本論文定名為中共與蘇聯衝突之研究，赫魯曉夫時期：一九五六─一九六四年。全文 共分為八章，敘述自蘇共第廿次代表大會至赫魯曉夫辭去蘇聯第一書記和部長會議主 席職位為止期間北平與莫斯科的衝突。除緒論和結論外，本文部分共計六章。 第一章緒論，本章分為三部分：壹、說明研究的動機，貳、簡述蘇聯外交政策的決定 因素，參、介紹與本文有關的共產黨人策略的基本理論，對於瞭解本文的內容有所裨 益。 第二章敘述中共與蘇聯衝突的緣起及其發展：針對美國的圍堵政策，蘇共領導人於蘇 共第廿次大會，提出和平共處的路線，作為今後對外政策的基本方針。 第三章敘述國內情勢發展對雙方關係的影響：中（共）蘇雙方對於美國鬥爭的策略是 否採取戰爭抑和平路線發生岐見。 第四章敘述由意識形態的論戰發展到兩條路線的鬥爭：中共領導人不滿赫魯曉夫對美 國的政策，先從意識形態上表現，故有列寧生日九十週年的論戰，世界工商理事會的 爭論，再經布加勒斯特會議的衝突，發展到蘇聯領導人對中共政權實施經濟制裁，迫 使中共領導人屈服，結果蘇聯政府不但沒有收到效果，反而使雙方的關係更加惡劣， 以後又召開莫斯科會議，協調雙方的岐見，仍然沒有結果，使雙方的衝突日漸惡化。 第五章敘述中（共）蘇雙方對於國際問題的不同立場：中（共）蘇關係不睦以後，蘇 聯領導人為堅持和平共處路線。 第六章敘述中共與蘇聯衝突擴大。 第七章敘述中（共）蘇雙方廣泛地展開鬥爭，部分核子禁試條約以後，中共領導人決 定對蘇聯從黨與政府方面展開廣泛的鬥爭。 第八章結論：本章綜合上述各章的分析，對於中（共）蘇的衝突，提出四點結論：一 、基於現實的利益和政權安全的觀點。二、雙方分岐的焦點是：國際共產主義運動採 取戰爭路線抑和平路線，中共堅持前者，蘇聯主張後者。三、雙方都以意識形態作為 批評對方的工具。四、雙方都以自己的鬥爭經驗，作為國際共產主義運動的路線。 /

跨國企業的發展已建構出一個極為龐大的全球商業體系，其涵蓋了全球生產總值的25％，國際貿易行為的65％，國際技術貿易的60％至70％，產品研發的80％至90％，換言之跨國企業實際上掌握了全球的國際貿易與技術研發。而過往跨國企業多群集於技術領先之處進行海外研發活動，近年來卻轉往以亞洲為主的開發中國家。其中OECD甚至表示跨國企業對於中國研發的投入已經使中國在2006年超越日本，成為研發投入全球第二的國家。 因此本論文便以此為出發點，希冀瞭解跨國企業國際投資行為，並將以跨國企業（摩托羅拉、諾基亞）在中國的投資行為為觀察對象，以瞭解跨國企業如何應對東道國之產業政策，以及如何利用東道國的政策法令、市場地位來極大化其跨國經營的效益，並在最後以臺灣廠商（明基）在中國的研發佈局為對照，指出臺灣廠商未來可以努力的方向。研究後所得整理如下： 1.跨國企業進入資本輸入國的型態已經呈現多元化的趨勢，多數的國際投資開始藉由離岸公司或是多國籍的方式進入資本輸入國。 2.資本輸入國時常會利用法令政策為手段來培植齊國內產業，而跨國企業也會藉由合資、併購等手段來避開資本輸入國法令政策的羈絆。 3.對於中國3G標準（TD-SCDMA）跨國企業之參與不遺餘力。 4.研發行為全球化型態已經成為目前跨國企業研發的方式，藉由建立全球研發管理平台跨國企業更能掌握全球資源。 5.臺灣廠商應盡力往技術研發方向佈局，並應盡力建立跨國研發管理平台，避免一味的追逐製造行為以為滿足，以免在中國本土廠商技術提升之後，淪為替人家代工或是必須遷往成本更低廉的地方。 / The development of Transitional Corporations has already created an enormously complicated business structure in the world. It includes 25％of the gross world product, 65％of the international trade, 60％~70％of the international technology licensing, 80％~90％of the R&D. In other words, Transitional Corporations has manipulated the trade and R＆D activities of the world. Moreover, Transitional Corporations are now spreading their R&D activities to developing countries（mainly in Asia）. OECD even mentioned that China will surpass Japan by the end of 2006 in R&D spending to become the world's second R&D investor after United States. This thesis examines the international investment strategies of Transitional Corporations. We discuss the international investment law and the foreign investment legal system in China（host country in this thesis）first. Then we focus on the investment strategies of Motorola and Nokia in China to realize how they arrange their R&D centers in China and how they deal with the policies of the host country to maximize their investment interests. In conclusion, we study the investment strategies of BenQ in China to give Taiwan corporations some advice about their international investment strategies. Our conclusions are as followed： 1.Transitional Corporations enter into the host country with diversified nationalities and through the establishment of offshore company. 2.The host country will have certain policies to foster their own industries, Transitional Corporations should use Joint Venture company or M＆A action to evade this kind of restrictions. 3.Transitional Corporations spare no effort to affect and join the development of 3G standardization（TD-SCDMA）in China. 4.Globalization R&D has played a major role in the R&D model of Transitional Corporations. Through the built of international R&D management platform, Transitional Corporations are more capable of controlling their global resources. 5.Taiwan Corporations should focus their investment on valuable activities, such as R&D, instead of just pursing manufacture interests.

本文主旨在分析構成撒哈拉以南的非洲國家決定中斷或抑制承認中華民國為主權國家原因。過去的幾十年來，中華民國的邦交國數目大幅下降，大部分位於撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲國家都在其中。舉例來說，1964年是中華民國在非洲地區外交上的 峰期，台北獲得了22個國家的承認。然而，現今只剩下3個國家的承認。 這個研究計劃，企圖藉由關注研究撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲國家不繼續承認台北的動機，使這種趨勢能更加被瞭解。這點是非常重要的，因為自1960年以來，中華民國已經將非洲視為在其謀求國際承認最有潛力的區域。而在這個層面，便不能輕忽中華人民共和國在其中所扮演的角色。驅使在“一個中國”的原則下，北京當局在推動提昇這些國家的整體國家利益上所擁有的能力，對中華民國在撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲友邦國家而言，是推動他們轉向，開啟兩個中國外交競爭的一股重要力量。為了解釋這一種傾向，本文應用了新現實主義理論和其中的“bandwagon behaviour”模說明。 筆者預期本文能達到的目的包含了提供一個新的視角來看待中華民國與非洲的關係，用來評估非洲國家對於此問題所持有的立場。筆者希望能夠針對現今中華民國和非洲國家間脆弱的外交地位，帶來新的見解，並進一步提供關於非洲各國和中華民國之間關係的科學論證。 / This thesis aims to analyze the possible reasons shaping the sub-Saharan African states’ decisions in withdrawing or refraining from recognizing the Republic of China (ROC). In the last decades the number of the ROC’s diplomatic allies has decreased drastically and the majority of states located south of the Sahara Desert have taken part in this process. For instance, at the peak of its success in Africa in 1964, Taipei was recognized by twenty two countries. Yet, today it is only recognized by three states. The research conducted is an attempt to provide a better understanding of this trend by focusing on the sub-Saharan African states’ motivations in not extending recognition to Taipei. This is important because since the 1960s, Africa has become a potential area in the ROC’s quest for international recognition. In this regard, one should not disregard the role of the People’s Republic of China. Within the “one China” principle, Beijing’s capacity in advancing these states national interests has been an important driving force in diverting sub-Saharan countries’ allegiance from the ROC in the two China’s diplomatic competition. In order to explain this tendency, the Neo-realism theory and its “bandwagon” behavior will be applied. The expected contributions from this work include a new perspective on the ROC-Africa relations in which an evaluation of the African stance regarding this issue is proposed. The author hopes to bring new insights on the current vulnerable diplomatic position of the ROC in Africa, thus further contributing to the scientific debate on the relationships between African countries and the ROC.

經濟是習近平發展「中國夢」不可或缺的重要支柱，中國在經濟高速發展下，能源消耗量持續激增，缺乏能源將對經濟與社會發展產生負面影響，對外依存度日益擴大，增加石油及天然氣進口，是解決中國能源短缺問題的主要方法。 就中國能源安全而言，外部面臨海外能源來源受周邊地緣政治影響，內部存在能源結構上過度依賴煤炭等問題，而鄰接中國的中亞地區為新興能源中心，與中亞的能源合作能夠減少能源輸入風險、改善能源結構，有助中國克服能源安全的窘境。中亞的豐富能源不僅受到周邊大國的覬覦，也使中亞國家內部生成尋租與貪腐、制度弱化、資金錯配、阻礙長期發展等資源詛咒現象。本論文透過觀察中國與中亞間雙邊貿易、直接投資與大型投資與合約的變化，從國際政治經濟學的視角，分析獲得中國正運用經濟資源在中亞發揮政治影響力，逐步實踐具體的能源戰略。中國藉地緣經濟進入中亞，掌握經濟互補的競爭優勢，以提供中亞國家發展所需資金與基礎建設，並排除區域發展障礙，增進彼此能源合作的機會，達成鞏固中國能源安全的戰略目的。 / A strong economy is the rock of XI Jingpi’s “Chinese Dream”; however, because of the dramatically increasing energy consumption with rapid economic growth, energy deficiency leads to negative economic and societal effects in China. Therefore, in light of aggravated overdependence on energy imports, the major solution for the shortage would be searching for more energy accesses, especially for oil and natural gas. China faces several energy security problems. For example, domestically, China heavily depends on coal as thermal resources. Externally, energy accesses significantly are affected by geopolitics. However, Central Asia, a new but major center of natural resources, not just a neighbor of China, but also a crucial partner in energy cooperation capable of reducing China’s risks of importing resources from other routes, changing Chinese energy structure at present, and finally helping China overcomes the problem of energy security. Abundant resources is not just a blessing making other countries jealous, resources also becomes a curse resulting from rent-seeking, corruption, financial dislocation, etc. in Central Asian countries, and these issues hinder the long-term development in the region. From the international political economy perspective, I observe the change of bilateral trade, foreign direct investment, and major investment contracts between China and Central Asian countries to analyze if China gradually practices its energy strategy through imposing political influence in Central Asia via economic leverages. I find that China encourages energy cooperation with Central Asian countries by taking the advantage of geography and financing investment of infrastructure which both creates a promising environment of development.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Institute of Chinese Medical Sciences

中美洲具有關鍵地理位置，這裡有世界最大的進口量，然而，這特殊的地理位置同時具有好處和其挑戰。本論文旨在分析瓜地馬拉在特殊政治環境和經濟政策的背景之下，簽訂中美洲自由貿易協定之後，其對瓜地馬拉的影響。本論文也比較瓜地馬拉和其他中美洲國家出口至美國的情形，進一步了解出口的多樣化過程。本研究旨在評估在簽訂此區域自由貿易協定十年後所帶來的改變，並且分析中美洲自由貿易協定作為和美國市場交易途徑的保證，來保護瓜地馬拉當地的經濟安全。 / The Central American countries have a key geopolitical location; they are located in the same continent as the world’s largest importer. Having a privileged geographic position, has come with it challenges and benefits. This thesis intends to analyze the impact of the Dominican Republic –Central America Free Trade Agreement with the United States. Contemplating Guatemala’s particular political motivations and economic incentives to sign this regional Free Trade Agreement. This paper also intends to compare Guatemala’s exports performance to the United States with the rest of the Central America, to analyze the exports performance, in order to determine patters and visualize the export diversification process. This will be done to evaluate this regional Free Trade Agreement performance ten years after its signature. Followed by an analysis on the DR-CAFTA as a mechanism that promotes Guatemala’s economic security by guaranteeing the best access possible to the United States market

在本研究中，我通過對中國共產黨第十七屆中央委員之間的共事網絡的蒐集和分析，探索的是胡錦濤時代的黨國權力的集中化特徵。作為一個高度組織化的列寧式政黨，中國共產黨在21世紀初期依然保持了對中國的有效的威權統治，其政權的穩定和不穩定性是外界高度關注的焦點，但長期以來也因為資訊的不透明而被視為「黑盒子」。因為任何組織或者制度都是鑲嵌在社會關係中的，而組織內的共事關係是使組織作為組織運轉的重要社會關係，對共事網絡的研究有助於釐清中共作為一個菁英式政黨的組織邏輯。研究結果顯示，傳統的恩庇侍從、派系或者官僚模型對中共權力集中化的解釋都是有限的。在胡錦濤的第二屆中共中央總書記任期內，中共政治菁英的共事網絡中出現的是高度的團體與團體之間鑲嵌的狀況，結構洞大量地存在。而在控制了政治資歷變項的影響後，開放網絡中的社會資本對十七大政治菁英在十八大後擔任黨國的重要職位的機率有顯著的正向影響。社會鑲嵌應有助於解釋中共的威權韌性。 / Through collecting and analyzing the colleague network of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s 17th Central Committee, this research attempts to analyze the characteristic of the party state’s power centralization in the Hu Jintao era. As a highly organized Leninist party, the CCP still effectively maintains its authoritarian control of China at the beginning of the 21st century. The stability and instability of the regime has always been of great interest to outside observers, but its elite politics has always been seen as a “black box” because of its lack of transparency. Insofar as all organizations and institutions are embedded in social relations, and colleague relationships inside an organization are key social relationships that facilitate the organization to run as an organization, a study of the CCP’s colleague network would help to explicate the elitist party’s organizational logic. My finding suggests that classical models of patron-clientelism, factionalism, or bureaucracy provide only limited explanation of the CCP’s current form of power centralization. During Hu Jintao’s second term serving as the General Secretary of the Party, there exist a great amount of mutual embeddedness and structural holes among different groups inside the colleague network of the CCP’s political elites. After controlling the effect of political qualification variables, their amount of social capitals in open networks have significant positive correlation with their chance of occupying more advanced positions after the 18th Party Congress. Social embeddedness helps to explain the CCP’s authoritarian resilience.

自1978年以來，中國走上了改革開放的道路，伴隨著連年高幅度的經濟成長，國際地位大幅上升，讓中國從自19世紀以來的羸弱走向富強，「中國崛起」這個概念，已經被當前世界各國普遍接受。而正當眾人的目光置於中國崛起的同時，印度也同樣有著突出的表現。若中國是繼美國以後，下一個有能力主宰世界的強權，那印度則就是在中國之後下一個潛在的強國繼任者。做為毗鄰而居的兩個發展中國家，同時又是新崛起的大國，中、印關係受到全世界的矚目，中、印關係對於區域的發展、穩定，乃至於國際權力結構的變化而言，其重要性更是不言可喻。 長久以來，研究中、美或中、俄等大國關係的文獻可謂汗牛充棟，但對於中、印關係的探討卻沒有相稱的比例。面對美國國力的逐漸衰頹，新興的強權將逐挑戰它既有的霸權地位，而這兩個擁有廣大市場及發展潛力的國家，都剛好有著此般的潛能。在可預見的未來，中、印關係的發展趨勢，必將是重要的研究課題。 面對中國崛起所帶動的區域經貿整合與發展，印度調整了對中國的外交方略，以務實的合作取代長期不友好的競爭關係，並從政治、軍事、經貿甚至逐漸外溢至能（資）源、反恐乃至於氣候變遷等非傳統安全等領域，兩國的合作態勢趨於明朗與頻繁；而就另一方面來看，源自於雙邊互信不足以及結構性矛盾，中、印兩國即使逐步走向合作，但仍舊是競爭關係要較合作關係來的顯著，除了戰略利益上的衝突促使兩國互踏對方的門戶外，美、俄、日等大國間在東亞的競逐，使得中、印間看似的和睦更摻雜了複雜的變數。 鑒於此，本研究嘗試以中國崛起做為背景，希能歸整出中、印兩國在傳統乃至於非傳統安全領域裡，競爭與合作關係的趨勢與消長，並藉由梳理中、印間的競合態勢，預測兩國未來的關係走向。 / Since 1978, China has been on the path of reform and opening-up, accompanied by yearly significant economic growth, as well as fast rising international status. This has enabled China to shed her image as a morbid state since the nineteenth century, and stride toward wealth and prosperity. The concept, “The Rise of China”, has been widely accepted around the globe. But as all eyes are on rising China, India is also a country that has an equally outstanding performance. Supposedly China is the next power capable of dominating the world after the US, then India is the next potential power following the steps of China. China and India, as two adjacent developing countries and rising powerhouses, have the international attention riveted on their relations. It is self-evident that the relations between the two countries is highly important to regional development, regional stability, and even to the structural change of international powers. Over the long term, publications regarding Sino-American relations, and Sino-Russian relations have arguably been abundant. Yet, there is an unproportionally scarce amount of discussion of Sino-Indian relations. With US’s power on the decline, emerging powers will, one after another, challenge US’s current dominance. And the two states, both blessed with a large market and the potential for development, happen to be the potential challengers. In the foreseeable future, the development of Sino-Indian relations will undoubtedly be an important issue for study. Facing the regional economic integration and development brought forth by the rise of China, India has adjusted her diplomatic strategy to China by replacing long-term hostile vying relations with down-to-earth cooperation. The cooperation between the two countries, which has extended from politics, military, economic and trade, to non-traditional security fields such as energy / resources, counter-terrorism, and climate change, has become increasingly clear and frequent. From another aspect, owing to the lack of mutual trust and the structural conflict between the two sides, China and India, though walking toward cooperation, remain more of two competitors than two partners. Aside from territorial invasions caused by the conflict on strategic interest between China and India, the competition in East Asia between world powers such as the US, Russia, and Japan has complicated the seemingly peaceful Sino-Indian relations with uncertainties. Judging from the fact mentioned above, this study attempts to, with the rise of China as the backdrop, sort out the trend as well as the rise and fall of Sino-Indian cooperation in traditional security fields and non-traditional security fields. This study also attempts to predict China and India’s future relations by combing through the cooperation and competition between the two countries.

進入大中華市場：在中國、台灣以及香港設立採辦處 / This study is focused on issue of setting up International Purchasing Office in Greater China region. It describes history, development and importance of the region in global sourcing. It contains discussion of advantages and disadvantages of three distinct locations for setting up the office- Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong. There is a detailed description of steps that are necessary to undertake process of starting the office and comparison of business registration process in different locations from legislative and business perspective. Author concludes that the best way for IPO in this region is holding company in Hong Kong with subsidiaries in Mainland China and Taiwan. However, due to political and economic dynamic of the region, this might be subject of change in near future.