Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:17:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Heloisa Prates Pereira.pdf: 507268 bytes, checksum: ba6d59adbef59fe99cfcf5898a889719 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-06 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research deals with the transformation of the relationship between individuals and space in cyberculture, emphasizing a regional cultural movement: the gaucho traditionalism. It inquires how come the tradition can remain strong in this new historical context and which changes in the internal dynamics of this movement let it actualize itself. As we can not think about the culture unlinked to the interaction with the media, the study of traditionalism in cyberspace tried to understand the relevance of the tradition appeal and its role as an opposition to the idea that regional tends to be overcame by media cultural patterns. The research also watched the online performance of the movement, aimed at strengthening cultural identities. Therefore, identity and space had to be thought not in a pure form, but as hybridization between local and global -, which justifies the category of glocal then used. Based on the concept of querência term which marks the connection of gaucho culture and territory -, we ve developed a reflection on the cultural disterritorialization. The power of traditional speech and the building of identities, such as the resizing of both in post-modernity, were inspired by contemporary authors such as Pierre Bourdieu and Manuel Castells. Also, the study dispended attention to Zigmunt Bauman, Eugênio Trivinho and Nilda Jacks, among other theorics who dedicates thoughts to communication, the post-modern social and cyberculture. The corpus of research was composed by websites and virtual communities of relationships linked to gaucho culture. The methodology combined, in addition to literature review and analysis of these online universes, interviews with traditionalist gauchos, most of them active in cyberspace. Reached conclusions permit to classify the gaucho traditionalism as a social movement, representative of the current concerns of its members, and as a glocalized cultural manifestation, in which global and local are experienced simultaneously by technologic-mediatic interaction (verified by the mode of action of the movement or by the mediated way to experience the world in which their members fit) / A pesquisa trata das transformações da relação do indivíduo com o espaço na cibercultura, com foco em um movimento cultural regional: o tradicionalismo gaúcho. Questiona-se como a tradição pode permanecer forte nesse novo contexto histórico e quais transformações na dinâmica interna desse movimento lhe possibilitam atualizar-se. Como não se pode pensar a cultura desvinculada da interação com os media, o estudo do tradicionalismo no ciberespaço buscou compreender a pertinência do apelo às tradições e o papel destas como contraponto à idéia de que o regional tende a ser sobrepujado por padrões culturais mediaticamente veiculados. A pesquisa ateve-se também à atuação online do movimento, destinada a fortalecer identidades culturais. Para isso, identidade e espaço tinham de ser pensados não de forma pura, mas como hibridação entre global e global , o que justifica a categoria do glocal, então utilizado. Com base na noção de querência marco da ligação da cultura gaúcha com o território , desenvolveu-se uma reflexão sobre a desterritorialização cultural. O poder do discurso tradicionalista e a formação de identidades, bem como o redimensionamento de ambos na pós-modernidade foram inspirados em autores contemporâneos, como Pierre Bourdieu e Manuel Castells. Igualmente, o estudo buscou fundamentos em Zigmunt Bauman, Eugênio Trivinho e Nilda Jacks, entre outros teóricos da comunicação, do social pós-moderno e da cibercultura. O corpus da pesquisa foi composto por sites e comunidades virtuais de relacionamento ligados à cultura gaúcha. A metodologia conjugou, além da revisão bibliográfica e da análise desses universos online, entrevistas com tradicionalistas gaúchos, a maioria atuante no ciberespaço. As conclusões alcançadas permitem classificar o tradicionalismo gaúcho como movimento social representativo dos anseios atuais de seus integrantes e também como manifestação cultural glocalizada, na qual global e local são vividos simultaneamente, via interação tecnológico-mediática, seja pelo modo de atuação do movimento, seja pela forma mediatizada de experimentar o mundo em que estão inseridos os membros desse movimento

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the ideological development of the former communist parties and the contemporary left-wing socialist parties of the Nordic countries. It is aimed at the two decades that have passed since the collaps of the Berlin wall and the parties at hand are; the Norwegian Sosialistisk Venstre, the Danish Socialistisk Folkeparti, the Swedish Vänsterpartiet and the Finnish Vasemmistoliitto. Since the 1960´s these parties have undergone major ideological changes with reference to a widening of their political agenda to an inclusion of democratic ideals as well as the new ideologies of feminism and ecologism. Thus reforming them into modern left-wing socialist parties at different times. The main hypothesis is formulated from the idea that there must be a connection between the startingpoint of reformation and the degree of modernism/traditionalism they show today. Furthermore, the study intends to determine how much they have changed and if there are any common features in the development. The method used consists of a quantitative approach with a minor qualitative streak and the material includes the four parties principalprograms from 1990 until today. In the quantative part I chose to count an amount of value-related words with connection to the four categories of socialism, feminism, ecologism and the democratic ideal. With the ideological refinement of Ball and Dagger as a frame of reference i chose a big amount of words, in which case the qualitative approach constituted as a failsafe in order to determine every words accuracy. The research shows that my original hypothesis is only partly correct. The degree of modernization seems to be depending on whereas the party was founded before or after the collapse of the Berlin wall. The fact that the three Scandinavian parties all show a positive modernization in comparison to their Finnish counterpart supports that. The study also reveals that the Finnish party, without consideration of modernism/traditionalism, changes the most during the period and the Danish party changes the least. The main feature of the Scandinavian parties is the decline of socialistic ideas in comparison to their Finnish equivalent.

A presente pesquisa visa a construir uma biografia histórico-intelectual do folclorista, militante tradicionalista e escritor sul-rio-grandense Luiz Carlos Barbosa Lessa (1929-2002). O objetivo do trabalho é analisar sua trajetória intelectual e sua obra para acessar o processo de construção/atualização das representações sociais sobre a figura do gaúcho pampiano e a elaboração de projetos coletivos de identidade regional e de “invenção de tradições” nela baseados, desenvolvidos, principalmente, na segunda metade do século XX. Apresento, primeiramente, algumas considerações sobre o “tripé” teórico que baliza a análise: o conceito de representação, segundo as considerações de Pierre Bourdieu e Roger Chartier, fundamenta a forma de ler a construção social da realidade; a noção de tradição, a partir da avaliação da proposta de Eric Hobsbawm, ilumina o papel dos símbolos e dos ritos neste processo; o termo projeto, seguindo a formulação de Gilberto Velho, liga vida e obra, trajetória e teoria, política e identidade. As conclusões mostram que as respostas de Barbosa Lessa, nos anos 1950, para as críticas da geração “realista” de escritores regionalistas à literatura romântica precedente conciliam ambas as posições no desenho do novo “gaúcho a cavalo”, possibilitando, de um lado, o “resgate” do mito como base para a reivindicação do amparo social governamental ao campesino rio-grandense e, de outro, o apelo ao “popular” como foco da ritualização efetivada nos palcos dos Centros de Tradições Gaúchas (CTGs). Em sua intervenção no debate identitário local, Barbosa Lessa incorpora outros sujeitos em sua narrativa sobre a formação social do Rio Grande do Sul e dá voz àqueles grupos calados ou marginalizados, como o negro, a mulher (inventada como “prenda”, na ética e na estética tradicionalista), o índio e o imigrante. Se o gaúcho pampiano continua sendo o centro de suas atenções, ele acaba costurado e reconfigurado por elementos culturais de origem social e mesmo étnica diversa. Nos final dos anos 1970, inicia-se uma tensão, nas diretrizes da Secretaria de Cultura, Desporto e Turismo do Estado (SCDT), sob direção de nosso personagem, e, a seguir, em seus escritos, entre essa perspectiva agregadora, de inspiração folclorista, e outra tradicional e “lusitanista”, de inspiração historiográfica. Sua resolução, em favor do primeiro pólo, só se dá com a intervenção de Lessa nos debates internos do tradicionalismo e na defesa do gauchismo em geral das críticas acadêmicas, nos anos 1980. Busco, nesse sentido, atentar para as especificidades do discurso memorialista, que possibilitaram enunciações carregadas de afetividade na conciliação de tradicionalistas com os dissidentes nativistas e na contenda com os intelectuais universitários. Assim, de um Rio Grande luso e brasileiro "agauchado" pelo meio, chegamos, em seu projeto, a outro Rio Grande plenamente "gaúcho" porque cindido pela diversidade e pela mudança. / This work aims to construct an intellectual biography of the folclorist, tradicionalist movement‟s activist and writer Luiz Carlos Barbosa Lessa (1929-2002). It is our objective to analyze his trajectory and his written production to access the process of construction of the social representations about the brazilian gaucho and the collective projects of regional identity and “invention of traditions” in Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil) during the second half of the twentieth century. First of all, I introduce some theoretical considerations about: a) the social construction of reality through the concept of “representation”, according to Pierre Bourdieu and Roger Chartier; b) the role of symbols and rituals in this process through Eric Hobsbawm‟s notion of “invention of tradition”; c) the connection between life and literature, trajectory and theory, politics and identity provide by Gilberto Velho‟s concept of “project”. The findings show Barbosa Lessa‟s answers to the contests in regionalist literature during the 1940‟s harmonize romantic and realistic positions to fabricate a new pattern of “gaucho on horseback”. His perspective enables the use of this myth to reclaim State social support to the “rio-grandense” peasant. To the other side, it allows the popular appeal in the construction of symbols and rituals for the gaucho traditionalist movement. In his intervention in the regional identity debate, Barbosa Lessa adds, in his narrative about the social formation of Rio Grande do Sul, another subjects and groups symbolically marginalized, like African element, women (invented as “prenda”) and immigrants. Whether the gaucho continues in the center of attention of Lessa, his new model is set of cultural elements with diverse social, and including ethnic, origin. In the late 1970‟s, a tension starts, in the guidelines of the Rio Grande do Sul‟s State Secretary of Culture, under his direction, and, later, in his writings, between this open perspective, inspired in folklore, and another more traditional, inspired in historiography. The resolution in favor of the first pole of the tension just happens when Barbosa Lessa intermediates the internal dispute in traditionalist movement and defends the “gauchismo”, in general, criticized by a new generation of university intellectuals, in the 1980‟s. So, I intend to show the specificities of the memorials‟ discourse that enable emotional enunciations in the reconcilement of traditionalist activists and the dissidence “nativista” and, either, in his controversy with academic professors. Thus, the image of “Rio Grande do Sul” changes from a Portuguese and Brazilian State turned gaucho by the characteristics of the environment to another absolutely gaucho because of his cultural variety and transformation condition.

L’examen des conceptions exposées par certains représentants politiques et institutionnels conservateurs influents dans le Colorado suite aux élections de mi-mandat en 2006 révèle l’existence d’une rhétorique fondée sur la juxtaposition de deux thèmes fondateurs : les vertus de l’économie de marché et les enseignements de la tradition, auxquels s’ajoute l’adhésion à une politique de défense vigoureuse. En réalité, cette triple thématique constitue l’essence même du discours façonné par William F. Buckley Jr. et Frank S. Meyer dans le magazine National Review à partir de 1955. Buckley et Meyer procédèrent, en effet, au renouvellement de la philosophie conservatrice par la fusion du libéralisme classique et du traditionalisme tels que ces deux courants de pensée apparurent isolément aux Etats-Unis à la fin de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale en réaction au communisme et au New Deal.L’existence d’un discours fusionniste dans le Colorado soulève des interrogations sur la validité de deux théories connexes qui animent méthodologiquement l’interprétation de l’évolution du conservatisme américain. La première théorie voit dans le message conservateur fusionniste des incohérences philosophiques et programmatiques qui annoncent l’atomisation des composantes théoriques de ce message et, consécutivement, aussi bien la disparition du conservatisme sous sa forme actuelle que la recomposition, à terme, des appartenances partisanes aux Etats-Unis. La deuxième théorie soutient que ces incompatibilités et ces risques de fracture se manifestent géographiquement à travers une opposition politico-culturelle entre le conservatisme de l’Ouest non-côtier, auquel l’analyse prête des caractéristiques individualistes, et celui du Sud, décrit comme fidèle à des valeurs traditionnelles et religieuses perçues comme une entrave aux aspirations individualistes.L’objectif de cette étude est de vérifier l’hypothèse de cette dichotomie philosophique et régionale et porte sur l’Arizona et le Colorado, les deux Etats les plus représentatifs de l’Ouest non-côtier. / Comments made by some of Colorado’s most influential conservative leaders in the wake of the 2006 mid-term elections reveal the extent to which the type of conservatism that they advocate rests on three basic principles: free enterprise, tradition, and strong national defense. It turns out that this brand of conservatism coincides with the political philosophy which William F. Buckley Jr. and Frank S. Meyer sought to formulate in National Review starting in 1955 when the magazine was first published. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Buckley and Meyer actually set out to modernize intellectual conservatism by fusing together into a coherent doctrine the principles of classical liberalism and traditionalism that separately emerged in the United States at the end of World War Two in reaction to international communism and the New Deal. The manifestation of “fusionist” conservatism in Colorado in 2006 raises serious questions about the validity of two interrelated theories which methodologically steer studies of modern conservatism in the United States. The first theory holds that American conservatism in its current expression is philosophically incoherent and will ultimately disintegrate paving the way for a major partisan realignment. The second theory contends that such internal tensions are reflected in sectional cultural and political discrepancies between the Interior West, typically described as libertarian, and the South, generally seen as solidly clinging to traditional and religious values which are purportedly at odds with more individualistic aspirations. The purpose of this study is to test the hypothesis of philosophical and sectional strains within American conservatism and focuses on Arizona and Colorado, two of the fastest-growing states in the Interior West since the end of World War Two.

A presente pesquisa visa a construir uma biografia histórico-intelectual do folclorista, militante tradicionalista e escritor sul-rio-grandense Luiz Carlos Barbosa Lessa (1929-2002). O objetivo do trabalho é analisar sua trajetória intelectual e sua obra para acessar o processo de construção/atualização das representações sociais sobre a figura do gaúcho pampiano e a elaboração de projetos coletivos de identidade regional e de “invenção de tradições” nela baseados, desenvolvidos, principalmente, na segunda metade do século XX. Apresento, primeiramente, algumas considerações sobre o “tripé” teórico que baliza a análise: o conceito de representação, segundo as considerações de Pierre Bourdieu e Roger Chartier, fundamenta a forma de ler a construção social da realidade; a noção de tradição, a partir da avaliação da proposta de Eric Hobsbawm, ilumina o papel dos símbolos e dos ritos neste processo; o termo projeto, seguindo a formulação de Gilberto Velho, liga vida e obra, trajetória e teoria, política e identidade. As conclusões mostram que as respostas de Barbosa Lessa, nos anos 1950, para as críticas da geração “realista” de escritores regionalistas à literatura romântica precedente conciliam ambas as posições no desenho do novo “gaúcho a cavalo”, possibilitando, de um lado, o “resgate” do mito como base para a reivindicação do amparo social governamental ao campesino rio-grandense e, de outro, o apelo ao “popular” como foco da ritualização efetivada nos palcos dos Centros de Tradições Gaúchas (CTGs). Em sua intervenção no debate identitário local, Barbosa Lessa incorpora outros sujeitos em sua narrativa sobre a formação social do Rio Grande do Sul e dá voz àqueles grupos calados ou marginalizados, como o negro, a mulher (inventada como “prenda”, na ética e na estética tradicionalista), o índio e o imigrante. Se o gaúcho pampiano continua sendo o centro de suas atenções, ele acaba costurado e reconfigurado por elementos culturais de origem social e mesmo étnica diversa. Nos final dos anos 1970, inicia-se uma tensão, nas diretrizes da Secretaria de Cultura, Desporto e Turismo do Estado (SCDT), sob direção de nosso personagem, e, a seguir, em seus escritos, entre essa perspectiva agregadora, de inspiração folclorista, e outra tradicional e “lusitanista”, de inspiração historiográfica. Sua resolução, em favor do primeiro pólo, só se dá com a intervenção de Lessa nos debates internos do tradicionalismo e na defesa do gauchismo em geral das críticas acadêmicas, nos anos 1980. Busco, nesse sentido, atentar para as especificidades do discurso memorialista, que possibilitaram enunciações carregadas de afetividade na conciliação de tradicionalistas com os dissidentes nativistas e na contenda com os intelectuais universitários. Assim, de um Rio Grande luso e brasileiro "agauchado" pelo meio, chegamos, em seu projeto, a outro Rio Grande plenamente "gaúcho" porque cindido pela diversidade e pela mudança. / This work aims to construct an intellectual biography of the folclorist, tradicionalist movement‟s activist and writer Luiz Carlos Barbosa Lessa (1929-2002). It is our objective to analyze his trajectory and his written production to access the process of construction of the social representations about the brazilian gaucho and the collective projects of regional identity and “invention of traditions” in Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil) during the second half of the twentieth century. First of all, I introduce some theoretical considerations about: a) the social construction of reality through the concept of “representation”, according to Pierre Bourdieu and Roger Chartier; b) the role of symbols and rituals in this process through Eric Hobsbawm‟s notion of “invention of tradition”; c) the connection between life and literature, trajectory and theory, politics and identity provide by Gilberto Velho‟s concept of “project”. The findings show Barbosa Lessa‟s answers to the contests in regionalist literature during the 1940‟s harmonize romantic and realistic positions to fabricate a new pattern of “gaucho on horseback”. His perspective enables the use of this myth to reclaim State social support to the “rio-grandense” peasant. To the other side, it allows the popular appeal in the construction of symbols and rituals for the gaucho traditionalist movement. In his intervention in the regional identity debate, Barbosa Lessa adds, in his narrative about the social formation of Rio Grande do Sul, another subjects and groups symbolically marginalized, like African element, women (invented as “prenda”) and immigrants. Whether the gaucho continues in the center of attention of Lessa, his new model is set of cultural elements with diverse social, and including ethnic, origin. In the late 1970‟s, a tension starts, in the guidelines of the Rio Grande do Sul‟s State Secretary of Culture, under his direction, and, later, in his writings, between this open perspective, inspired in folklore, and another more traditional, inspired in historiography. The resolution in favor of the first pole of the tension just happens when Barbosa Lessa intermediates the internal dispute in traditionalist movement and defends the “gauchismo”, in general, criticized by a new generation of university intellectuals, in the 1980‟s. So, I intend to show the specificities of the memorials‟ discourse that enable emotional enunciations in the reconcilement of traditionalist activists and the dissidence “nativista” and, either, in his controversy with academic professors. Thus, the image of “Rio Grande do Sul” changes from a Portuguese and Brazilian State turned gaucho by the characteristics of the environment to another absolutely gaucho because of his cultural variety and transformation condition.

9 Summary The SSPX is a society of Roman Catholic priests, who aren't organized in any religious order, however, it's organization is similar to many religious orders. As its mission the SSPX consider the defense of a catholic priesthood, the Tridentine Mass and the true doctrine of the Church against danger, which supposedly affected the Church after the Second Vatican Council. The SSPX was established in 1970 and its center became Ecône Seminary in Switzerland. Hereafter, a wider informal group of Catholics, who were unsatisfied with an evolution of the Church, formed around the Society. The members of this group attended masses, celebrated by SSPX priests. This group had united more after a breakup between the SSPX and superiors of the Catholic church, which was caused by an illicit ordinations of a priests and following excommunication of a founder, archbishop Marcel Lefebvre, and his nearest fellows in 1988. From that point, these believers are forming to some kind of congregations similar to parishes, but which are unofficial and improvised. These activities, as well as a sacraments celebrated by SSPX priests, are unacceptable in a catholic canon law system (however, these sacraments are valid, if they were already celebrated!). The ethos of this society is conservative - both in a relation to...

The SSPX is a community of non-monastic priests with a structure similar to that of many religious orders. It was founded in 1970 by Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre. Its pro- gram is to defend traditional Catholic values against the danger supposedly represented by the reforms initiated by the Second Vatican Council. A wider community of Catholics disagreeing with developments in the Church was formed around the SSPX. Following the breakup of the SSPX with the leadership of the Church in 1988, this community gained strength and a character of a certain denomination. The Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) carried out a lot of changes, many of which have not yet been fully implemented. They concern the liturgy, pastoral care, interpretation of Scripture, and theology studies, among other issues. The common denominator of the con- ciliar reforms was to make the proclamation of Christ more comprehensible to modern man and make many things in the church consistent with the spirit of the Gospel and early Chris- tian tradition. The most significant shifts, initiated by the council, were the new approaches to ecumenism, to principle of religious freedom and to interfaith dialogue. Many circles in the Church, however, considered these changes as grinding the truths of faith; these Cath- olics began to be...

This diploma thesis focuses on the analysis of Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) towards the sub- regions of Central Eurasia (the Middle East and Central Asia) in the period between 1991 and 2010. Theoretically, this thesis combines a modified version of social constructivism with the assumptions of critical geopolitics. Interconnecting social constructivism with the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), this thesis targets the domestic level of analysis. Therefore, the ideational background of the decision-makers is examined. Although, the potential impact of the identity variable on the TFP articulation is investigated after 1991 only, the genesis of the long-term identity conflict within the Turkish (Ottoman) society is also included in the analyses. Given the geopolitical part, this thesis draws upon the basic critical insight that the geopolitical argumentation is based on discursive rather than material factors. The aim is to identify the geopolitical metaphors which had been, in the examined period, applied while dealing with the above mentioned sub-regions. At this stage, the theoretical approaches are logically synthetized and the genesis and usage of the geopolitical metaphors is examined in relation to the identity of those who formulated them. This diploma thesis proves that the identity conflict...

Women's rights and their position became part of political and specialized discussions already at the end of Ottoman empire and remain such during establishing new Turkish republic as well during accession dialogue of Turkey to the European Union or joining the global women's human rights regime. However, I will argue, that this legislative changes are not sufficient for improvement of women's position within society, which is so trongly influenced by Islamic traditional culture. Therefore, in this work I will try to search for the roots of this conflict between Islamic traditional and modern society and their impact on women's position in Turkey. To do so, I will use qualitative content analysis of feminist and postcolonialist texts and also will focus on historic context. At the same time I will examine how contemporary Turkish society, which is in the first place focused on collective identity, deal with individual identity, that is necessary for promoting and claiming human rights for each person as individual.

[pt] A presente tese procura compreender como Gilberto Freyre se comportou enquanto intelectual durante a conturbada década de 1920. A partir dos textos que Freyre escreveu para o jornal Diário de Pernambuco e da correspondência trocada com Oliveira Lima e José Lins do Rego, pergunta-se como Freyre reagiu diante da crise que se gestava no Brasil durante a década de 1920. Parte-se da hipótese de que Freyre foi profundamente afetado pelo contexto de crise em que estava inserido nos EUA e na Europa do pós-guerra, assim como na crise da Primeira República que encontra ao retornar para o Brasil em 1923. Se observou que nesses três contextos se encontrava movimentos culturais que questionavam a ideia geral de Progresso instada pelas ideologias de liberalismo e positivismo. A sua formação intelectual, junto do choque de encontrar sua cidade natal modificada pelo processo de modernização em curso, do qual já era crítico desde o EUA, confluem nos textos que escreveu para o mencionado jornal. Nesses textos, é possível observar o Freyre crítico social, acusando os males da modernização, do positivismo, do liberalismo, da democracia. A ideia de geração como recorte analítico se dá a partir da teoria de Mannheim, que relaciona as categorias de intelectual e de geração com momentos de transição social. Tal escolha foi estimulada pela percepção de que o próprio Freyre adotou uma narrativa geracional em seus textos da época. O que se pode perceber com essa pesquisa é que o jovem intelectual pernambucano, diante da crise que se observou no país, se posicionou como voz de uma grande geração – a geração da guerra. Papel que identifica também nos intelectuais do Rio e de São Paulo, consubstanciado em um dever de corrigir os excessos da geração de seus pais, isto é, a geração que fundou a República. A presente tese reafirma a partir da trajetória de Freyre o que outras pesquisas já haviam apontado: nesse período houve uma afluência de diversos grupos intelectuais e artísticos em torno da ideia de uma geração que possui a responsabilidade de constituir a identidade nacional. Para o jovem pernambucano, até aquele momento estava em voga a busca por um Progresso que era realizada a custo das tradições. Portanto, para a constituição dessa nacionalidade, Freyre sugere em seus textos a necessidade de retorno criativo à tradição dos avós, que teria sido negada pela geração de seus pais. Para ele a identidade nacional deveria ser compreendida a partir da comunhão entre as particularidades regionais – fundamento do Regionalismo. / [en] This thesis seeks to understand how Gilberto Freyre behaved as an intellectual during the troubled 1920s. Based on the texts Freyre wrote for the newspaper Diário de Pernambuco and the correspondence he exchanged with Oliveira Lima and José Lins do Rego, it asks how Freyre reacted to the crisis that was brewing in Brazil during the 1920s. It is based on the hypothesis that Freyre was profoundly affected by the context of crisis in which he found himself in the USA and post-war Europe, as well as by the crisis of the First Republic that he encountered on his return to Brazil in 1923. It was observed that in these three contexts there were cultural movements that questioned the general idea of Progress instilled by the ideologies of liberalism and positivism. His intellectual upbringing, together with the shock of finding his hometown changed by the modernization process underway, of which he had already been critical since the USA, converge in the texts he wrote for the newspaper. In these texts, it is possible to see Freyre as a social critic, accusing the evils of modernization, positivism, liberalism and democracy. The idea of generation as an analytical cut-off is based on Mannheim s theory, which relates the categories of intellectual and generation to moments of social transition; this choice was stimulated by the perception that Freyre himself adopted a generational narrative in his texts of the time. What can be seen from this research is that the young intellectual from Pernambuco, in the face of the crisis in the country, positioned himself as the voice of a great generation - the war generation. A role that he also identified in the intellectuals of Rio and São Paulo, embodied in a duty to correct the excesses of his parents generation, that is, the generation that founded the Republic. Based on Freyre s trajectory, this thesis reaffirms what other research has already pointed out: during this period there was an influx of various intellectual and artistic groups around the idea of a generation that had the responsibility of constituting the national identity. For the young man from Pernambuco, the blind search for Progress, which was achieved at the cost of traditions, had been in vogue until then. Therefore, for the constitution of this nationality, Freyre suggests in his texts the need for a creative return to the tradition of his grandparents, which had been denied by his parents generation. For him, national identity should be understood from the communion between regional particularities - the foundation of Regionalism.