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荷蘭、比利時創新政策之比較研究 / Comparative Study on Netherlands and Belgium Innovation Policies蘇柏鈞 Unknown Date (has links)
科技競爭力是經濟持續成長的動力,而政府、企業與國家之整體科技能量為發展科技經濟的重要支柱。於全球科技經濟的持續發展之下,研發(R&D)的投入、創新(Innovation)的擴散,並逐漸在以知識(Knowledge)作為競爭基礎的全球化社會與網際網路時代中日益重要,而在此趨勢之下,企業除了應積極規劃產業轉型,政府創新政策(Innovation Policy)的支持更是不可或缺的條件,各國家莫不體認到「創新能力」是現代國家競爭力的重要關鍵。
美國在甘乃迪總統時代,便將「創新政策(Innovation Policy)」視為政府產業科技政策中非常重要的一環,其目的在獎勵新興產業中之科技創新,因其能符合國家的需求及達到改善經濟情勢的目標,但由於私人企業的資源有限,無法在有限的時間及預算內開發出符合社會大眾需求的產品。所以,甘乃迪主張政府應負責主導產業科技創新發展的方向,同時政府應提供企業界財力及其它資源上的補助。
創新相關的概念逐步發展,到晚近十多年,西歐幾個國家包括丹麥、瑞典和英國的產業經濟與政策研究學者,開始提倡「國家創新系統(National Innovation System)」的概念。過去,人們直接將科學系統(Science system)視為唯一的創新指標(Innovation indicator),科學投入(Science input,如R&D預算)的增加直接助長創新及科技的發展。這個以科技推力為主的簡單線性關係模型的觀念已被「系統式模式(Systemic approaches)」所取代。
亦即創新為研究、發展、行銷、擴散(Research, development, marketing, diffusion)每一階段交互作用的成果,而非單單是R&D的投入面而已,也就是說創新活動來自創新系統(Innovation system)中每一成員(如政府、大學、私人企業)及每一步驟(研究、發展、行銷、擴散)的交互作用等,而不只是學術界與R&D的事而已。
歐州近年來針對創新政策相關議題多所著墨,而自2000年開始,荷蘭、比利時是歐洲中於國家競爭力上有卓越表現的國家,而基於版圖規模和經濟特質,在科技產業之推動與創新政策之發展上,以上各國顯然有許多值得臺灣借鏡與學習的地方,本研究期望對荷蘭、比利時二國創新政策做深入淺出的剖析,並以國家創新系統為依歸,歸納出對正努力邁向知識密集、附加價值的臺灣一個值得參考之啟示與學習典範。 / Technological competitive strength is the power for the continuous growth of the economy. And the technological power of the government, enterprises and the country is the critical mainstay of the development of technological economy. Under the continuous development of the world economy, the investment on R&D and the spread of innovation become more important in the competition with the knowledge base in the global world and internet era. Under this trend, besides planning the transform of the products, the enterprise needs the government's Innovation Policy as a necessary factor. All the countries realize that Innovation is the key to the modern nations' competitive strength.
During the Kennedy period, the U.S. regards Innovation Policy as a most important part of the government's high-technology industry. The aim is to encourage the technological innovation in the new industry, because it conforms to the country's needs and may improve the economic condition. However, as the private enterprises have limited power and cannot produce the products conforming with people's needs during a time limit. Therefore, Kennedy advocates that government should be responsible to lead the industrial technology, and provides some monetary and other aids.
Concepts relating to innovation are gradually developing. In the recent ten years, theory studying scholars from western European countries, including Denmark, Sweden and U.K., begin to advocate National Innovation System. In the past, people regard Science system as the only Innovation indicator, thinking that the growth of Science input will directly foster innovation and the development of technology. This simple linar model has already been replaced by Systemic approaches; that is, innovation is not the result by R&D but the result of the co-operation of research, development, marketing, diffusion. It can also be interpreted that innovation comes from every single member (such as the government, university, private enterprise) and every step, not just the academic circles and R&D.
In the recent years, Europe has a lot of works on innovation policy. Since 2000, Netherlands and Belgium are marvelous countries. As for the domain size and the economy quality, Taiwan needs to learn from the above countries on the development of technology industry and innovation policy. The research expects deep analysis on the innovation policies of this three countries; in the meantime, arranges a valuable example for Taiwan on the way to knowledge-intensive and value added.
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凱因斯對1930年代美國財政政策的影響 / The effects of J. M. Keynes on U.S. fiscal policy in 1930s蔡璧霙, Tsai, Pi Yin Unknown Date (has links)
本研究主要是針對凱因斯對1930年代美國財政政策的影響之研究。2008年是全球經濟史上的災難年,金融海嘯衝擊世界各國,鑒於近年來美國及新興經濟體,以及許多歐洲國家都強調政府干預,並運用財政手段刺激經濟,使得曾經沉寂一時的凱因斯主義,又告復活。他的「乘數理論」展示了財政政策的有效性,也鋪陳了「赤字支出」可以補充私部門有效需求的不足,並作為一種就業政策。
凱因斯畢生嘗試建立一套超越古典理論的一般理論,強調政府支出的意義,並藉以發展成穩定總體景氣波動的政策工具。其財政政策作為穩定政策的建議,在全球各地市場取向的經濟體中普遍被實施。凱因斯的《一般理論》提供了「一個充分就業是例外,而失業的存在是常態」的經濟分析。認為除非刺激需求,否則經濟就不可能增長,進而不可能達到充分就業。所以建議政府要經常干預市場,特別是在景氣衰退時,更要採用赤字預算和靈活的財政政策。美國羅斯福 ( Franklin D. Roosevelt ) 總統著名的新政(New Deal),與凱因斯的《一般理論》主張不謀而合,值得詳加探討。凱因斯曾被美國《時代》週刊推崇為20世紀最重要的人物之ㄧ,以他的思想為中心的凱因斯學派,更成為全球各國財政部長採用最多的主張。
本研究主要是運用文獻探討以及個案分析法,第一、探討凱因斯《一般理論》形成的背景如何。第二、探討凱因斯理論如何影響美國1930年代的財政政策。了解凱因斯對羅斯福新政影響雖微,但《一般理論》對美國經濟學界則影響極大。
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唐才常之生平與思想陳孝惇, Chen, Xiao-Dun Unknown Date (has links)
近代中國由於帝國主義的侵略與壓迫,以及西方文物制度與民主潮流的輸入,提供了
晚清知識份子學習模仿的對象,刺激其新思想的產生,加上對時局的覺醒與反省,啟
發了新的觀念,由於這些因素相互激盪與影響,激起了近代中國思想的劇烈轉變,而
唐才常(一八六七-一九○○)即是處於這樣的環境。本文之作,在探討才常思想的
產生、形成與發展,以及其各種救世主張與自立軍起義在中國近代史上的意義。全文
計分六章,十餘萬言。
第一章唐才常之平生。就其青少年求學經過、推動湖南新政、及領導自立軍起義三個
時期分別闡述,以期瞭解唐才常的一生,並由其交往師友來瞭解何人對其思想的形成
有啟迪之功。
第二章唐才常思想之背景與淵源。思想是時代環境的產物,有主觀因素與客觀背景,
若不察其過去及當時的社會狀況和環境,則無法窺見思想之來源。為了根究唐才常的
思想,必須先認識他所生存的環境,以明瞭其思想之脈絡,本章就滿漢種族的衝突、
清連內政的腐敗、外患頻仍的刺激,以及中國固有思想的啟發、清季今文經學的影響
與歐美思潮輸入的澎湃六個面向加以探討。
第三章唐才常思想探微。唐才常感於外力的刺激,蒿目時艱,就其認識所及,提出改
變中國政法制度結構的主張,企固有效的適應外來的挑戰,雖然他的主張與看法未必
正確,但已盡其時代使命,且對清末民初有著深遠的影響。
第四章唐才常與湖南新政運動。自甲午喪師,湖南一隅展開了啟發民智的運動,唐才
常即為當時新政運動中積極的核心人物,設立學堂學會,創辦學報刊物,設立保衛局
,無不親身參與,開啟風氣,傳播新思想,影響當時人心甚鉅。
第五章唐才常與自立軍。對自立軍之興起、經過、以及失敗之原因都有所說明,自立
軍起義雖然失敗,卻促使革命勢力代興,造成改革派的分化,由分析自立軍的影響來
明瞭自立軍在中國近代史上的歷史意義。
第六章結論。特別指出唐才常的各種救世主張雖有不切實際之處,但已使國人的眼光
由尊古崇古而轉向前瞻未來,所領導的自立軍起義雖然失敗,但其影響甚為深遠。
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第十三世達賴喇嘛新政之研究陳又新, Chen, You-Xin Unknown Date (has links)
本論文共一冊,約七萬多字,共分五章,共有十五節,其內容是:第一章:結論:旨
在探討本文之研究趣旨,新政定義以及推行新政之地理、歷史背景,分三節討論。第
二章:分三節討論,旨在探討第十三世達賴嘈嘛推行新政之時代背景,十九世紀末期
西藏地區局勢之環顧;推行新政前夕西藏本身所潛伏的因素和第十三世達賴嘈嘛人格
特性的探討。第三章:旨在探討新政的內容,共分五節分別說明,就其推行新政之指
導原則及網要和其在政制上、軍事上、財政上、社會上等各項新政之措施。第四章:
旨在說明新政的運轉,分三節討論,就其阻礙因素,運轉的後果和影響討論。第五章
:結論:旨在檢討過去和策勵未來我國建設西藏之要點。
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湖南新政(1895-1898)與近代中國政治文化 / The Hunan reform movement(1895-1898) and the political culture of modern china羅皓星, Law, Ho Sing Unknown Date (has links)
本論文將重新探討湖南新政的實際成效與其形象的塑造過程。在現今的學界中,對湖南新政的認識受限於維新人士的觀點。因而對湖南新政之認識,往往停留在「新舊之爭」上。此觀點往往過於僵化,侷限研究者的視野。因而,在這種歷史認識的限制下,研究者沒法解釋當時錯綜複雜的歷史事實,故只有去熟悉化,以不同的眼光去重新書寫此段歷史,重新還原當時之歷史時空,才能找回失去的歷史知識。
本論文會先探討地方官吏在湖南新政中的角色與貢獻。江標、陳寶箴、張之洞等人在湖南新政中所扮演的角色相當重要,惟後人對其的認識,往往是經過維新人士而來,因而不免與歷史事實有所落差。所以,重新研究地方官吏的角色,則有助於重新檢討湖南新政之形成過程。
在以往的研究中,對於湖南保衛局在湖南新政的影響力,缺乏深入的研究。事實上,在湖南新政的主事者看來,湖南保衛局是為湖南新政成敗之關鍵。本論文將探討湖南保衛局的興起與頓挫,其重點將放在湖南保衛局的構想之形成,在其實行過程中所遇到之困難,以此作為了解湖南新政的一個側面。在湖南保衛局施行過程中,不同人士都對於保衛局的實行有所討論,亦對於其有所批評。而從保衛局的實施過程中,可以證明這些批評有其道理。不過,由於受到「新舊之爭」思維的影響,後人對於這些批評者,多視其為「守舊」,因而對其言論多以負面眼光看待。事實上,這些批評者也是推動新政的主力。但是,在後來的歷史論述中,往往忽略這些史事。究其原因,與湖南士人之間的論爭有所關連。而這亦是決定湖南新政前途的重要關鍵。
所以,本論文將分析湖南士人之間論爭之起因,以及論爭的經過。在此過程中,不同士人之間因各種原因而產生矛盾與衝突,從而使得湖南新政遭受衝擊。這些衝擊有的來自於湖南士人本身,也有一些是來自於省外。而這些衝擊,很大程度上與康有為有相當密切之關連。湖南新政與戊戌變法在本質上就有所不同,而康有為一派意圖影響湖南新政的發展,引來不少士人的反彈。因此,士人之間開始出現分歧。而反對康有為一方之人士,往往援引省外反對康有為的言論作為思想資源,以抗衝康學,拿回新政的主導權。因此,他們所反對的,只是康有為一派的康學,而非針對西學。
因此,從當時的歷史時空看來,參與論爭的雙方在思想上均沒有太大的分別。他們對於西學,都抱持接納的態度;在新政的事務上,他們都有所參與。但在後人看來,王先謙等人被貼上「守舊」的標籤。因此,這種觀點如何形成?本身就是一個值得探討的課題。所以,本論文將探討當時人如何看待湖南新政,並從而形成中國近代政治文化的其中一種特色。在當事人看來,湖南新政並沒有因戊戌政變而中止,在後來仍有所延續。而在日本人看來,湖南士人並沒有所謂的新舊之別。革命黨人和立憲黨人都以湖南新政作為他們的政治本錢,因而塑造一種「新舊之爭」的氛圍。在報刊等傳播媒介的推動下,這種湖南的「新舊之爭」成為當時人的歷史想像,並成為後人對於該段歷史的集體記憶。
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桑斯汀的國家管制理論 / Regulatory State Theory of Sunstein江維萱 Unknown Date (has links)
凱斯‧桑斯汀(Cass Sunstein)為美國著名之憲法學者,其於1990年所出版之《After the Rights Revolution》所欲回應之背景,乃係80年代後美國復興之自由放任之風。本書前半部以1930年代羅斯福新政精神為最上位的基本理念,清楚表示其對管制國家的支持與期待。相對地,本書主要目的在於解決現代管制國家所遇到的困境,並以聯邦主義之思想為基論,娓娓帶出後半部的解決方法,即以法院為主角,藉由其解釋法律的權限以調整管制政策與不公平、不正義的管制結果。本文主要為介紹桑斯汀於此本書所表現出的核心價值與精神;即便日後想法有發生變化,包括其致力研究之方向,在本書皆可找到端倪。於整理本書內容之外,本文更努力清楚交代本書所欲對話的對象,更試圖說明本書對作者日後研究之取徑的地位與重要性。
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創意政策的開發與評鑑: 以高雄市政策創新發展為例 / The Development and Evaluation of Creative Policies: A Case Study of Kaohsiung City Innovative Policies楊婷安, Yang, Ting An Unknown Date (has links)
公共服務的來臨,政府單位不斷用心發展更積極創新的作為以提升各項業務服務品質,創新的政策對於政府效能與國民福祉的提升有非常重要的地位,然而優質的政策並不容易提出,在創意開發的運用實例上,不乏國際大企業利用預測市場的網路平台開發公司員工的集體智慧或匯聚眾人資訊協助企業進行決策,因此本文欲以創意市場運用在高雄市政府開發創新政策,探究此機制是否有助於提升市府的施政品質。
本研究內容主要根據政治大學童振源教授與高雄市政府合作之「高雄市發展政策創新與評鑑計畫」,從旁觀察紀錄,事後以質性研究法與量化研究法,檢證創意市場在政府部門的可行性,期能將創意市場機制應用在公部門體系,成為促進政府創新改革重要方法之一。計畫透過提案階段、書審階段、初選階段、決選階段,以虛擬貨幣的方式交易評鑑,判斷提案之優劣,選出最佳創新政策。
研究結果發現獲選之最佳創新政策提案在可行性、創新程度、預期效益、符合市民需求、對高雄發展有利、建議市府採用等指標均獲得相當程度認同,值得高雄市政府深入檢視與評估,進一步規劃相關的政策配套與執行方案。政策創新市場提供基層同仁參與政策產生與決策的機會,營造一個可溝通、討論的平台,使政策在眾人的互相激盪與琢磨之下,能夠更多元、更豐富。而未來有更健全的配套措施與實施辦法後,期望能開放一般民眾加入政策的開發與評鑑,以增加市民對市政議題的關注、參與及認同,提升高雄市政府在市民心中的認同感。 / The coming of public service causes that the government agencies continuously develop more positive and innovative conducts by heart to improve service quality for various businesses. Innovative policy occupies an important place in the promotion of government effectiveness and national welfare. However, it’s not so easy to put forward a good quality policy. For living examples applied in creative development, there is no lack of large-sized international companies using collective intelligence of employees in network platform development companies engaged in market predicting, or collecting people’s information to assist company’s decision-making. Therefore, this article intends to use idea marketplace in Kaohsiung City Government to develop innovative policy and explore if this mechanism contributes to the improvement of city government’s administrative quality.
The contents of this study mainly based on “Innovation and Assessment Program for Kaohsiung City’s Development Policies” under the cooperation between Professor Tung, Chen-Yuan of Chengchi University and Kaohsiung City Government, recording and watching from the sideline, using qualitative and quantitative research methods afterwards to verify the feasibility of idea marketplace in government sectors, which is expecting to apply the mechanism of idea marketplace in public sector system and become one of important ways to improve the government’s innovation and reform. The best innovative policy will be selected from this program through the stage of proposal, written review, primary selection and final selection to judge the strength and weakness of the proposal with the assessment of virtual currency trading.
Research results found that the selected proposal for the best innovative policy in the feasibility, degree of innovation and predicted effectiveness complies with the demand of the citizens and benefits to the development of Kaohsiung City. This study proposed the city government to adopt such indicators to obtain a considerable degree of identification, which is worth of Kaohsiung City Government’s deep review and evaluation for further planning of the relevant policy set and implementation scheme. Policy idea marketplace provides colleagues at the basic level with the opportunities to participate in policy generating and decision-making, building a platform for communication and discussion, and enabling the policy to be more multiple and plentiful under people’s mutual brainstorming and study. After more healthy supporting measures and implementation methods in the future, this study hopes to open the development and assessment of policy for general public so as to increase citizen’s concern about, participation in and identification of municipal issues and improve the acceptance of Kaohsiung City Government in citizen’s heart.
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AMI創新政策關鍵因素之權重評估 / Weighting Assessment on Key Factors of Advanced Metering Infrastructure Innovation Policy梁玉琦, Liang, Yu Chi Unknown Date (has links)
如何永續發展已成為人類面臨的重大議題,依據先進國外之經驗,透過智慧電網之相關技術,可以有效的提升能源效率與達成節能減碳之目的。在國外建置智慧電網的過程中,往往從先進讀表基礎建設(Advanced Metering Infrastructure, AMI)切入,AMI對往後智慧電網的延伸發展有很大的影響。
因此,本研究旨在探討我國未來發展AMI創新政策之關鍵因素和其優先排序。首先藉由蒐集次級資料瞭解主要先進國家的AMI相關發展經驗,以及目前我國AMI的發展現況,再透過文獻探討國家創新政策,並以Rothwell &Zegveld之國家創新政策理論作為基礎架構,建立層級結構,運用模糊層級分析法(Fuzzy Analytic Hierarchy Process, FAHP ),針對國內AMI之相關產官學人員進行專家問卷調查,並整理出各項政策因素的權重排序,求出影響台灣發展AMI之創新政策關鍵因素。
從本研究實證結果顯示主層級之三項政策構面中相對權重最重的是「環境面」,在次層級十二項政策工具中,「公共服務」、「資訊服務」、「法規管制」的相對總權重最重,其為目前台灣發展AMI創新政策中最急需政府優先考量的關鍵因素。 / The sustainable development has become major issue for human. According to the experience of foreign advanced countries, it can achieve the purpose effectively of improving energy efficiency and reducing carbon emissions through the related technologies of smart grid. In the process of building smart grid abroad, it often cuts into the Advanced Metering Infrastructure (AMI). AMI has a great influence on the future extending development of the smart grid.
Therefore, the study explores the key factors and precedence of AMI innovation policy in future development of our country. First, understanding the relative development experience of AMI in major advanced countries through collecting the secondary data and the current development situation of AMI in our country. Second, exploring country innovation policy through literature review, and taking theory of Rothwell & Zegveld as infrastructure to build up hierarchical structure, and using FAHP (Fuzzy Analytic Hierarchy Process) method to conduct experts survey for relative persons of industry - government - academy of domestic AMI. Then, collating the sort weights for various policy factors. Finally, finding out key factors that affect development of Taiwan’s AMI innovation policy.
From the empirical results of the research shows that the most important relative weights in three main policy dimensions of the hierarchy is the “environmental surface”. The relative total weights of “public service”, “information service” ,“regulation control” and “political strategic policies” are the highest among twelve policies. They are key factor of most urgent priority for government to consider among developing AMI innovation policies in current Taiwan.
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鑲嵌於管制政策制度的科學政治:以VOCs、PM2.5為例 / The scientific politics embedded in the regulatory policy institution: VOCs and PM 2.5 as examples張景儀 Unknown Date (has links)
運用科學知識在當代環境管制政策幾乎已屬常態。然而,科學卻不一定能有效解決環境污染問題。本研究探討雲林六輕石化廠區的揮發性有機物(VOCs)空氣污染問題,發現運作二十多年的六輕,其排放之VOCs數值,至今尚未釐清,但企業仍不斷擴廠,引發當地健康風險問題;同時,國光石化的環評中,PM2.5(細懸浮微粒)引發重大政治爭議,民間提出對抗性科學論述影響決策方向,後續,更促成相關管制法規通過。
在上述管制科學爭議中,本文採用新政治科學社會學所提供的制度、網絡與權力,與環境決策知識建構的途徑觀點,探討雲林石化廠區所排放的揮發性有機物(VOCs)、懸浮微粒(PM2.5)相關之管制科學爭議。運用次級資料分析法、田野調查以及深入訪談法,嘗試分析強調科學循證作為基礎的管制政策,何以仍落入管制失靈的窘境?本文探討兩個個案,其不同調的科學數字如何依循管制制度生產、傳遞及運用?其中,VOCs排放數字如何被各個政治行動者賦予政治性意涵,進而延宕政府管制的能力?甚而導致府際間嚴重衝突?而PM2.5的對抗性科學論述是如何被生產、傳遞乃至公共化?相關之政策網絡如何有效地將PM2.5的管制政策推入政治議程中,成為正式法規的一環?
本研究發現,在VOCs個案中,基於污染物的特性、石化廠區的龐大營運複雜度、以及企業為管制資訊之主要來源等因素,使VOCs排放具有相當大的科學不確定性。不過,現行制度將這些科學不確定性切割成一場又一場對於企業資訊的審查,對於掌握確切污染狀況極其有限。在PM2.5個案中,在幾個重大政策窗事件出現之前,民間社會已有一定的知識建構基礎。而重大政策窗事件如六輕工安大火、國光石化興建以及2011年總統選舉等,促成不同社會網絡連結,協助、生產出對抗性論述,並結合公眾媒體的廣泛傳播特性,將相關科技風險知識公共化,終使得PM2.5管制法案成為正式規範之一。 / Scientific knowledge has been commonly employed for making environmental regulatory policies. This thesis aims at analyzing the contamination problems resulted from Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs) released by the Six Naphtha Cracking Complex; it is discovered that the emission of VOCs remains a mystery after two decades of operation. However, the industrial expansion plan continues and has done a severe environmental and health destruction to the local community. Meanwhile, PM2.5, Fine Particulate Matters also triggered political controversies in the Environmental Impact Assessment process of Kuokuang Petrochemical Plant, the Eighth Naphtha Cracking Project(8th naphtha). The civil society has raised the opposing argument on the PM2.5 matter in terms of health impact, thereby influencing the direction of policy making and passing the regulations.
In light of the controversies of regulatory science, this thesis adopts the perspective of New Political sociology of Science (NPSS), which substantiates the approach of institution, network and power, and other aspects of knowledge construction to analyze the emission of VOCs and PM2.5 in the petrochemical field. Moreover, secondary data, field research, and in-depth interviews are utilized to analyze these regulatory predicaments.
It is discovered in the cases of VOCs, the scientific uncertainty is composed of the characteristics of VOCs, the complexity of petrochemical plant’s operations and the main regulatory information is generated by industries. Nevertheless, the regulatory institution just divided the scientific uncertainty into the tremendous conferences which peer-reviewed the information from industries. Furthermore, this regulatory institution hinders the true conditions of pollution from being known. In the meantime, in terms of PM2.5, the general public has had a solid knowledge pertaining to the critical national matters, such as several fire disasters of 6th naphtha, the policy of 8th naphtha, and the presidential election in 2011. Moreover, these policy windows promote the connection of social network and assistance, and accordingly generate the opposing discourse. The technology risk-related knowledge has also been conveyed by the mass media, thus ultimately enacting the PM2.5.
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明治時期的神佛分離‧廢佛毀釋運動 ─以真宗門徒的反對運動為例─ / The Separation of Shinto and Buddhism and the Anti-Buddhist Movement in the Meiji Era:focusing on the Opposition by the Shin-Buddhist Followers徐欣瑜, Hsu, Hsin Yu , Unknown Date (has links)
日本於明治時期,由於維新政府所奉行的神道國教化政策,而引發大規模的的佛教排斥破壞運動,史稱廢佛毀釋運動。事件的開端,起源於慶應四年(明治元年、一八六八)政府所頒布的「神佛分離令」。而政府之所以採用神佛分離政策,是因為在明治維新這個動盪的時期,政府的核心領導人物為了樹立以天皇為首之中央集權國家的政治體系,便採用有力的國學者、神道家之理論,來作為強調天皇其神聖的宗教威信、鞏固天皇的正統性及權威性之根據。
然而,當時如此雷厲風行的廢佛毀釋運動,使其衰退的是真宗信仰地區強烈的抵抗運動。而淨土真宗界的僧侶集結信徒發起護法一揆,起身反抗的原因,是出自於對廢佛行為的抗議、僧侶守護自身的生活權、農民對新政策的不了解,或是排擊基督教等因素。
本論文的第一、二章,將針對神佛分離‧廢佛毀釋運動之生成背景做探討。並說明從織豐政權到江戶幕府,權力者是如何打壓宗教勢力,以及論述相關宗教政策制定的意圖及內涵。此外,江戶時代排佛論興起,在此將試舉幾位代表性的排佛論者的論點加以闡述。再者,早在江戶時代,就有部份尊儒排佛的地方大名,積極的整頓領內的寺院神社,尤其以水戶、岡山、會津、長州最為興盛,因此將透過上述四個例子,來瞭解維新以前廢佛毀釋的實際狀況。在經過幕末的動盪時代,甫成立的維新政府在宗教方面,積極推動一連串神道國教化的政策。第三章將探討當時的各項政策,來說明各項政策所蘊含的意圖以及其帶來的影響。第四章的部份,將以真宗信仰繁盛的三個地區,在面對明治政府所施行的新政策時,所發起的護法一揆為例,來一窺其中所蘊含的群眾運動以及宗教運動的性格。 / In the Meiji era, because the Meiji government made Shinto a state religion, opposition and destruction of Buddhism occurred on a large scale in Japan, the so-called Anti-Buddhist Movement (Haibutsu Kishaku). It began in Keiō 4 (Meiji 1, 1868), the time the government announced the Ordinance Distinguishing Shinto and Buddhism. The government applied the separation of Shinto and Buddhism because in the chaotic period of the Meiji Restoration, to build a political system, a centralized government in which the emperor was the top, core leaders adopted authoritative Japanese classical (Kokugaku) scholars and Shinto scholars’ doctrines to enhance the emperor’s religious prestige, legitimacy and authority.
As the fierce Anti-Buddhist Movement occurred, it was the strong opposition held by the Shin-Buddhists that weakened the Anti-Buddhist Movement. The Shin-Buddhist monks and followers staged religious revolts for protests against anti-Buddhism, monks’ claims on rights of living, peasants’ unfamiliarity with the new policy, strikes against Christians, etc.
Chapter 1 and chapter 2 in this thesis are concerned with the background of the separation of Shinto and Buddhism and the Anti-Buddhist Movement, the illustrations of authorities’ oppression of religion from the Oda-Toyotomi period to the Edo period, and the demonstration of the purpose and the meaning of these religious policies. Besides, anti-Buddhism developed in the Edo period. Some representative anti-Buddhist scholars’ doctrines are examined here. In addition, in the Edo period, some chiho-daimyo who praised Confucianism and opposed Buddhism reorganized Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines in their domains actively, and this occurred very often in the Mito Domain, the Okayama Domain, the Aizu Domain and the Chōshū Domain. The above four cases are examined here to understand the real situation of the anti-Buddhism before the Meiji Restoration. After the chaotic last days of the Edo period (Bakumatsu), the new Meiji government adopted lots of policies to make Shinto a state religion. Chapter 3 is concerned with the analysis of each policy to demonstrate the purpose and the effect of each policy. Chapter 4 is concerned with the examination of religious revolts staged by people who lived in three places where the Shin-Buddhism was popular and faced new policies adopted by the Meiji government to analyze characteristics, mass movement and religious movement, of those religious revolts.
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