La médecine et la pharmacopée traditionnelles ouest-africaine constituent encore aujourd'hui, l'unique moyen de prise en charge des maladies pour des milliers de personnes vivant en zone rurale et même en zone urbaine. Cette réalité est souvent présentée comme découlant uniquement de la faiblesse du système allopathique de santé, cependant, elle peut être le fruit d'un choix socioculturel. En effet, les conceptions traditionnelles des maladies, c’est-à-dire la distinction entre maladies naturelles et maladies provoquées influencent encore le choix thérapeutique dans les communautés africaines surtout en zone rurale. Pendant longtemps, ce retour à la médecine et à la pharmacopée traditionnelle s'est fait sans la mise en place des mesures d'encadrement et d'accompagnement nécessaires. Ce qui engendre d’énormes risques sanitaires. De plus, la multiplication des bio-prospections sans contrôle des États a conduit à une forte croissance des appropriations illicites des savoirs tradimédicaux. Cet état des faits a fait émerger au sein des institutions internationales compétentes de nouvelles questions : celles des droits des communautés locales et autochtones sur leurs ressources et leurs savoirs tradimédicaux associés, et la nécessité de la construction d'un système équitable d'exploitation des ressources et des savoirs médicaux traditionnels à des fins de recherches et de développement. Les États burkinabè et ghanéen ont, pour pallier ces difficultés, adopté des législations encadrant les pratiques traditionnelles de soins ainsi que la production et la mise sur leurs marchés nationaux de médicaments traditionnels et néo traditionnels / Traditional medicine and pharmacopeia are still nowadays for thousands of people in West Africa, the unique healthcare solution. If this fact is often considered as arising solely from the weakness of the allopathic health system, it could also be a result of socio-cultural choices. Indeed, people especially in rural areas are strongly influenced by traditional vision and beliefs about diseases’ origins, which could have natural or induced causes in this traditional conception. For a long time, this resort to traditional medicine was done without the supervision and support of the appropriate measures and regulations. This has generated high public healthcare risks. Moreover, the multiplication of bioprospection’s without states control has led to a sharp increase in illicit appropriation of traditional medicine knowledge for the purposes of pharmaceutical innovation. This has created new issues in the South, especially about local populations’ intellectual property on their traditional knowledge. Highlighting these facts has raised new concerns within the competent international and regional institutions: the need of protection for local and indigenous communities’ rights over their genetic resources and associated tradimedical knowledge, and the need of building a fair system of exploitation of resources and medical indigenous knowledge for purposes of research and development. The Burkinabe and Ghanaian states have, in order to overcome these issues, adopted legislations to regulate traditional care practices as well as the production and placement on their national markets of traditional and neo-traditional medicines

Native potatoes are an important element of food security both as a direct food source and as a cash crop for peasant producers in the Andes of Peru. Production is basically for self-consumption and the shift to commercialization is a challenge. As a response, the Papa Andina Initiative (COGEPAN) was initiated to promote market innovation and pro-vide relative advantage to producers to respond to emerging markets. Research is limited on the integration, information and communication in relation to social relations. Old and new nonreciprocal relations and roles among stakeholders, consequences of customary practices, undermine the ability of female peasant producers. Any process requires an un-derstanding of culture, traditions and the gendered practices of agricultural production. As the research was premised on a feminist perspective, a sequential explanatory and mixed design was utilized for obtaining background and contextual data in a way that coupled collecting sex-disaggregated data with iterative planning activities readjusting the research to sharpen its focus on women. The situation of Andean peasant women within modern-day agricultural innovation systems is influenced by traditions and cus-tomary laws embedded in the specific lifeworlds of peasant communities. In COGEPAN, gender relations and roles are changing from the macro to the individual levels. Each change opens up new opportunities to shape innovation and benefit women. The partici-patory nature of market chains unfolds spaces for women to reveal leadership abilities. Gender relations and innovation have shifted in their own areas of interest or spheres. However, other gender issues are still embedded in peasant farming systems and the na-tive market chain. Results allow the researcher to recommend further policy analysis. The full range of women’s and men’s activities, resources, and benefits has to be reflected in the assessment of the innovation system and continuing activities. Gendered socio-economic factors affecting the adoption of proposed technological or institutional innova-tions need to be considered. Structural obstacles have to be addressed by implementing policies that facilitate peasant women’s advancement. The design and implementation of policy and legislation have to acknowledge that communities are not homogeneous and mechanisms have to be context-specific to achieve equitable representation of women and men. / Government of Ontario, IDRC/AUCC - LACREG, University of Guelph

Une préoccupation essentielle traverse cette thèse: l'indifférence systémique de la Loi internationale sur la propriété intellectuelle a l'égard des savoirs traditionnels autochtones. De manière générale, un écart semble d'ailleurs croissant entre l'importance des accords internationaux sur les questions d'intérêt commercial et ceux de nature sociale. Les savoirs traditionnels autochtones sur les plantes médicinales sont particulièrement désavantagés dans ce système dichotomique puisqu'ils sont non seulement à l'origine d'énormes profits commerciaux mais se trouvent aussi au cœur de multiples croyances propres à ces sociétés. L'Accord sur les aspects des droits de propriété intellectuelle qui touchent au commerce (ADPIC) de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) a cristallisé le souci de la législation internationale à l'égard d'une protection efficace des intérêts commerciaux. Deux années auparavant, la Convention sur la diversité biologique (CDB) était signée, traduisant une préoccupation à l'égard du développement durable, et elle devenait le premier accord international à tenir compte des savoirs traditionnels autochtones. On considère souvent que ces deux accords permettent l'équilibre du développement commercial et durable, requis par l'économie internationale. Après plus ample examen, on a plutôt l'impression que l'idée d'une CDB défendant, avec succès et efficacité, la nécessité du développement durable et des savoirs traditionnels autochtones contre les pressions opposées de l'ADPIC et de l'OMC est, au mieux, simpliste. La thèse explore également la fonction de la Loi sur les brevets dans la création d’industries, notamment pharmaceutique, et la manière dont ces industries influencent la législation nationale et en particulier internationale. De même, elle traite du rôle que jouent les brevets dans l'affaiblissement et la dépossession des peuples autochtones dotés de savoirs traditionnels sur les plantes médicinales, conduisant à une situation ou ces savoirs sont marginalisés ainsi que leurs détenteurs. La thèse aborde les failles institutionnelles du système juridique international qui permet une telle situation et indique l'urgente nécessité d'examiner attentivement les inégalités économiques et sociales au Nord comme au Sud, et non seulement entre eux. Finalement, la thèse suggère que la législation internationale gagnerait à s'inspirer des diverses traditions juridiques présentes à travers le monde et, dans ce cas particulier, peut être les détenteurs des connaissances traditionnelles concernant les plantes médicinales seront mieux servi par le droit des obligations. / The underlying theme of this thesis is the systemic indifference that exists within international intellectual property law towards Indigenous traditional knowledge. In general, there appears to be a widening gap between the importance international law accords to matters of commercial interest and those of a social nature. Indigenous traditional knowledge of medicinal plants is especially disadvantaged in this dichotomous system since it is not only representative of enormous commercial profits but it is also the core of many Indigenous belief and social systems. The crystallization of international law's preoccupation with the effective protection of commercial interests came in the form of the Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement incorporated into the World Trade Organization (WTO). Two years previously, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) was signed, reflecting international law's perceived dedication to sustainable development and became the first international treaty to address Indigenous traditional knowledge. These two pieces of international law are often seen as balancing the commercial and sustainable development needs of the international economy. Upon further examination however, one is left the impression that the idea of the CBD effectively and successfully defending the needs of sustainable development and Indigenous traditional knowledge against pressure to the contrary from TRIPS and the WTO is simplistic at best. The thesis also explore the role patent law plays in the creation of modern industries, such as the pharmaceutical industry, and how these industries are able, through the power gained via patent law, to influence national and especially international legislation. Equally, it deals with the role patents play in disempowering peoples with Indigenous traditional knowledge of medicinal plants leading to a situation where such knowledge is marginalized along with its bearers. The thesis addresses the institutional shortcomings of the international legal system that allows such a situation to exist and suggests an urgent need to closely examine the social and economic inequalities within the North and South and not just between them. Finally the thesis suggests that international law needs to be guided by the many legal traditions available worldwide and in this particular case perhaps contract law is better suited to the needs of Indigenous traditional knowledge holders.

Devant le manque de ressources économiques et la pauvreté, les « OGM » apparaissent comme un outil visant à contribuer à la croissance économique et alimentaire, notamment dans les pays en voie de développement et sous-développés. Cependant, nous devons nous pencher sur un sujet tout aussi fondamental, à savoir la protection juridique, accordée par la législation tant nationale qu’internationale en lien avec les « connaissances traditionnelles » quand elles sont aux prises avec l’utilisation des OGM. Connaître cette interaction et évaluer ses effets sur la culture est un sujet d’une ampleur considérable à l’heure actuelle, principalement lorsque l’on considère les « savoirs locaux » comme des éléments fondamentaux pour la conservation de la « biodiversité » et le « développement durable ». / Given the lack of economic resources and poverty, « GMOs » would appear to be a useful tool contributing to economic growth and food production, particularly in developing and underdeveloped countries. However, there is an equally important corollary issue we must address, namely the legal protection afforded by legislation both nationally and internationally, to « traditional knowledge » when they are faced with the use of GMOs. Understanding this interaction and its impact on culture is a significant issue at present, especially when one considers the importance of «local knowledge » as an element for the preservation of « biodiversity » and « sustainable development ».

[Truncated abstract] This ethnoecological study examines land uses by modern Martu Aboriginal people on their country. They occupy very remote settlements—Parnngurr, Punmu and Kunawarritji—in the Great and Little Sandy Deserts. In 1990, their country included Crown Lands and Rudall River National Park. The study investigated the proposition that the knowledge and practices of Martu were of direct relevance to ecosystem processes and national park management. This research commenced in the wider Australian research context of the late 1980s – early 90s when prevailing questions were about the role of customary harvest within contemporary Aboriginal society (Altman 1987; Devitt 1988) and the sustainability of species-specific harvests by Australian indigenous people (Bomford & Caughley 1996). Separately, there was a national line of enquiry into Aboriginal roles in natural resource and protected area management (Williams & Hunn 1986; Birckhead et al. 1992). The field work underpinning this study was done in 1986–1988 and quantitative data collected in 1990 whilst the researcher lived on Martu settlements. Ethnographic information was gathered from informal discussions, semi-structured interviews and participant observation on trips undertaken by Martu. A variety of parameters was recorded for each trip in 1990. On trips accompanied by the researcher, details on the plant and animal species collected were quantified. Martu knowledge and observations of Martu behaviour are interpreted in terms of the variety of land uses conducted and transport strategies including vehicle use; the significance of different species collected; socio-economic features of bush food collection; spatio-temporal patterns of foraging; and, the 'management' of species and lands by Martu. The research found that in 1990, hunting and gathering were major activities within the suite of land uses practiced by Martu. At least 40% of trips from the settlements were principally to hunt. More than 43 animal species and 37 plant food species were reported to be collected during the study; additionally, species were gathered for firewood, medicines and timber artefacts. Customary harvesting persisted because of the need for sustenance, particularly when there were low store supplies, as well as other reasons. The weight of bush meats hunted at least equalled and, occasionally, was three times greater than the weights of store meats available to Parnngurr residents. ... Paradoxically, hunting was a subject of significant difference despite it being the principal activity driving Martu expertise and practice. There is potential for comanagement in the National Park but it remains contingent on many factors between both Martu and DEC as well as external to them. The dissertation suggests practical strategies to enhance co-management.

Les savoirs traditionnels médicinaux c’est-à-dire l’aspect de la médecine traditionnelle portant sur des connaissances relatives au médicament traditionnel à base de plantes, qui part de la collecte des végétaux jusqu’au produit final, constituent un élément important dans la réalisation de la couverture des besoins de santé publique. En Afrique, les savoirs traditionnels médicinaux contribuent selon l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) à hauteur de 80% des besoins de santé des populations. Les savoirs traditionnels médicinaux représentent une source d’informations notamment dans la perspective d’une éradication des maladies endémiques du continent africain. L’OMS, et l’Union africaine (UA) voient dans les savoirs traditionnels médicinaux une piste de recherche en vue du développement de nouveaux médicaments à des prix abordables. Leur importance est aussi constatée au niveau de l’industrie du médicament où ils représentent 30% de la recherche dans l’industrie pharmaceutique et l’essentiel des informations dans le secteur des phytomédicaments. Cette appétence pour les savoirs traditionnels médicinaux ainsi que la médiatisation des actes de biopiraterie, ont contribué à renforcer leur valeur (sur les plans scientifique, économique, social et politique) et à justifier la nécessité de les protéger. Cependant, contrairement à la tendance actuelle des pays africains, l’Organisation africaine de la propriété intellectuelle (OAPI), à travers son Accord de Bangui révisé, ne dispose pas de mécanismes de propriété intellectuelle permettant une protection satisfaisante des droits des détenteurs de savoirs traditionnels médicinaux (tradipraticiens, familles, communautés autochtones et locales). Face à ce qui s’apparente à un vide juridique, il convient de s’interroger sur le régime juridique à mettre en place. Autrement dit, quel système sui generis de protection des savoirs traditionnels médicinaux faut-il envisager pour les pays membres de l’OAPI? C’est à cette interrogation que la présente étude se propose d’apporter des éléments de réponses. L’objectif visé sera de démontrer, dans le cadre d’une démarche prospective prenant appui notamment sur les droits de l’homme, le droit international de la propriété intellectuelle, le droit civil, le droit de la biodiversité, et les lois nationales, en particulier, celles de la République du Congo (Brazzaville), qu’il est possible d’établir au sein de l’OAPI un régime juridique cohérent et adapté à même de répondre aux besoins et attentes des différents acteurs intervenant dans l’exploitation de ces créations intellectuelles. / Traditional medical knowledge, which is the aspect of traditional medicine relating to the knowledge of plant-based therapy and which goes from collecting plants to issuing a finished product, is a key component for providing health care coverage for all. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), traditional medical knowledge contributes about 80% of primary health care in Africa. Traditional medical knowledge is perceived as a valuable source of information useful to eradicate African endemic diseases. The WHO and the African Union (AU) consider that traditional medical knowledge is a serious way for researchers to develop new and affordable drugs. Traditional medicinal knowledge is also important for the drug industry where it represents 30% of the researches made in the pharmaceutical sector and constitutes the main source of information in the herbal medicine sector. The drug industry’s increasing interest for traditional medical and the huge media coverage for biopiracy cases strengthened the (scientific, economic, social and politic) value of traditional medicinal knowledge and contribute to justify their protection. However contrary to the current trend in many African countries, it appears that the African Intellectual Property Organization (OAPI) and the Bangui Agreement, does not provide any suitable legal protective mechanism for the intellectual property rights of the holders of traditional medical knowledge (traditional healers, families, indigenous and local communities).In view of the limits and weaknesses of the intellectual property mechanisms to provide an effective protection to traditional medicinal knowledge’s holders, it is quite legitimate to question the legal mechanism or system to implement. In other words, what type of sui generis protection OAPI members can enact to protect traditional medicinal knowledge? This is the question that the present study intends to answer. The aim is to demonstrate from a prospective approach with regards to human rights, international intellectual property law, civil law, biodiversity law, and national laws, in particular the ones of the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville), that it is possible to build a coherent and adapted legal regime.

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nÃo hà / Eu e os tremembÃs. De encontros e reencontros nasce o desejo de pesquisa, feita em parceria como a danÃa do torÃm. Nesse movimento, busco compreender os modos de aprender-ensinar dos troncos velhos tremembÃs de Almofala - CE com relaÃÃo aos saberes da tradiÃÃo, que âbrotamâ da terra, do cÃu, dos rios e do mar, e que se materializam nos seus ditos e feitos. Quantos encantamentos e ensinamentos nos trazem os troncos velhos: a palavra, o silÃncio, o gesto, o conselho, âo carÃoâ, tudo à transmissÃo. E as Escolas IndÃgenas TremembÃs (EITâs), o que estÃo a fazer para preservar e dar continuidade a esses saberes? Para me ajudar nessa danÃa, convido para a roda de torÃm pensa-danÃadores, com a qual dialogo, compondo, assim, o cÃrculo teÃrico. SÃo eles: Freire (1983,2001); Figueiredo (2007,2015); BrandÃo (1993,2020); Oliveira Jr (1988); Larrosa (2015); Benjamim (1994); Bosi (1994); Quijano (2005) e Walsh (2008), dentre outros. Juntos fazemos um âtorÃm dialÃgicoâ para tratarmos de saber de experiÃncia, dialogicidade e (des)colonialidade. âOs troncos velhosâ marcam os passos da danÃa e nos contam vÃrias histÃrias. Depois, eu as reconto, ou seja, empresto a minha escrita para mostrar os modos de aprender-ensinar que acontecem a partir da convivÃncia familiar e comunitÃria, por intermÃdio da providÃncia divina e das experiÃncias com os elementos da natureza. / Eu e os tremembÃs. De encontros e reencontros nasce o desejo de pesquisa, feita em parceria como a danÃa do torÃm. Nesse movimento, busco compreender os modos de aprender-ensinar dos troncos velhos tremembÃs de Almofala - CE com relaÃÃo aos saberes da tradiÃÃo, que âbrotamâ da terra, do cÃu, dos rios e do mar, e que se materializam nos seus ditos e feitos. Quantos encantamentos e ensinamentos nos trazem os troncos velhos: a palavra, o silÃncio, o gesto, o conselho, âo carÃoâ, tudo à transmissÃo. E as Escolas IndÃgenas TremembÃs (EITâs), o que estÃo a fazer para preservar e dar continuidade a esses saberes? Para me ajudar nessa danÃa, convido para a roda de torÃm pensa-danÃadores, com a qual dialogo, compondo, assim, o cÃrculo teÃrico. SÃo eles: Freire (1983,2001); Figueiredo (2007,2015); BrandÃo (1993,2020); Oliveira Jr (1988); Larrosa (2015); Benjamim (1994); Bosi (1994); Quijano (2005) e Walsh (2008), dentre outros. Juntos fazemos um âtorÃm dialÃgicoâ para tratarmos de saber de experiÃncia, dialogicidade e (des)colonialidade. âOs troncos velhosâ marcam os passos da danÃa e nos contam vÃrias histÃrias. Depois, eu as reconto, ou seja, empresto a minha escrita para mostrar os modos de aprender-ensinar que acontecem a partir da convivÃncia familiar e comunitÃria, por intermÃdio da providÃncia divina e das experiÃncias com os elementos da natureza. / I and the tremembÃs. From encounters and re-encounters the desire to research is born, a research done in partnership, like the torÃm dance. In this movement, I search to understand the ways of learning-teaching of the old trunks from Almofala â CE in relation to the knowledge of the tradition that âsproutâ from the land, from the sky, from the rivers and from the sea, and that materializes in their sayings and deeds. So many enchantments and teachings the old trunks bring us: the speech, the silence, the gesture, the advice, the âlong faceâ, everything is transmission. What about the TremembÃs Indigenous Schools (Escolas IndÃgenas TremembÃs â EITâs), what are they doing to preserve and give continuinity to this knowledge? To help me in this dance, I invite to the torÃm circle the thinking-dancers, with wich I dialogue, thereby composing the theoretical circle. They are: Freire (1983,2001); Figueiredo (2007,2015); BrandÃo (1993,2020); Oliveira Jr (1988); Larrosa (2015); Benjamim (1994); Bosi (1994); Quijano (2005) e Walsh (2008), among others. Together we make a âdialogical torÃmâ in order to know about experience, dialogicity and (dis)coloniality. âThe old trunksâ set the tone of the dance and tell us many stories. Later on, I re-tell them, that is, I lend my writing to show the ways of learning-teaching that stem from family and community conviviality, from divine providence intervention and from the experiences with the elements of nature. / I and the tremembÃs. From encounters and re-encounters the desire to research is born, a research done in partnership, like the torÃm dance. In this movement, I search to understand the ways of learning-teaching of the old trunks from Almofala â CE in relation to the knowledge of the tradition that âsproutâ from the land, from the sky, from the rivers and from the sea, and that materializes in their sayings and deeds. So many enchantments and teachings the old trunks bring us: the speech, the silence, the gesture, the advice, the âlong faceâ, everything is transmission. What about the TremembÃs Indigenous Schools (Escolas IndÃgenas TremembÃs â EITâs), what are they doing to preserve and give continuinity to this knowledge? To help me in this dance, I invite to the torÃm circle the thinking-dancers, with wich I dialogue, thereby composing the theoretical circle. They are: Freire (1983,2001); Figueiredo (2007,2015); BrandÃo (1993,2020); Oliveira Jr (1988); Larrosa (2015); Benjamim (1994); Bosi (1994); Quijano (2005) e Walsh (2008), among others. Together we make a âdialogical torÃmâ in order to know about experience, dialogicity and (dis)coloniality. âThe old trunksâ set the tone of the dance and tell us many stories. Later on, I re-tell them, that is, I lend my writing to show the ways of learning-teaching that stem from family and community conviviality, from divine providence intervention and from the experiences with the elements of nature.