印尼位處於歐亞大陸東南側島鍊,其國土是由一連串的島嶼所構成,總面積達一百九十二萬平方公里,人口約有一億九千六百六十多萬人o長久以來印尼在國際上的重要性與地位似乎與其眾多人口不成比例,這是因印尼自從一九四五年從荷蘭殖民統治獨立以來,便是堅持第三世界不結盟政策的態度有關o但是不可否認的是,印尼在東南亞地區的重要性是極為顯著的,從政治面來看,印尼是東南亞最重要的區域性國際組織[東南亞國家協會]的一員,從東協的成立與發展的進程,印尼都扮演了積極的角色o從經濟面來看,人口將近二億的印尼是東南亞地區不可忽視的潛在重要市場,儘管印尼現階段的經濟發展水準仍遠落後新加坡,馬來西亞和泰國等鄰近國家,但就其潛力而言,印尼顯然擁有更豐富的資源o近年來我國政府推行[南向政策],積極加強與東南亞國家的聯繫,國人對於東南亞國家漸有所認知,然大部分僅限於經濟層面的介紹,相關政治,外交的介紹則是缺少,這對於積極發展國際空間的我國而言,更需要進一步地了解東南亞林鄰近國家o 一般而言,東南亞地區在國人的認知中除了是熱帶國家,旅遊勝地之外,另一方面仍殘存過去的印象以為東南亞地區大多是戰亂頻仍的國家,這實在是資訊欠缺所致o此外國內的國際關係研究大多偏向西歐,美國等已開發國家,或者是彼岸的大陸研究,相對之下第三世界開發中國家的研究則略嫌單薄,而東南亞地區多為開發中國家o今日在亞太世紀來臨之際,亞太地區的政治,經濟,社會都會成為研究焦點,而我國倡導成立[亞太營運中心],更需要對週邊國家進行深入研究,印尼作為東南亞地區大國,其重要性可見一斑o 本文嘗試對於印尼的外交政策做一番回顧,提供 進一步的認識,而最重要的研究目的在試圖解釋印尼此一人口眾多,土地廣邈的國家為何在獨立後採行獨立與積極的外交政策? 蘇卡諾時期與蘇哈托時期外交政策的轉折原因何在?印尼本身具有許多優勢條件,可以成為東南亞大國,但又為何在蘇哈托執政初期不願介入區域事務,其轉變因素為何?一九九零年代初期,印尼在外交政策上又做了一些修正,開始積極參與國際組織的活動,尤其是不結盟運組織與聯合國,促成的原因為何?這些都是筆者在本文中嘗試解釋的重要議題o / Republic of Indonesia is situated to the south-east side of the Euro-Asia Continent. The whole territory consists of a series of islands and small islets which is about 1,919,443 square kilometers. Its total population isabout 196,600,000. For a long time, the international status of Indonesia isnot consistent with its large population. This is because Indonesia has laidemphasis on Third World Non-Aligement approach in its foreign policy since it declared independ ence off Netherlands in 1945. However, there is no denying that the importance of Indonesia in the South-East region is obvious. In the political arena, In donesia has been the largest country in the Association of South-East Asian Nations(ASEAN) and played a constructive and active role since its inauguration in 1967. In the economic arena, with it's approximately 2 billion people, Indonesia is the potential market for international trade. Although the economic development of Indonesia is still far behind Singapore, Malaysia and Thiland, its neighboring countries, its abudant natural resources are of no rivalry. In these years, our government has embarked on a "Southward Policy" and actively enhanced the relations with southeast Asian nations. Therefore, we have furtherknowledge of these nations. However, these knowledge are limited to economicaffairs without mentioning the political and diplomatic affairs. For our country, who is striving for developing our international status, we need moreinfromation about these countries. Besides, the international studies in Taiwanplace more emphasis on West Europe, America ,the developed countries, and Chinses Mainland. By contrary, studies on the Third World developing countriesare few and lacking. Today, the Asia-Pacific century is coming and the political, economic and social affairs in the region will be the focus ofresearching. Taiwan plans to lead the "Asian Pacific Operational Center", whichplan needs more studies on our neighboring countries. Indonesia is the largestcountry in the southeast Asia, and its importance is clear. This thesis is trying retrospect the history of Indonesia's foreign policy and providing furthur knowledge. What is most is to explain why indonesia, such a populousand large country, chose to act independently and actively right after itsindependence off Netherlands? What is the reason that causes the change offoreing policy between Sukarno and So eharto regime? Indonesia itself hasfull reason to be the leader in the southeast Asia. why did it choose to lessinvolved in the regional affairs in the beginning of Soeharto regime? The Author is trying to explain these issues in this thesis.

台灣與其中華文化並不像伊斯蘭人民將回教有很強的宗教關聯性。然而歷史上回教和穆斯林在中華的歷史中扮演著一個重要的角色。從1990年代初期，從東南亞有一批勞動者移民來到台灣，並在當地工作。近期，印尼籍的工作者已達到20萬人，他們成為台灣外籍工作者中數量最大的一群。在這當中，絕大部分的印尼籍勞動者都是穆斯林。為了保留自己的身分認同與文化，這群身在台灣的印尼籍穆斯林竟而形成了以宗教為主的許多社群，並因應在地差異與台灣的華人穆斯林進行社會適應上的交流與互動。 此篇研究的目的在於為台灣的回教與穆斯林研究踏出第一步，尤其是印尼穆斯林與當地的華人穆斯林如何進行社會適應，以及在台灣這樣一個異地環境，身為少數族群的他們如何保有自己的身分認同。此研究採用質性研究方法進行資料蒐集，並以集中性的田野調查中第一手資料的蒐集與觀察進行文獻探討，這些調查資料來自臺北、桃園、中壢、台中以及高雄等地。 此研究發現印尼籍穆斯林聚集並在台灣形成特定的印尼穆斯林組織，並與華人穆斯林有著積極互動，形成他們社會適應過程中的一環。然而，由於文化背景的差異，這些印尼穆斯林社群更需要改變他們社會中的生活習慣以因應在台灣的生活。 / Taiwan and its Chinese culture is not associated with Islam as religion and Muslim people. However, historically Islam and Muslim play an important role in Chinese history. Starting in early 1990s, there was a growing number of immigrant worker, mainly from South East Asian countries to Taiwan to work in informal sector. Currently Indonesian numbered 200,000, and become the biggest in terms of foreign workers in Taiwan. Majority of these Indonesian workers are Muslim. In order to preserve their identity and cultural life, the Indonesian Muslim in Taiwan formed various religious-based community, do a social adaptation with their environment and interact with Chinese Muslim in Taiwan. The objective of this study is to initiate the study of Islam and Muslim development in Taiwan, specifically how the social adaptation of Indonesian Muslim with Chinese Muslim in Taiwan, as well as how they preserve their identity as ethnic minority in Taiwan. Qualitative approach on data collection was undertaken, using literature review followed by collecting primary sources from intensive field research and observation in Taipei, Taoyuan, Chungli, Taichung and Kaohsiung. It’s found that Indonesian Muslim gathered and formed some Indonesian Muslim organizations in Taiwan, and they actively interact with Chinese Muslim as the part of their social adaptation. However, due to some differences in cultural background, those Indonesian Muslim communities need to adapt their habit and social life in Taiwan.

我國自1959年12月運用美援資助，派遣第一個農業技術團前往越南協助其農業改良，因駐越南農業技術團工作績效良好，對增進兩國之外交關係有很大的幫助，政府乃於1960年實施「先鋒案」計畫，之後陸續成立「中非技術合作委員會」、「海外技術合作委員會」、「海外經濟合作發展基金管理委員會」，直到現今的「國際合作發展基金會」。 農業，一直在台灣經濟發展過程中扮演要角，更可說台灣農業發展成果為「台灣經濟奇蹟」奠定了良好的基礎。台灣地狹人稠，農業發展著重於技術創新，適時適地突破自然資源瓶頸限制，開啟了台灣的農業對外援助，是為台灣外交困境上一有利的突破手段。 台灣運用純熟的農業技術對外實施農業援助，派遣各農業援助技術團到各國家，藉以提升台灣的國際地位。本論文選取泰國、印尼此兩東南亞國家作一詳細論述，探討該種農業援助之過程和效果，並從歷史、政治、經濟等層面加以比較，並可藉此做為研究其他東南亞國家或其他地區國家之用。我國與印尼、泰國均無外交關係，透過農業援助的方式對於雙方之實質關係亦具有正面功能。 / Since December 1959, Taiwan took advantage of the United States Aid Funding to sent the first agricultural technological mission to help Vietnam. Due to the good performance of agricultural mission, it contributed to promote diplomatic relations between the two countries. In 1960, the government of ROC executed “the Operation Vanguard Plan” to help African countries, and then setup the Sino-Africa Technical Cooperation Committee (SATCC). Then in 1972, the SATCC was incorporated into the Committee of International Technical Cooperation (CITC). In 1989, the government established the International Economic Cooperation Development Fund (IECDF), and reorganized into the International Cooperation and Development Fund in 1996. Agriculture has been playing an important role in economic development in Taiwan, also lays a good foundation for the 'Taiwan economic miracle'. Taiwan is so densely populated, agricultural development focused on the technological innovation in order to break down the barriers of natural conditions. Agricultural aid opened up an unique way for Taiwan’s foreign relations. Taiwan applied the skillful agricultural technologies for foreign aid and sent agriculture technological mission to certain countries in order to enhance the international status of Taiwan. This paper selects two Southeast Asian countries, Thailand and Indonesia, as a case study, and tries to explore the procedures and effects of agricultural aid for using that to study the other countries and understand the advantages and disadvantages of Taiwan’s agricultural aid. Taiwan has no diplomatic relations with Indonesia and Thailand, but it gets a positive effects through such an agricultural aid.

傳統對援助的認知是兩方互動中有著「施與受的單向關係」，但今日轉變為兩方透過援助為名來進行發展之需要的「夥伴關係」。本研究採用印尼雅萬高鐵的個案來探討究竟是何種考量促使印尼做出選擇，所以才促成雅萬高鐵建設與中國進行合作。在方法上藉由文獻分析探討中國以及印尼彼此的合作意圖，並透過相關資料的蒐集、整理與分析，找出適當的證據來支撐並解釋印尼雅萬高鐵的建設為什麼是與中國合作的原因，最後從對於該項個案的分析延伸探討中國的援助在東南亞是否展現了一種援助上的新殖民主義行為。 中國的高鐵外交主要特色在於政府主導、商業取向以及戰略性選擇，而高鐵建設也成為現階段中國實力的展現，以及對外關係合作上的優先手段與工具。本文對中國的探討，發現雅萬高鐵並不能單純視之為援助國與受援國「求雙贏」的商業投資合作案，反倒是個充滿著援助國為「求所得」的政經援助合作案。 佐科威的施政願景需要大量基礎建設來帶動國家發展，而中國能夠以划算的方式提供印尼發展所需的技術，專業知識和資金。同時，中國所提出的方案其建設所需時間較日本短，工程期間將經歷印尼總統選舉，所以若能如期完工，將對佐科威的連任帶來助益。本文透過對印尼的討論足見雅萬高鐵的合作成案是建基在受援國本身的政治經濟想望中，而不單是援助國單方面的決定。 透過本研究之考察可以發現中國對印尼的援助並未具有獨佔或壟斷的權力，印尼擁有援助中的自主權來與中國進行協商並議價雅萬高鐵的合作方向。從這些面向觀之，中國和印尼間並不存在著殖民式關係，印尼在雅萬高鐵中的角色也不是被剝削或依賴的關係，反倒擁有左右中國的能力，因此很難將中印(尼)在雅萬高鐵合作的關係貼上新殖民主義的標籤。最後，本文認為透過對援助知識的探討，對於我國未來的國際參與將有所助益。 / A great deal of previous research into foreign aid has focused on ‘Aid Dependency’. However, there has been increasing attention paid to ‘Partnership’ between Donors and Recipients. This paper presents an analysis of cooperative interaction within the politics of aid, with a particular focus on Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail. By means of textual analysis and case studies, the study has collected rich data which enable descriptions of the critical reasons of cooperative interaction between China and Indonesia in Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail project. Besides, in terms of case, the correlations between China’s aid intention and Indonesia’s development goal were calculated to determine the relationship of Neo-colonialism between these two variables. The results obtained confirm that China’s High Speed Rail Diplomacy shows three characteristics¬─State-led、Business-driven and Strategic choice. Using High Speed Rail to foster infrastructure assistance becomes a major tool in China’s foreign aid technique. These findings shed light on Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail project is not only a commercial contract but also a political deal. Additionally, results of this study revealed that President Jokowi pursue a macro Indonesia’s national development vision, infrastructures stand for a priority position in his thought. Because China’s aid is more cost-effective than Japan’s program, and China’s program suits Jokowi’s political intention, it facilitates Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail is the China-Indonesia cooperation project. It means Recipients can grip ownership in development assistance, the politics of aid shows a new image that recipients can bargain their goal with donors. It can be concluded that China's aid to Indonesia does not have exclusive or monopoly power. Indonesia has the ownership to negotiate with China and bargain for the cooperation of the Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail. From these perspectives, there is no colonial relationship between China and Indonesia. In the case, Indonesia is not exploited or dependent on China. Instead, it has the ability to influence China. Therefore, it cannot be seen as a Neo-colonialism. Finally, based on these findings, this study suggests that we need to strengthen the discussions about Foreign Aid or Development Assistance. These findings have important implications for the Republic of China (Taiwan), it will make a useful contribution to Taiwan’s international participation.

This dissertation studies military’s withdrawal from politics. It examines military reform in Indonesia which aiming at withdrawing the Indonesian armed forces, currently known as Tentara Nasional Indonesia or TNI, from politics following the fall of Suharto in 1998. It seeks to explain the driving force of the progress of military reform in Indonesia and asks the question of: why has the reform been progressing differently from one agenda to another? It focuses on three agendas of reform, which are: the establishment of normative democratic control over TNI, the disbandment of TNI’s business activities, and the reorganization of TNI’s territorial command structure. It argues that variation in the progress of reform in those three agendas is closely related to military interests. The relatively successful establishment of normative democratic control over the armed forces has been mostly driven by the primacy of national interests within the brass, while the struggling disbandment of military’s business activities is rooted at factional/personal interests within TNI, and the complete failure in the abandonment of territorial command structure is related to strong organizational interests of TNI. This dissertation adopts a within-case comparison to answer the puzzle and focusing on Indonesia which represents the transplacement model of democratization in the third wave of democratization. Since transplacement involves coalition between reformers within the old and the new elites, it allows a process of negotiation in the transition. Hence, it creates a variation of the progress of the reform. Since this dissertation focuses on a single case studies, with three sub-cases, this dissertation is lacking of the power to generalization. However, it allows an in-depth analysis of the case using a process-tracing method. To conduct a proper process-tracing, this dissertation engages in various types of sources such as official documents, meetings’ notes, transcripts of in-depth interviews, personal communications, reports from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and secondary sources from newspapers’ reports. This dissertation concludes that the progress of the reform, in the case of Indonesia, varies according to the interests of the armed forces, and interaction between those interests and other variables such as the interests of civilian groups. It suggests that the organizational interests of the armed forces are the most influential variable to define the progress. Strong organizational interests would lead to a stall in the reform. The case of territorial command structure as well as, to a lesser degree, the second phase of the normative democratic control over the armed forces suggests this claim. In the absence of organizational interests, the existence of strong factional/personal interests would lead to problems in the advancement of the reform. The case of disbandment of military informal business activities supports this claim. Finally, the progress of the reform would be relatively smooth in the absence of those two interests and in the guidance of national interests.