 6 and 7: the “Meyrowitz effect” and the “Chomsky effect” (quotation marks are necessary because I do not expect them to be theories which can be formalised and universalised, but they can only be clues for the organization and interpretation of historical data). The first theory suggests the possibility that “neotelevision” in Italy caused the progressive loss of aura, prestige and authority of parents, politicians and adults in general. Meyrowitz theory, inspired by Goffman’s dramaturgical sociology, aimed to explain the rise of protest movements in America with the widespread of television sets among American families (almost half of them had a television set in 1954). Nevertheless “paleotelevision” in Italy cannot significantly explain these same movements: it was less widespread, it had a smaller amount of hours of transmission, it had only one channel at first, then two…; in addition to this many other stimuli (starting from the “contagion” of the movement from abroad) appeared at that time. On the contrary “neotelevision” was a sudden change which concerned all the variables (hours of transmission, channels, etc…), therefore a further loss of adults’ prestige could be expected from it, but in a form different from protest. The “Chomsky effect” can integrate the “Meyrowitz effect”. According to Chomsky, media that lives off advertisement have to “produce” (I would say: attract, select, shape) the public, which then they will have to “sell to advertisers”. Program schedules of “neotelevision” will be, therefore, at complete disposal of the advertisers’ demands. It is certainly not a new idea, nor an idea had only by Chomsky, who uses it in an apodictic way against media mainstream: among others Antonio Pilati shares this idea, but with an apologetic intent (cf. §.8). Of course this “effect” is even less scientifically definable, because the educational process itself requires a long period of time, it is the result of too many crossed factors and its consequences are considered to be hardly predictable, or even unpredictable. Nevertheless, from those years, Italians’ attitude towards advertising and brands has gone through changes so drastic (as evidenced by Eurisko researches) that we cannot avoid relating them to the contemporary development of “neotelevision”. Moreover advertising targeting children and youngsters aims to make them consumers that are independent from their parents and to some extent it reinforces the “Meyrovitz effect”. Both the “effects” aim to develop television as independent educational curriculum.

Le critère organique en droit administratif est un instrument de qualification juridique qui repose sur la présence d’une personne publique dans un rapport de droit. Il trouve ses origines à la fin du XIXème siècle dans la subjectivisation des droits de puissance publique dont l’Etat est investi et l’admission de la distinction entre les personnes publiques et les personnes privées. Confondu avec le critère du service public au début du XXème siècle, le critère organique acquiert son autonomie à l’heure de la « crise » de la notion juridique de service public dans les années 1930-1940. Le critère organique, qui témoigne de la logique institutionnelle à laquelle le droit administratif français est attaché, sert de support à la construction des notions-cadres de ce droit.Depuis de nombreuses années, le critère organique fait cependant l’objet d’une vive contestation. D’une part, le mouvement de « banalisation » qui traverse le droit des personnes publiques renforce l’insuffisance de ce critère dans la détermination du droit applicable. D’autre part, les transformations contemporaines du modèle administratif français provoquent une régression de la référence à ce critère. Alors que la personnalité publique apparaissait hier comme le mode privilégié de prise en charge de l’action publique, l’administration est incitée à externaliser ses activités. En dépit d’un phénomène de « privatisation » de l’action administrative, le juge et le législateur maintiennent l’application de règles exorbitantes en l’absence du critère organique.Alors que le phénomène administratif se déploie aujourd’hui au-delà des seules personnes de droit public, la définition du critère organique en droit administratif demeure fermement arrimée à la notion de personne publique. Plusieurs facteurs invitent toutefois à reconsidérer la définition de ce critère. La fonctionnalisation de l’action publique ne dissimule qu’imparfaitement les liens qui s’établissent au sein de la « sphère publique » entre les personnes publiques et certaines personnes privées, qui demeurent sous étroit contrôle public. C’est donc sur la base de la notion de « contrôle public » que peut être entreprise une redéfinition de ce critère en droit administratif. / In French administrative law, the organic criterion is an instrument of legal qualification dependent upon the presence of a public body in a legal relationship. Its origins date back to the 19th century in the subjectivation of the rights of public power of which the State is invested and the differentiation of the public and private bodies. Misconstrued with the criterion of public service at the beginning of the 20th century, the organic criterion gains its autonomy at the time of the "crisis" of the notion of public service which consecrates the dissociation of notions of public body and public service. This criterion, which bears witness to the institutional logic to which administrative law is associated, serves as the foundation for the construction of notions.However, the organic criterion has been the subject of strong opposition for many years. On the one hand, the "trivialization" movement which affects rights of public bodies reinforces the inadequacy of this criterion in determining the applicable law. On the other, as a result of contemporary changes to the French administrative model, the reference to this criterion has diminished. While the public body appeared in the past as the preferred mode for public action, the administration is encouraged nowadays to "outsource" its activities. Despite a phenomenon of "privatization" of administrative measures, the judge and the legislator maintain the application of special rules in absence of the organic criterion.While the administrative phenomenon now extends beyond public law, the definition of the organic criterion in administrative law remains firmly linked to the notion of public body. Several factors, however, call for a redefinition of this criterion. The functionalization of public action only partially conceals the relation between public and certain private bodies within the public sphere which nevertheless remain under close public control. It is on the basis of the notion of "public control" that a redefinition of this criterion can be undertaken in administrative law.

Le dernier tiers du XIXème siècle ne constitue pas un moment pamphlétaire parmi d’autres. Non seulement il survient dans une période de démocratisation inédite qui confère au fait pamphlétaire un statut nouveau en lui permettant d’investir l’espace public officiel, mais il est aussi marqué par l’invention de la figure du pamphlétaire et l’émergence de personnalités reconnues comme telles et accédant parfois à une visibilité de premier plan. En dépit de leurs différences de cultures politiques, ces personnalités contribuent à organiser tout un jeu et tout un monde du pamphlet au croisement de la littérature, du journalisme et de la politique. A travers leur violent répertoire discursif, elles contestent l’ordre politique en cours d’édification et le procès de civilisation des mœurs politiques.Partant de l’hypothèse que ces pamphlétaires ont pu être des médiateurs importants du politique, notre recherche a pour objet d’interroger leur contribution aux processus de politisation. Elle entend examiner, dans une perspective socio-historique, dans quelle mesure ils ont pu représenter, dans cette période d’enracinement de la République et de stabilisation de la démocratie, un cheminement de la politique hors des sentiers battus, en favorisant une forme symbolique de participation non conventionnelle au jeu politique et en incarnant une forme transitoire de la rationalisation des passions politiques, entre l’émeute révolutionnaire et la patience démocratique. / The last third of the 19th century was not just any pamphleteering time amongst others. It occurred in a formerly unheard-of period of democratization, which conferred the pamphleteering reality a new status, thus enabling it to carve its way into the official public space. Besides, it was also marked by the invention of the pamphleteer's figure and the emergence of personalities acknowledged as such, some of whom boasting first rate visibility. For all their differing political cultures, these figures helped organize a whole set and world of the pamphlet, at the intersection of literature, journalism and politics. Through their violent discursive repertoire, these pamphleteers question the political order that was then being elaborated, as well as the then on-going process of civilization of political mores.Our research thus aims to examine pamphleteers' contribution to the process of politicization, on the assumption that these could be said to have acted as important mediators of politics. Our work is intended to grasp, within a socio-historical perspective, to what extent – during that period when the Republic was getting increasingly entrenched and democracy more stable – pamphleteers might be said to have represented an evolution of politics off the beaten path, thus favoring a symbolic form of unconventional participation in politics and ultimately embodying a transitional form of rationalization as regards political passions, hovering between revolutionary riots and democratic patience.

[pt] Com a modernidade em crise, a crítica aos ideais iluministas e até da noção tradicional da razão em cheque, passou-se a buscar uma melhor compreensão da realidade, como alternativa para suprir um crescente descontentamento social em função do distanciamento entre as decisões administrativas, incluindo as judiciais, e os efetivos anseios dos cidadãos. Dentre as propostas que aliam o novo ideal democrático ao contexto do mundo da vida, o filósofo alemão Jürgen Habermas propõe uma mudança de paradigma da Razão através de uma lógica dialógica, transferindo a noção da Razão Prática para um espectro procedimental, usando como ferramenta indispensável o agir comunicativo, o discurso e o consenso entre as partes interessadas; além disso, promove uma reconstrução do direito e do Estado, com a superação dos modelos teóricos existentes – liberal e republicano – e com a formatação de um Estado efetivamente democrático, posto que viabiliza a participação dos concernidos na criação dos direitos. Em outras palavras, Habermas aposta no sucesso processo de interação comunicativa, que se efetiva por meio de um acordo discutido, debatido e refletido em função dos motivos apresentados pelos interessados. Diante dessa linha habermasiana que envolve a atuação efetiva dos cidadãos e das instituições da sociedade civil, além do próprio Estado, no processo de formulação normativa e decisória surge, para alguns, a ideia da inaplicabilidade dessa teoria por entenderem que, em função da realidade brasileira, principalmente em relação ao déficit educacional da população, essa ideia ficaria prejudicada. O Direito Coletivo do Trabalho, como ramificação de nosso sistema jurídico, promove a derrocada dessa premissa de inaplicabilidade da proposta de Habermas que adota o agir comunicativo como instrumento para alcance do entendimento, do consenso dos interessados, promovendo, assim, uma harmônica relação entre a validade e faticidade da norma. Importante ainda ressaltar a convivência dos interesses individuais e dos coletivos, não havendo prevalência da simples vontade da maioria, mas sim da vontade melhor justificada dentro do processo dialógico, ocorrendo a preservação das garantias e direitos individuais fundamentais. / [en] With modernity in crisis, criticizes the Enlightenment ideals and even the traditional notion of reason in check, began to seek a better understanding of reality, as an alternative to supply a growing social discontent due to the distance between the adminstrative decisions, including judicial, and actual desires of citizens. Among the proposals that combine the new democratic ideal context of the living world, the German philosopher Jurgen Habermas proposes a paradigm shift of Reason through a dialogical logic, transferring the notion of Practical Reason for a procedural spectrum, using as the indispensable tool communicative action, discourse and consensus among stakeholders; Moreover, it promotes a reconstruction of law and state, with the overcoming of the existing theoretical models - liberal and republican - and the formatting of a democratic state effectively, since it enables the participation of concerned in the creation of rights. In other words, Habermas betting on the success of the process, which is effective communicative interaction through an agreement discussed, debated and reflected on the basis of the reasons given by those concerned. Given this Habermasian line that involves the effective participation of citizens and civil society institutions, and the state itself, the formulation of rules and decision-making process arises, for some, the idea of this theory inapplicable because they understand that, according to the Brazilian reality mainly in relation to the educational deficit of the population, this idea would be impaired. The Collective Labour Law, as a branch of our legal system, promotes the overthrow of this premise inapplicability of proposed which adopts Habermas communicative action as an instrument to reach understanding, consensus of stakeholders, thus promoting a harmonious relationship between the validity and facticity of the norm. Important to highlight the coexistence of individual and collective interests, with no prevalence of simple will of the majority, but the best justified within the dialogical process will occur and guarantees the preservation of fundamental individual rights.

This dissertation explores the reconfiguration of religion in modern global society with a focus on Koreans’ use of the category of religion. Using textual and structural analysis, this study examines how the notion of religion is structurally and semantically contextualized in the public sphere of modern Korea. I scrutinize the operation of the differentiated communication systems that produces a variety of discourses and imaginaries on religion and religions in modern Korea. Rather than narrowly define religion in terms of the consequence of religious or scientific projects, this dissertation shows the process in which the evolving societal systems such as politics, law, education, and mass media determine and re-determine what counts as religion in the emergence of a globalized Korea. I argue that, ever since the Western notion of religion was introduced to East Asia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, religion was, unlike in China and Japan, constructed as a positive social component in Korea, because it was considered to be instrumental in maintaining Korean identity and modernizing the Korean nation in the new global context. In twentieth century Korea, the conception of religion was manifest in the representation of the so-called world religions such as Buddhism and Christianity, which were largely re-imagined as resisting colonialism and communism as well as contributing to the integration and democratization of the nation-state. The phenomenal clout and growth of Korea’s mainstream religions can be traced to an established twofold understanding that religion is distinctive, normal, and versatile, while indigenous traditions and new religious groups are abnormal, regressive, and even harmful. I have found that, since the late 1980s, a negative re-formation of religion has been widespread in the public sphere of South Korea, with a growing concern that religion may harbor a parochial attitude against the nation’s new strategies of development. Religion has been increasingly signified as antisocial, conflictual, and sectarian in newly globalized South Korea, because structuralized religious power, in particular that of Protestantism, gets in the way of autonomous evolvement of the secular societal institutions. As such, I conclude by suggesting that the definition of religion was multiply appropriated by the differences in local particularization in contemporary global society. Insofar as religion is regarded as incompatible with the changed location of the national society in the new global society, the semantics assigned to what is called religion continues to be degraded in contemporary South Korea.

Cette recherche a reçu le soutien financier du CRSH, de la FESP et du DLLM. / Le XIXe siècle représente une période prépondérante de l'histoire des femmes en Occident, celle de la naissance d’une conscience féminine de nature publique, des premiers balbutiements du féminisme. Dans ce contexte, il est important d'étudier où se situent certaines personnalités féminines dans leur société. À cette époque, deux pratiques d'écriture connaissent leur apogée, la presse et le journal intime, qui permettent aux femmes de prendre la parole et d’intervenir dans la sphère publique. Ces formes d'écriture peuvent être considérées comme des espaces discursifs nés de conflits et de tensions sociales; elles sont le produit d’une même personne qui commente l’actualité de façon quotidienne, hebdomadaire ou mensuelle. La femme de lettres reconstitue les événements et faits du passé, transmet ses observations et opinions personnelles sur divers sujets; elle remet aussi en question le discours normatif institutionnel à partir de ses propres expériences et connaissances. Les écritures intime et journalistique témoignent de la vision plurielle du monde des intellectuelles et de leur participation au devenir historique, d'où l'intérêt de les étudier en parallèle dans ce travail. À travers l'étude d’écrits intimes et journalistiques, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est de faire entendre trois voix féminines de l’Amérique face à la culture patriarcale: celles de l'Argentine Juana Manuela Gorriti, de la Colombienne Soledad Acosta de Samper et de la Québécoise Joséphine Marchand-Dandurand. Nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure leur écriture s’inscrit dans un projet collectif lié à l’avancement des femmes et de la nation. L’hypothèse qui guide notre travail est que les auteures développent et partagent une écriture de dénonciation et de revendication liée à la situation des femmes et de la nation. Nous partons du contexte universel d'invisibilité des femmes, de leur manque de reconnaissance comme sujets de la société du XIXe siècle ; nous suivons la ligne foucaultienne de la généalogie, en y ajoutant la variable de genre, dans le but de récupérer les traces d’une contre-mémoire manifeste dans les textes choisis et de mettre l’accent sur la contribution des auteures. L’analyse explore le dialogue entre le discours des écrivaines et l’hégémonie masculine. Elle reconstitue le contenu social de nature idéologique, indique les fonctions des textes analysés, examine attentivement leur contexte de création ainsi que l’expérience biographique des auteures et leur apport intellectuel. Alors que Gorriti, Acosta de Samper et Marchand-Dandurand proviennent de cultures et d’époques différentes, l'objectif est de préciser les éléments homologues sur les plans thématique et stratégique, tant dans leur écriture personnelle que dans leurs publications périodiques. Cet exercice permet de vérifier si, tant au niveau privé qu’au niveau public, les intellectuelles expriment les mêmes idées avec les mêmes stratégies énonciatives ; s’il existe une continuité ou, au contraire, une rupture entre les écrits autobiographiques et les essais publics qui rendent légitime leur vision du monde. Par la même occasion, nous examinons si le « je » des écrits intimes correspond à celui des publications périodiques de chacune des auteures à l’étude. / The nineteenth century is a key period in the history of Western women. This is when a public female consciousness emerges for the first time and an incipient feminism can be observed. In this context, it is important to study how certain female public figures positioned themselves in their respective societies. During this period two genres of writing, journalism and the personal diary, were at their height, and allowed women to take the floor and enter the public sphere. These forms of writing can be regarded as discursive spaces arising from social conflicts and tensions, but they are also the product of an individual who comments daily, weekly or monthly on current events. The woman writer reconstructs events and facts from the past, and reveals her personal observations and opinions on various subjects. She also uses her own experiences and knowledge to cast doubt on normative institutional discourses. Journalistic and personal writing bear witness to the pluralistic worldview of these female intellectuals and to their participation in contemporary historical developments; hence the interest in studying them comparatively in this investigation. The main objective of this dissertation is to analyse, through the study of their journalism and diaries, the work of three female writers from the Americas—the Argentinian Juana Manuela Gorriti, the Colombian Soledad Acosta de Samper, and the Quebecer Joséphine Marchand-Dandurand—whose voices have been silenced by patriarchal culture. Fundamentally, this thesis asks to what extent their writing is inscribed in a collective project related to the advancement of women and the nation. This investigation’s hypothesis is that the authors develop and share a critique of both the situation of women and the nation, as well as calling for women's recognition. Starting from the basis that women's invisibility is universal, and that women were not recognised as subjects in nineteenth-century society, the study deploys the Foucault’s theory of genealogy, adding the gender variable, in order to rescue the traces of a counter-memory in the texts selected and to value the contributions of the authors. The analysis explores the dialogue between the discourse of women writers and male hegemony, restoring the social content of an ideological nature, pointing out the functions provided by the texts analyzed and carefully examining the contexts of their production, as well as the biographical experiences of the writers and their intellectual contributions. Even though Gorriti, Acosta de Samper and Marchand-Dandurand come from different cultures and epochs, the objective is to define the similarities in their personal and journalistic writing on both a thematic and strategic levels. This exercise allows us to verify if these female intellectuals expressed the same ideas in both public and private spheres with the same enunciative strategies; if there is continuity or rupture between autobiographical writings and public essays, which legitimize their worldview. At the same time, the study examines if there is any correspondence between the authorial self of the intimate writings and that of the periodical publications. / El siglo XIX es un período clave en la historia de las mujeres occidentales ya que es el momento en el que surge una conciencia femenina de naturaleza pública y en el que se observan los primeros balbuceos del feminismo. En este contexto, resulta importante estudiar el posicionamiento de ciertas individualidades femeninas frente a la sociedad de su tiempo. Tanto la prensa como el diario personal son dos prácticas escriturales que conocen su auge en esta época y que permiten a las mujeres tomar la palabra y el espacio público. Estas formas de escritura pueden ser consideradas como espacios discursivos surgidos de conflictos y tensiones de carácter social, siendo producto de una misma personalidad que comenta diaria, periódica o mensualmente la actualidad. La mujer escritora reconstituye acontecimientos y hechos del pasado, da a conocer sus observaciones y opiniones personales sobre varios temas; cuestiona también el discurso normalizado e institucionalizado a partir de su propia experiencia y en función de sus conocimientos. Las escrituras íntima y periodística constituyen testimonios de la visión plural del mundo de las intelectuales y de su participación en el devenir histórico. De ahí el interés de estudiarlas en paralelo en este trabajo. El objetivo principal de esta tesis es el de hacer oír, a través del estudio de escritos íntimos y periodísticos, tres voces femeninas americanas frente a la cultura patriarcal: las de la argentina Juana Manuela Gorriti, de la colombiana Soledad Acosta de Samper y de la quebequense Joséphine Marchand-Dandurand. Nos preguntamos en qué medida su escritura se inscribe en un proyecto colectivo relacionado con el avance de la mujer y de la nación. La hipótesis que guía nuestra investigación es la de que las autoras desarrollan y comparten una escritura de denuncia y de reivindicación relacionada con la situación de la mujer y de la nación. Partiendo del contexto universal de invisibilidad de la mujer, de su falta de homologación como sujeto en la colectividad decimonónica, seguimos la línea foucaultiana de la genealogía, agregándole la variable de género, con el fin de rescatar las huellas de una contramemoria manifiesta en los textos seleccionados y de valorar las aportaciones de las autoras. El análisis considera la interlocución entre el discurso de las escritoras con la hegemonía masculina, restituyendo el contenido social de naturaleza ideológica, señalando las funciones y apuestas que proporcionan los textos analizados y examinando cuidadosamente el contexto de su creación, así como la experiencia biográfica de las escritoras y su aporte intelectual. Si bien Gorriti, Acosta de Samper y Marchand-Dandurand proceden de culturas y épocas distintas, el objetivo es deslindar los elementos que pueden ser considerados homólogos a nivel temático y estratégico, tanto a través de su escritura personal como de sus publicaciones periódicas. Este ejercicio nos permite comprobar si, tanto en el plano privado como en el público, las intelectuales expresan las mismas ideas con las mismas estrategias enunciativas, si existe continuidad o si, por el contrario, se evidencia una ruptura entre los escritos autobiográficos y los ensayos públicos, que legitiman su visión del mundo. Al mismo tiempo, examinamos si hay una concordancia entre el yo autoral de los escritos íntimos y el de las publicaciones periódicas.

This study examines the mediation of multilingualism, localism and the nation in the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, henceforth, ZBC as the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies subsumed in the Broadcasting Services Act (2001) and the Broadcasting Services Amendment Act (2007) respectively translated into radio and television programming. This purpose is pursued by analysing the language choices and practices on the ZBC radio and television stations and programming. This study is informed by an eclectic approach within the critical theory tradition and therefore it disapproves the domination, marginalisation and exclusion of the indigenous African languages in the ZBC as a public sphere. Against this backdrop, the study envisages the promotion of linguistic diversity and indigenous African languages in the ZBC broadcasting. Data for this study was gathered from the ZBC employees, academics and the ZBC audience using questionnaires, interviews, and focus group discussions. As the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies translated into ZBC programming, this study detected a hierarchical organisation of the languages spoken in Zimbabwe on the radio and television stations where English is the most dominant language, while Shona and Ndebele dominate the minority languages, Shona dominates Ndebele and the supremacy of the Zezuru dialect in the Shona language is easily felt. This is a confirmation of the fragility of Zimbabwean linguistic nationalism in the ZBC which is convoluted by the ideological and political nature of the media, electronic colonisation, the political economy of broadcasting, the transformation of the ZBC public sphere by the market and state interests, the influence of the global media firms, and the relentless hegemony of the western countries in the world system. This study established that broadcasting in indigenous African languages is obligatory if the informative, communicative and symbolic functions of the public service broadcasting are to be achieved. However, this study contends that it is remarkably insufficient for linguists to minimally identify, lament and deplore the marginalisation and exclusion of the indigenous African languages in the ZBC without taking into account the economic, political and technological factors which contribute to the marginalisation and exclusion of these languages in the ZBC broadcasting in the context of the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies. Therefore, this study implores scholars in the discipline of language studies to ameliorate their sophistication by espousing a multidisciplinary approach to the study of language if they are to make meaningful arguments which can influence meaningful language policy outcomes instead of parroting. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Cette thèse étudie la scène théâtrale et ses transformations dans le contexte socio-politique de Téhéran entre 2009 et 2019 à travers le prisme de la spatialité (Lussault, 2007). Cette période se caractérise d’un côté par l’éclosion de nouveaux espaces de représentation de diverses natures architecturales, urbaines et institutionnelles et, de l’autre, par l’apparition de nouvelles formes d’investissement et d’appropriation d’espaces urbains à des fins théâtrales par les artistes et spectateurs. Pour interroger ces mutations, cette étude analyse trois cas– représentatifs du théâtre privé, du théâtre Off Stage et du théâtre Underground – à partir d’une approche théorique qui conjugue social production of space et social construction of space (Low, 2017). Ce faisant, la présente thèse démontre qu’au-delà des dimensions esthétiques et dramaturgiques, les évolutions de la scène théâtrale à Téhéran se traduisent surtout par un changement qui touche à la spatialité urbaine du théâtre. Cela se concrétise d’une part dans la transformation de l’agencement spatial du théâtre dans la ville et, de l’autre, dans les manières dont les relations et dynamiques sociales et politiques de la ville se spatialisent dans le théâtre. Du fait de ce double processus, et dans la conjoncture socio-politique tendue et changeante du Téhéran des années 2010, l’espace théâtral, jusqu’alors quasiment cloisonné et exclu de la sphère publique, émerge en tant qu’espace public. Il devient ainsi non seulement le lieu du politique, là où se rencontrent différentes forces politiques et sociales (Balme, 2014), mais aussi l’élément principal dans les dynamiques de pouvoirs entre elles. Sa production en tant qu’entité architecturale et urbaine, son occupation, son appropriation et même ses caractéristiques et frontières sociales, symboliques et discursives font alors l’objet de luttes, débats, négociations et interventions – parmi les plus tendus voire virulents que la capitale iranienne ait connus au cours de la dernière décennie – de la part des trois forces principales présentes sur le terrain :le pouvoir autoritaire et idéologique en place, les opérateurs économiques et financiers et les citoyens, en l’occurrence artistes et spectateurs. D’un côté, les forces politiques, idéologiques et financières dominantes mettent en place la privatisation du théâtre, qui est conceptualisée ici comme une stratégie spatiale (De Certeau, 1990). Elles régulent l’espace théâtral, sa production et son utilisation au moyen de multiples processus d’exclusion, d’uniformisation et de domination politiques, idéologiques et économiques. De l’autre côté, des citoyens déploient des tactiques (De Certeau), c’est-à-dire de nouvelles formes d’appropriation de l’espace en utilisant les brèches, incohérences et interstices dans la stratégie dominante. De ce fait, des espaces urbains produits, régulés et surveillés à des fins politiques, idéologiques, voire capitalistes, ouvrent la voie à de nouvelles formes d’agencies pour des artistes et spectateurs. Tantôt ces formes se traduisent par des actes de résistance, de lutte, de contestation (le théâtre Underground), tantôt par des négociations et des compromis (les théâtres privés) ou même par des contournements et des contre-expériences (le théâtre Off Stage). Cependant, quelles que soient la forme et les conséquences de ces interactions, celles-ci ouvrent des fractures dans l’ordre politique, idéologique et économique dominant la ville et son espace. Elles rendent ainsi possibles l’émergence et la survie de formes d’altérité dans la sphère et l’espace publics. / This thesis studies the theatre and its transformations in the socio-political context of Tehran between 2009 and 2019 through the question of spatiality (Lussault, 2007). This period is characterized, on the one hand, by the blossoming of new performance spaces of various architectural, urban and institutional natures throughout the city and, on the other hand, by the appearance of new forms of appropriation of urban spaces for theatrical purposes by artists and spectators. To question these mutations, this study analyses the three case studies – representative of private theatre, off stage theatre and underground theatre - from a theoretical approach that combines social production of space and social construction of space (Low, 2017). In doing so, the present thesis demonstrates that beyond the aesthetic and dramaturgical dimensions, the evolution of the theatre scene in Tehran results from a more significant change in the urban spatiality of the theatre. This materializes, on the one hand, in the transformation of the spatial organization of the theatre within the urban context and, on the other hand, in the ways in which the social and political relations and dynamics of the city are spatialized in the theatre. As a result of this double process, and in the tense and changing socio-political conjunctures of Tehran in 2010s, the theatre space, hitherto an almost compartmentalized space excluded from the public sphere, is manifesting itself as a new public space. Not only it becomes the political field where different political and social forces meet (Balme,2014), it also turns into one of the principal elements in the power dynamics among them. Its production as an architectural and urban entity, its occupation, its appropriation and even its social, symbolic and discursive characteristics and boundaries are then the object of struggles, debates, negotiations and interventions - among the most tense and even virulent ones that the Iranian capital has experienced in the last decade - on the part of the three main forces :the authoritarian and ideological power in place, the economic and financial operators and the citizens, in this case artists and spectators. On the one hand, the dominant political, ideological and financial forces are establishing the privatization of theatre, which is conceptualized here as a spatial strategy. (De Certeau, 1990). They regulate theatre space, its production and use through multiple processes of political, ideological and economic exclusion, homogenization and domination. On the other hand, citizens deploy tactics (De Certeau) that is, new forms of appropriation of space within the breaches, inconsistencies and interstices of the dominant strategy. As a result, urban spaces produced, regulated and monitored for political, ideological or even capitalist purposes immediately become the fields for new forms of artists and spectators’ agencies. Sometimes these forms take the form of acts of resistance, struggle, contestation (the Underground theatre), sometimes of negotiation, compromise (the private theatres) or even circumvention and counter-experiences (the Off Stage theatre). However, whatever the form and consequences of these interactions, they open up breaches and fractures in the political, ideological and economic order that dominates the city and its space. They thus make possible the emergence and survival of forms of otherness in the public sphere and the public space. / Doctorat en Arts du spectacle et technique de diffusion et de communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

[pt] A principal sugestão desta tese é que a construção e a formatação original do Estádio do Maracanã não diziam respeito apenas aos interesses das elites nacionais em projetar o Brasil no mundo, mas também à integração popular, com suas demandas e representações, àquele projeto. No percurso de verificação desse argumento, examinaremos os diferentes projetos arquitetônicos habilitados para construção do estádio durante a primeira metade do século XX, os debates suscitados em torno do tema e os atores que os mobilizavam. Do ponto de vista teórico, tomaremos como eixo central o conceito de esfera pública, tal como definida por Jürgen Habermas no livro Mudança estrutural da esfera pública: investigações sobre uma categoria da sociedade burguesa (2014), em permanente diálogo com os novos contornos que o conceito foi adquirindo na produção posterior do autor e de seus interlocutores. / [en] The main suggestion of this thesis is that the construction and original formatting of the Maracanã Stadium did not only concern the interests of national elites in projecting Brazil in the world, but also the popular integration, with their demands and representations, to that project. In the course of verifying this argument, we will examine the different architectural projects authorized for the construction of the stadium during the first half of the 20th century, the debates raised around the theme and the actors that mobilized them. From a theoretical point of view, we will take as a central axis the concept of the public sphere, as defined by Jürgen Habermas in the book The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry Into a Category of Bourgeois Society (2014), in permanent dialogue with the new contours that the concept was acquired in the later production of the author and his interlocutors. / [fr] La principale hypothèse de ce travail est que la construction et la conception originale du stade Maracanã ne concernaient pas seulement les intérêts des élites nationales afin de mettre en avant le Brésil dans le monde, mais aussi l intégration populaire, avec leurs revendications et leurs représentations, à ce projet. Au cours de la vérification de cet argument, nous examinerons les différents projets architecturaux autorisés pour la construction du stade durant la première moitié du XXe siècle, les débats soulevés autour du thème et les acteurs qui les ont mobilisés. D un point de vue théorique, nous prendrons comme axe central le concept d espace public, tel qu il est défini par Jürgen Habermas dans l ouvrage Changement structurel dans la sphère publique: études sur la catégorie de la société bourgeoise (2014), en dialogue permanent avec les nouveaux contours que le concept a acquis dans la production ultérieure de l auteur et de ses interlocuteurs.

A critical investigation of the public/private distinction as it has been conceived in Anglo-American political thinking in the second half of the 20th century. A broadly held consensus has developed amongst many theorists that public/private does not refer to any single determinate distinction or relationship but rather to an often ambiguous range of related but analytically distinct conceptual oppositions. The argument of this thesis is that if we approach public/private in the search for analytic or conceptual clarity then this consensus is correct. Against this I propose that a number of the most dominant invocations of the distinction can be understood to express public/private as an irreducibly political dialectic that mediates the relationship between the subjective and objective side of social and political life. By locating these conceptually diverse invocations within a broader and more determinate framework of the historical development and contestation of the boundaries which establish the conditions for subjectivity, as the assertion of political agency, on the one hand, and which demarcate, police and defend these particular boundaries, as part of the objectively given character of social life and institutional organisation, on the other hand, then a more determinate character to public/private can be recognized. I then seek to explore the capacity of this model to capture and explain the peculiar post-war problematisation of public/private amongst a number of new left thinkers in Britain and America.