De svenska städerna har genom tiderna planerats på olika sätt och olika visioner och mål har styrt städernas utformning. Under 1600-talet stod städernas handel i fokus och städerna planerades på ett schematiskt sätt med tullar i flera väderstreck. Städer som var viktiga för landets försvar utformades med befästningar i utkanterna. Under stormaktstiden anlade staten många nya städer, man anlade dem på strategiska lägen för försvar, styrning och administration. Under 1800-talet hade folk tröttnat på att de schematiska städerna brann ner och för att undvika det började man anlägga breda gator som skulle förhindra spridning över gata. Under 1800-talet började också järnvägar anläggas i många städer och stadsbefolkningen ökade. Fler offentliga byggnader byggdes i monumental stil och städerna gjordes representativa – järnvägen var stadens framsida och kvarteren runt järnvägen smyckades extra. Industrierna började på slutet av 1800-talet etablera sig i städerna och stadsbefolkningen ökade ytterligare – miljön blev väldigt dålig till följd. Förutom den dåliga miljön var trångboddhet och bostadsbrist ett stort problem. 1874 infördes en ny byggnadsstadga som kom att bli väldigt viktig. Under 1900-talet började staten ta större ansvar för det sociala och bostadspolitiken fick stort fokus. Staten ville lösa 1800-talets problem och genom en omfattande bostadspolitisk reform lyckades man med det. Lånesubventioner som satte krav på byggnadsutformningen, nya möjligheter att detaljreglera marken och en rationell stadsplanering gjorde att man 1970 hade byggt bort bostadsbristen, trångboddheten och höjt bostadsstandarden för hela den svenska befolkningen. Genom tiden har andra länder inspirerat och påverkat hur de politiska vindarna har blåst, hur stadsplanerarnas visioner har sett ut och hur regleringarna har utformats. Målet har alltid varit att skapa en god stad och lösa problemen som de tidigare idealen skapat. Krig, invandring, utvandring och ekonomiska kriser utom och inom Sverige har också skapat problem som behövt lösas genom politik, stadsplanering och regleringar. / The cities of Sweden have been planned differently during different times in history, following different methods, visions and goals for the cities. During the 17th century the main focus was on trading and therefore the cities were planned on the basis of that, resulting in a simple way with tolls around the city. Cities of great importance for the defence were equipped with fortification on the outskirts. Many cities were founded during this era, not spontaneously, but for defending and were therefore placed in strategic ways. The King had plans of expanding the kingdom and to be able to do so it would require cities for regulating and administrating purposes. During the 19th century people were tired of seeing the schematic cities burning down and to avoid that boulevards were laid to prevent fires from spreading. It was also during this period that railways were laid in many cities. More and more public buildings were built in a monumental style and the cities were made representative – railroads would serve as the front of the city and the neighbourhoods surrounding the railroad would be adorned with lavish designs. Furthermore, industries were established during this time consequently leading to a larger population and also a degraded environment.  During the 20th century the government started taking a larger responsibility for social and housing policies. The government wanted to solve the problems of the previous century and was able to do so after implementing extensive reforms. Subsidized loans implemented by the government putting constraints on building designs, new opportunities of detail control and a rational urban planning made it possible to eradicate most of the problems encountered during the 19th century by the mid-1900s and thereby raising the standard of housing. During the ages other countries have inspired and affected the political situation and also the visions of urban planners resulting in the way regulations have been designed. The goal has always been to create a good city. Wars, immigration, emigration and economic crises within and outside of Sweden have also been causes of issues that have been solved through politics, urban planning and regulations.

This study discusses how motion picture spectatorship practices in Brooklyn developed separately from that of any other urban center in the United States between 1893 and 1928. Often overshadowed by Manhattan's glamorous cultural districts, Brooklyn's cultural arbiters adopted the motion picture as a means of asserting a sense of independence from the other New York boroughs. This argument is reinforced by focusing on the motion picture's ascendancy as one of the first forms of mass entertainment to be disseminated throughout New York City in congruence with the Borough of Brooklyn's rapid urbanization. In many significant areas Brooklyn's relationship with the motion picture was largely unique from anywhere else in New York. These differences are best illuminated through several key examples ranging from the manner in which Brooklyn's political and religious authorities enforced film censorship to discussing how the motion picture was exhibited and the way theaters proliferated throughout the borough Lastly this work will address the ways in which members of the Brooklyn community influenced the production practices of the films made at several Brooklyn-based film studios. Ultimately this work sets out to explain how an independent community was able to determine its own form of cultural expression through its relationship with mass entertainment.

No description available.

Si l’impact des Montréalaises dans la sphère publique sur les plans social et politique est bien connu, leurs actions sur le plan urbain le sont moins. Au tournant du XXe siècle, ces femmes, travaillant au sein de la Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste (FNSJB) et du Montreal Local Council of Women (MLCW), usent de leur agentivité afin de justifier leurs interventions sur la matière urbaine. Suivant la théorie des sphères séparées, elles justifient leur place et leur utilité dans la sphère publique en s’appuyant sur leurs qualités maternelles « naturelles », en tant que gardiennes et ménagères du foyer. Les femmes de Montréal utilisent également les idéologies réformiste et nationaliste qu’elles jumèlent au maternalisme. C’est dans ce contexte qu’il se produit un glissement de la maison à la ville, où elles envisagent l’urbain, par sa matière, comme une maison pour les habitant.es de Montréal. Les projets qu’elles mettent en place ou auxquels elles participent en témoignent. Elles ouvrent des hôpitaux et des écoles et veillent à rendre disponible du logement pour la population vulnérable, à travers des foyers, des orphelinats et autres institutions. Elles veulent aussi rendre leur ville belle et propre, notamment en créant un réseau de parcs et de terrains de jeux, en gardant à l’œil les loisirs « immoraux » et en agissant sur la propreté et l’hygiène. Ces projets, qui sont autant de façons d’intervenir dans et sur l’urbain, témoignent de leurs préoccupations idéologiques, mais aussi du type de ville qu’elles veulent faire naître. Bien qu’inévitablement leur identité collective en tant que femmes blanches de l’élite les mène à poser un regard situé sur les autres Montréalaises et ainsi à mettre en place des projets qui peuvent nuire à ces dernières, la ville qu’elles envisagent est plus à l’écoute des besoins de la population. Elles parviennent ainsi à se doter d’un pouvoir sur la matière urbaine, pouvoir à la fois reconnu par la population qui bénéficie de leurs services, par les autres organisations réformistes et masculines, et même par les autorités municipales. En somme, leurs interventions sur la matière transforment non seulement le visage de la ville, mais aussi la manière dont la ville est pensée. / Although the role of Montreal women in enacting social and political change is well known, their impact on the urban landscape has not garnered enough attention. At the turn of the twentieth century, these women, working within the Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste (FNSJB) and the Montreal Local Council of Women (MLCW), used their agency to justify interventions in urban matters. Influenced by the separate spheres doctrine, they defend their place and usefulness in the public sphere through their “natural” maternal qualities, as guardians and housekeepers of the home. Montreal women combine this maternalism with reformism and nationalism. In this context, a slip from house to city takes place, where, through materiality, the urban becomes a home for the city’s inhabitants. The projects that they create or participate in demonstrate this. They open schools and hospitals and work to make decent lodgings accessible for the city’s population, through homes, orphanages, and other institutions. They also work to beautify, clean and make their city a better place to live in, most notably through the creation of a network of parks and playgrounds, the surveillance of “immoral” leisure establishments, and by promoting urban cleanliness and hygiene. These projects that impact the built environment not only underline their ideological inclinations, but also the type of city that they envision. Although their collective identity as elite white women influences their view of other Montreal women, leading them to pursue projects that can have negative effects on the latter, the city they envision is one that is more in tune to the needs of the population. They ultimately succeed in securing for themselves power over urban matter, power that is both recognized by the people who benefit from their projects, but also by men in reformist organizations, and even in municipal government. Thus, their interventions on urban matter not only transform the city, but also the way we think of the city.

The dissertation examines African American Freemasons throughout the South during the Jim Crow era. The secret nature of Prince Hall Affiliated Freemasonry (PHA) has hidden the contribution and activism of the organization and its members. I argue the organization is part of a web of networks that fought for civil and human rights for African Americans. Through PHA, members are cultivated into leaders, activists, businessmen; over the years, the members have created an initiatic identity that connected them to the African American community and humanity. The significance of my study is that I analyze PHA through a womanist lens and argue the organization has a diarchal gender relationship that allows women and men to take on leadership and activist roles that differed from the normative gender relationship of their time.

<p>This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (<i>Erbbaurecht</i>).</p><p>The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy.</p><p>When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities.</p><p>These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.</p>

Au début des années 1920, la ville de Montréal se retrouve dans une situation assez unique. À l’époque, les États-Unis et toutes les provinces canadiennes à l’exception du Québec ont adopté la prohibition de la vente d’alcool. Mais même au Québec, environ la moitié de la population de la province est alors touchée par des prohibitions locales (votées au niveau municipal), des prohibitions qui ont largement perduré tout au long de la période à l’étude. Durant cette ère de prohibition de l’alcool nord-américaine, Montréal est la plus grande ville, et une des seules sur le continent non régie par une loi sur la prohibition. C’est aussi celle qui dispose des lois les plus libérales envers l’alcool des deux côtés du 49ème parallèle grâce à la création de la Commission des Liqueurs de Québec (CLQ), le premier système de contrôle gouvernemental de l’alcool en Amérique du Nord. C’est dans ce contexte que Montréal devient une rare oasis dans un continent assoiffé et le plus grand cobaye du modèle de contrôle gouvernemental de l’alcool. Ce mémoire examine les impacts de cette conjoncture sur le développement de cette ville, de son industrie touristique, de sa vie nocturne et de sa réputation. En premier lieu, le mémoire présente une mise en contexte de la situation aux États-Unis, au Canada et au Québec afin de faire ressortir le caractère unique de Montréal pendant cette période. En deuxième lieu, l’essor du tourisme dit « de liqueur » et de la vie nocturne montréalaise, à la fois légale et illicite, est exploré. En dernier lieu, le mémoire met au jour l’impact que cette conjoncture a eu sur la construction de la réputation de la ville à travers l’examen des écrits des anti- et pro-prohibitionnistes qui ont chacun propagé des visions idéalisées et démonisées de cette ville « bien arrosée », ainsi que des documents associés à l’essor du tourisme, tels que les chansons, les guides touristiques et les récits de voyage, qui, pour leur part, ont présenté un image plus romancée de la métropole et associée à un refuge festif de la prohibition. Malgré leurs différences, ces trois visions de Montréal l’ont néanmoins associée à la liberté, que ce soit une liberté ordonnée, dangereuse ou bien émancipatrice. Ainsi, à partir de l’expérience de la prohibition et du tourisme de liqueur, Montréal devient connue comme une ville « ouverte », dans ses acceptions à la fois positives et négatives. / At the beginning of the 1920s, the city of Montreal found itself in a rather unique situation. At the time, the United States and every Canadian province with the exception of Quebec had adopted prohibition of alcohol. Yet even in Quebec, about half of the population of the province was under local prohibitions (voted at the municipal level) since the beginning of the 20th century, prohibitions which persisted for the most part throughout the period under study. During this era of prohibition of alcohol in North America, Montreal was the largest city, and one of the only on the continent, not under prohibition. It was also the city living under the most liberal alcohol laws on both sides of 49th parallel thanks to the creation of the Quebec Liquor Commission (QLC), the first system of government control of alcohol in North America. Thus, Montreal became a rare oasis in a continent left parched by prohibition and the largest guinea pig of the government control model. This thesis examines the impacts of this conjuncture on the development of the city, specifically of its tourism industry, its nightlife, and its reputation. The thesis begins with a contextualization of prohibition in the United States, in Canada and in Quebec in order to reveal the uniqueness of Montréal during this period. Next, the rapid expansion of « liquor tourism » as well as the city’s nightlife, both legal and illicit, are explored. Lastly, this thesis explores the impact that this conjuncture had on the construction of the city’s reputation throughout the writings of anti- and pro-prohibitionists, who propagated both idealised and demonised views of the city, as well as the documents associated with the tourism boom, such as songs, tourist guides and travel writing, which presented a more romanticized vision of the city as a festive refuge from prohibition. Despite their differences, these three visions all associated Montreal with liberty, whether it is one that is well managed by the government, dangerous and out of control, or emancipating. Thus, through the era of prohibition and the phenomenon of liquor tourism, Montreal came to be known as an “open” city, in both a positive and a negative sense.

Cette étude s’intéresse au village de squatters de Roc-d’Or, surnommé Putainville, qui apparaît en 1936 avant d’être détruit par le gouvernement provincial au milieu des années 1940. Notre but est de comprendre pourquoi cette agglomération, qui est érigée illégalement sur les terrains gouvernementaux et qui est réputée pour être un important foyer de déviance, est relativement tolérée pendant une décennie avant que les résidences soient détruites ou déménagées à Malartic. D’abord, nous expliquons pourquoi cette agglomération, sans reconnaissance légale et dans laquelle les résidents ne sont pas propriétaires des terrains sur lesquels leurs bâtiments sont érigés, apparaît en Abitibi-Témiscamingue au début des années 1930. Ensuite, nous nous intéressons à l’aspect physique et à la population de Roc-d’Or. Le taux de masculinité, la mobilité, la diversité d’emploi et l’origine ethnique des résidents sont analysés. De plus, nous nous penchons sur la mauvaise réputation de Putainville : autant le contrôle judiciaire que la présence du monde interlope sont étudiés. Finalement, comme les mœurs légères des résidents et l’influence du curé de Malartic sont souvent considérées comme étant à l’origine de la décision d’éliminer ce village, nous évaluons la pertinence de cette croyance et nous déterminons si d’autres motifs, notamment monétaire ou politique, sont aussi entrés en ligne de compte. / This research is about the squatters’ village of Roc-d'Or nicknamed Putainville. It was established in 1936 and demolished by the Québec government in the mid 1940. Our objective is to learn why this town with a lawless reputation that was built on the government fields has been tolerated for a decade even if it was considered as illegal by the authority and to learn why all the buildings were destroyed or moved to Malartic. First of all, we will explain why this village without any legal status was built in the 1930s and why all the people who have lived in Roc-d'Or were not owners of their field. After that, the memoires will focus on the geographical and architectural aspect and on the population of Roc-d'Or. We'll explore the gender rate, the mobility of the people, the different kinds of jobs we found in Roc-d'Or and the ethnical origins of the inhabitants. Furthermore in this research, it will be about how was the reputation of the town. We will develop about the judicial intervention and the underworld. Finally, the last part of this dissertation will look at the idea that Roc-d'Or was shut down by the clerical authorities due to the deviant behavior, or we will try to see if it's a myth.

En l’espace d’une décennie, Montréal s’est durablement transformée. Du milieu des années 1950, où elle représente une ville développée certes, mais dépourvue d'autoroutes, à 1967, année de l’Exposition universelle, la métropole du Québec confirme son choix du tout-à-l’automobile. Le développement autoroutier qu’elle réalise à cette époque doit alors être en mesure de répondre aux besoins de la société à court comme à long terme. Ce réseau perdure toujours de nos jours. Nous souhaitons décomposer la trame de cette période mouvementée afin de comprendre comment Montréal a pu adopter cette orientation aussi rapidement. Il est question d’aborder les éléments ayant permis de centraliser le thème de la circulation à Montréal. La réponse des autorités et la volonté de planifier la ville à long terme nous conduisent ensuite à une réalisation accélérée d’un réseau autoroutier métropolitain d’envergure dont l’échangeur Turcot représente l’aboutissement en 1967. Cette étude permet de mieux examiner l’histoire de ce projet autoroutier majeur qui a constitué un des symboles forts de la modernisation de Montréal et du Québec. L’échangeur Turcot construit dans les années 1960 est le fruit d’une conjoncture particulière, correspondant à des besoins et des attentes tout autre que ceux qui prévalent actuellement. Nous concluons ainsi en nous questionnant sur la construction actuelle du nouvel échangeur Turcot, et en affirmant qu’elle ne correspond peut-être pas aux besoins d’une métropole du XXIe siècle. / Within a decade, Montréal was permanently transformed. From the mid-1950s, where it represented a developed city but was devoid of highways, to 1967, the year of the World Expo, Québec confirmed that its priority was the automobile. The motorway development realized at that time had to meet the short and long term needs of its society. This network still exists today. It is necessary to analyze this time period to understand how Montréal adopted such a policy so rapidly. This thesis addresses the postwar elements central to Montréal’s policies which focused and brought to the forefront the theme of traffic circulation in the metropolis. The authorities' response to traffic, and their will to plan the city according to long-term needs, provoked a major metropolitan highway development that reached its pinnacle in 1967 with the accomplishment of the Turcot Interchange. Built in the 1960s, the Turcot Interchange was the result of a particular economic situation, a manifestation of the era’s needs and expectations. The analysis conducted in this thesis provides a thorough examination of the history of this major highway project, which was a strong symbol of Montréal and Québec’s modernization scheme. In recent years, this infrastructure project has been back in the limelight as projects for a new Turcot Interchange commenced in 2007, marking the second act of this space's revitalization and modernization. However, does this renewed Turcot Interchange correspond adequately to the needs of a modern twenty-first century metropolis?

Durant les années 1950, les autorités municipales, sous la pression du département de la police, ont demandé le déboisement d’une section du parc du Mont-Royal. Cette section, communément appelée la « Jungle » et principalement composée de broussailles, de buissons et d’arbres, était fréquentée par une clientèle considérée comme indésirable. Cette dernière comprenait, essentiellement, des alcooliques, des voyous, des pervers, et, surtout, des homosexuels. Leur éradication s’est alors déployée selon un plan en trois étapes qui avait pour objectif de simplifier les techniques de surveillance utilisées par le département de la police. D’abord, une augmentation de l’éclairage, puis, le déboisement de la « Jungle », et, finalement, la construction d’une route, aujourd’hui connue sous le nom de Camillien-Houde. Le parc devenait ainsi plus accessible et plus sécuritaire. Les coupes, que l’on a appelées les « coupes de la moralité », ont eu un effet considérable sur l’environnement et la composition écologique du parc, donnant, entre autres, aux Montréalais, l’impression que le parc était devenu chauve (ce qui lui conféra d’ailleurs le surnom de Mont Chauve). Les transformations du parc du Mont-Royal n’étaient cependant pas limitées à sa Jungle. En fait, des modifications furent aussi mises en application dans d’autres sections considérées comme sous-développées. La métamorphose du parc et de sa « Jungle » était un acte de développement caractéristique de l’ère moderniste de la planification du Montréal d’après-guerre. La re-planification du parc du Mont-Royal témoigne ainsi d’une volonté sans bornes des autorités d’instaurer la moralité et la modernité dans la ville, volonté qui aura pour conséquence d’altérer la composition écologique du parc. C’est ce qui sera à l’origine d’une campagne nommée « Save-the-Mountain Movement », qui a cherché à empêcher la modernisation de l’espace et milité pour la réhabilitation du parc en tant que boisé paisible. / During the 1950s, the municipal authorities, under pressure from the Police Department, called for the clearing of a section of Mount Royal Park—the so-called “Jungle” (composed mainly of undergrowth, bushes, and trees)—where a community of undesirable Park patrons had established themselves. This cohort of undesirables was understood as being composed mainly of alcoholics, thugs, perverts and most importantly homosexuals. Their eradication was undertaken through a threefold plan which would simplify the techniques of surveillance used by the Police Department; this would be achieved through (1) increased lighting, (2) clearing the Jungle, (3) construction of a roadway, now known as the Camillien-Houde roadway, thus making the Park more accessible and safe. The cuts, known as the Morality Cuts, had a lasting effect on the environmental and ecological composition of the Park, with the immediate repercussion of “balding” the Park, thereby giving it the nickname of Mount Baldy. Yet Mount Royal Park’s transformation was not limited to its Jungle. In fact, the transformation was undertaken in a number of the Park’s sections which were deemed undeveloped. The development Mount Royal Park and of its Jungle were therefore acts of development, under the umbrella of Montréal’s modernist postwar planning. Indeed, the re-planning of Mount Royal Park testifies to the unbounded will of the authorities to instill morality and modernity within the city, going to lengths that ultimately altered the ecological composition of the Park. This would in the end lead to an all out campaign named the Save-the-Mountain Movement, which sought to end the modernist encroachment of this space and rehabilitate the Park as a wooded and tranquil environment.