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<p>The prevalence of social media in political campaigns are changing the face of politics in the United States and abroad. The rapid pace at which this change is occurring demands inquiry into the previously unexplored area of unconventional political campaign messaging practices on social media. Investigation of Donald Trump’s use of tweets as rhetorical strategy in the discursive space of Twitter during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign revealed a bypass of traditional media and its source verification processes. This circumventing of mainstream media channels facilitated Trump’s deployment of an unchecked ‘broken system’ narrative alleging government corruption</p> <p>and a rigged system. Trump’s tweet discourses tapped into existing feelings of disenfranchisement and disaffection felt by a self-identified politically marginalized segment of society. This study</p> <p>investigates how social media use in political campaigns can serve as a public sphere for contestation of social and political norms. An interdisciplinary theoretical frame comprised of Feenberg’s critical theory of technology, McLuhan’s media ecology, Fraser’s counterpublic spheres, and Iser’s implied reader offer new understandings about the power of anti-establishment discourses and a hybrid discursive space to destabilize governing institutions and redefine social and political identities. Study of Trump’s tweets as rhetorical strategy granted insights into the social and political capacity of alternative truth to undermine the political process. Further, it uncovered the power of social media to awaken and leverage existing political identities for personal political gain.</p>

In August 2000, Justice O�Loughlin of the Federal Court of Australia handed down the decision in Cubillo v Commonwealth in which Lorna Cubillo and Peter Gunner took action against the Commonwealth Government, arguing that it was vicariously liable for their removal from their families and communities as children and subsequent detentions in the Northern Territory during the 1940s and 1950s. The case is the landmark decision in relation to legal action taken by members of the Stolen Generations. Using the decision in Cubillo as a key site of contestation, my thesis provides a critique of legal positivism as the dominant jurisprudential discourse operating within the Anglo-Australian legal system. I argue that the function of legal positivism as the principal paradigm and source of authority for the decision serves to ensure that the debate concerning reconciliation in Australia operates rhetorically to maintain whiteness at the centre of political and discursive power. Specifically concerned with the performative function of legal discourse, the thesis is an interrogation of the interface of law and language, of rhetoric, and the semiotics of legal discourse. The dominant theory of evidence law is a rationalist and empiricist epistemology in which oral testimony and documentary evidence are regarded as mediating the relationship between proof and truth. I argue that by attributing primacy to principles of rationality, objectivity and narrative coherence, and by privileging that which is visually represented, the decision serves an ideological purpose which diminishes the significance of race in the construction of knowledge. Legal positivism identifies the knowing subject and the object of knowledge as discrete entities. However, I argue that in Cubillo, Justice O�Loughlin inscribes himself into the text of the judgment and in doing so, reveals the way in which textual and corporeal specificities undermine the pretence of objective judgment and therefore the source of judicial authority.

隨著民主治理的發展，有效調和民主憲政與文官專業價值，才能夠確保民主政治運作的效能。背景因素使得政務官與事務官間的互動，愈具舉足輕重的角色。從相關研究可以理解，欲直接觀察政務官與事務官細部的互動並不容易，兩者間細部的互動對外界而言始終是一個黑盒子。因此，本研究使用鮮少作為該議題研究主體的影視產品進行分析。選擇英國經典影集「Yes, Minister」，乃因該劇主要以描繪政務官與事務官互動為主，描寫程度相當細膩。藉此旁觀的角度一窺政務官與事務官的互動，確實是個能夠協助深入理解該議題的良好個案。 研究設計的基礎為文本分析法，透過建構分析路徑，分別從兩者本質、選擇偏好、表現作為，以及互動後對政策產出的討論。先將14集研究樣本進行相同路徑的文本化，再將文本化的樣本進行論述與類型化。研究發現事務官的互動技巧，包括行政權力的作為與不作為、可行性評估、影響政務體系與政務官以及納入外部勢力等，目的為提升參與決策的條件，細部列出24項互動技巧；另一方面，政務官則可透過經驗複製、行政學習、媒體與聲望經營與納入外部力量等，目的為提升統治便利性與正當性，細部列出13項互動技巧。兩者的互動呈現出互相制衡的本質，若各自無法有效負責與調和時，易形成雙重價值選擇的壓力。 本研究提出以「鐘擺效果」解釋政務官與事務官的互動，兩者在制衡關係的基礎上，隨著時序性的影響而改變互動模式。基本上的互動如鐘擺式擺盪，進而系統性因素將會因時序性遞減，激發出最適的政策結果。最終提出兩大項建議：首先，從制衡到動態平衡的關係，正視制衡現象的存在、立基於分權制衡上的信任關係、減少彼此錯誤解讀的機會，以及培養持續監督與自省能力；其二，設定政策決策的妥協底線，認知非任務型指標的超然價值，以及試著創造沒有共識的共識。 / In any democratic state’s development, how to effectively reconcile the two values of constitutional democracy and bureaucratic expertise is fundamental to ensure the proper functioning and efficacy of democratic politics. As Taiwan further consolidates its democracy, the interaction between the political appointees and senior civil servants becomes ever more important in achieving a balance of pluralistic values on the one hand, and government’s administrative efficiency, on the other. Yet past research has found that it is not easy to observe directly the details of the interaction between political appointees and civil servants; to the external world, the actual interaction between the two has always been a black box. Therefore, to shed light on that black box, this study analyzes the interaction between appointees and civil servants as depicted in film and television programs. The classic British series, “Yes Minister,” was chosen as the study’s research subject because it portrays the minister-bureaucrat interactive behavior skillfully and poignantly, which allows a deeper understanding of the issue. The study employs textual analysis as the principal research method. Each of the series’ 14 episodes had been textually reinterpreted by using the same analytical paths, which were constructed by first categorizing the nature, choice preferences, display behaviors, and post-interaction reaction to policy outputs for both political appointees and senior civil servants. The research has found that civil servants, in their pursuit for greater participation in decision-making, exhibit as many as 24 distinct interactive behaviors with their political superiors. Some of these behaviors include administrative action and inaction, call for feasibility assessment, manipulation of the political system, and incorporation of external forces. On the other hand, political appointees, in their effort to achieve political expediency and legitimacy, have 13 behaviors of their own through experience replication, administrative learning, media and reputation management, and inclusion of external forces. Both sets of interactive behaviors are essentially parts of a checks-and-balances system. When responsibilities are unclear and actions cannot be coordinated effectively, the agency then becomes vulnerable to role ambiguity and double value selection problems. This research proposes a “pendulum effect” to explain the interaction between political appointees and civil servants. Because the appointees and civil servants have a mutual checks and balances relationship, both parties will alter their interactive behavior depending on the timing of events. Essentially, the interaction between the two sides will initially swing freely like a pendulum; subsequently, system factors will cause the pendulum to progressively decrease its swing, ultimately arriving at the most optimal policy result. In conclusion, this study makes two major recommendations. First, both political appointees and civil servants need to understand that they are in a dynamic equilibrium, in which they check and balance each other’s actions. By acknowledging the check and balance nature of their relationship, both minimize the chance of misinterpreting each other, and may develop the healthy capacity of ongoing oversight and self-introspection. Second, both political appointees and civil servants must establish a baseline in any policy negotiation and compromise, recognize the (sometimes) extraordinary value of non-mission-based indicators, and attempt to create a consensus when no consensus exists.

In August 2000, Justice O�Loughlin of the Federal Court of Australia handed down the decision in Cubillo v Commonwealth in which Lorna Cubillo and Peter Gunner took action against the Commonwealth Government, arguing that it was vicariously liable for their removal from their families and communities as children and subsequent detentions in the Northern Territory during the 1940s and 1950s. The case is the landmark decision in relation to legal action taken by members of the Stolen Generations. Using the decision in Cubillo as a key site of contestation, my thesis provides a critique of legal positivism as the dominant jurisprudential discourse operating within the Anglo-Australian legal system. I argue that the function of legal positivism as the principal paradigm and source of authority for the decision serves to ensure that the debate concerning reconciliation in Australia operates rhetorically to maintain whiteness at the centre of political and discursive power. Specifically concerned with the performative function of legal discourse, the thesis is an interrogation of the interface of law and language, of rhetoric, and the semiotics of legal discourse. The dominant theory of evidence law is a rationalist and empiricist epistemology in which oral testimony and documentary evidence are regarded as mediating the relationship between proof and truth. I argue that by attributing primacy to principles of rationality, objectivity and narrative coherence, and by privileging that which is visually represented, the decision serves an ideological purpose which diminishes the significance of race in the construction of knowledge. Legal positivism identifies the knowing subject and the object of knowledge as discrete entities. However, I argue that in Cubillo, Justice O�Loughlin inscribes himself into the text of the judgment and in doing so, reveals the way in which textual and corporeal specificities undermine the pretence of objective judgment and therefore the source of judicial authority.

This research presents a synchronic and a diachronic investigation of six Italian translations of Alice's Adventures in Wonderland (Alice) across a century (1872-1988). This work draws on Antoine Berman's method for the analysis of literary translations and integrates it with interdisciplinary theoretical approaches focused on the investigation of children's literature in translation. The premises of children's literature studies, translation studies, and retranslation studies underpin the analytical framework that supports the textual analysis. The examination focuses in particular on the translation strategies used to convey in Italian the culture-specific references that contribute to fashion the identity of Alice and her Wonderland. The research operates on two different levels. Firstly, it presents a synchronic investigation concerned with a close reading and analysis of each translation in linguistic and textual terms. The elements examined in the detailed survey offer the opportunity to retrace the translators' unique understanding of Alice and discuss how it was conveyed to the Italian readers. Secondly, it proposes a diachronic investigation comparing, from a chronological perspective, the translation solutions previously identified and examines how the concepts of the image of the child and dual readership have evolved in the Italian translations. The purpose of the study is to investigate the translation strategies to convey Alice in Italian, observe the patterns that emerge from the analysis of the texts and advance explanatory hypotheses that would account for the changes in the translators' understanding of Carroll's novel over time. The close reading the research centres on aims to provide a meticulous collection of the translation solutions found in the texts; these are not confined to particular passages of the book but are found throughout it, thus offering support for future analysis on the translations of Alice. Finally, this research also aims to contribute to the analysis of children's literature in translation by providing an analytical framework able to support the investigation of different aspects of books for children in translation in other languages other than Italian.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5288.pdf: 5245279 bytes, checksum: cd4e6554887f5aea197bb69243a6250a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-03 / This research aims to analyze the Brazilian Senate s Foreign Affairs Committee (CRE) according to the Discursive Institutionalism and the Political Discourse theories. This discursive study have sought to verify whether the CRE actually has an important institutional and discursive role in foreign policy making, which is typically deemed to be a preponderant power of the Executive branch, letting little room for the Legislative branch. This thesis argues that Brazilian foreign policy is public policy such as any else, even though foreign policy has the unique feature of usually being negotiated overseas by the Executive branch before the domestic political negotiation due to constitutional and organizational reasons. The methods of institutional analysis are deployed under a discursive perspective in order to demonstrate that the Brazilian Congress and its standing committees were endowed with legislative means of discursive participation in the foreign policy making, and, also, are analyzed the speeches of the senators to show that even those discursive means are subject to political discourse favoring the expansion and the improvement of their own efficacy, which presents the senators as interested participants in the foreign policy discussion. The CRE s political discourse also shows that political parties are important in that discussion, and they are analyzed in an ideological dimension in a left-right continuum in foreign policy done in this work and in their position inside congressional coalition groups, government or opposition. The speeches in the committee are researched through Discursive Textual Analysis on ideological (right-left) cleavage and on congressional coalition (government-opposition) cleavage, on the programmatic ideas of the political parties and on the specific political ideas in the metatexts made from the speeches about foreign affairs. The main results are: the CRE s political discourse has an intrinsically party matter, in which the ideas of the senators reverberate their party programmatic ideas during their coordinative discourse (inside the political instance), the importance of the discursive function of the Senate and of the CRE is crucial for foreign policy making, and the Brazilian foreign policy towards leftist regimes in Latin America was the main issue causing dissent in the committee between 2003 and 2012. / Este estudo teve por objetivo analisar a Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado (CRE) com base na teoria do institucionalismo discursivo e do discurso político. Neste estudo discursivo, buscou-se verificar se a CRE tem um papel institucional e discursivo importante para a elaboração da política externa, tipicamente considerada como uma atribuição preponderante do Poder Executivo em que caberia muito pouco ao Poder Legislativo. Esta tese argumenta que a política externa é uma política pública como as demais, apesar da peculiaridade de se haver uma negociação internacional pelo Poder Executivo que, por questões constitucionais e organizacionais, antecede a fase de negociação política doméstica. São utilizados métodos de análise institucional sob um prisma discursivo para demonstrar que o Congresso Nacional e suas comissões foram dotados de meios legislativos de participação discursiva em da política externa brasileira, e é feita uma análise dos pronunciamentos dos senadores para mostrar que esses próprios meios institucionais discursivos são objetos de um discurso político em favor da ampliação e do melhoramento de sua eficácia, o que faz dos senadores participantes interessados da discussão da política externa. Também é verificada uma importância dos partidos políticos no discurso político da CRE, analisados em sua dimensão ideológica em um continuum esquerda-direita em política externa elaborado neste trabalho e pelo pertencimento a blocos parlamentares governistas e oposicionistas. Os pronunciamentos dos senadores na comissão são investigados por meio da Análise Textual Discursiva sobre a clivagem ideológica direita-esquerda e a clivagem da coalizão parlamentar governo-oposição, sobre as ideias programáticas dos partidos políticos e sobre as ideias políticas específicas presentes nos metatextos construídos a partir dos pronunciamentos dos senadores quanto à política externa. Os resultados atestam que o discurso político na CRE tem um teor eminentemente partidário, onde as ideias dos senadores repercutem as ideias programáticas dos partidos políticos em seu discurso coordenativo (na instância política), que há uma crucial importância da função discursiva do Senado e da CRE na elaboração da política externa e que a política externa do Brasil para os países latinos com governos de esquerda foi a principal questão de dissenso na comissão entre 2003 e 2012.