• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 27
  • 26
  • 5
  • 2
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 34
  • 15
  • 8
  • 7
  • 7
  • 6
  • 6
  • 6
  • 6
  • 5
  • 5
  • 5
  • 5
  • 5
  • 5
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
21

敘述流動:三位英國女作家筆下的漫遊者與城市 / Narrating the mobile: The writings of Amy Levy, Dorothy Richardson, and Virginia Woolf

王瀚陞, Wang, Han Sheng Unknown Date (has links)
本篇論文主要探討1880至1930年代英國女性作家所再現的性別化空間。女性逐漸在十九世紀末倫敦的公共空間嶄露頭角,扮演各種不同的重要角色,舉凡上班族、消費者、俱樂部會員、電影迷、行善者及觀光客等都是當時女性公共形象的最佳例證。然而這些跨越公/私領域界限的女性漫遊者迄今都未獲得學界足夠的重視。女性漫遊者在世紀末文學研究中長期遭受忽視主要肇因於早期學者對於十九世紀男主外、女主內的公/私領域劃分大致認同,未能加以批判。透過檢視艾蜜‧列薇 (Amy Levy)、桃樂斯‧理察森 (Dorothy Richardson) 以及維吉尼亞‧吳爾夫 (Virginia Woolf) 等三位女作家的跨文類書寫,本篇論文指出世紀末的中產階級女性已逐漸掙脫傳統私領域以及家庭意識形態的束縛,開始在城市空間行走與觀看。在十九世紀末許多新興的大城市例如倫敦,如此的女性公共行走則又更加顯著並且和日益蓬勃發展的商品文化、大眾消費/享樂以及公共空間皆有極密切的關聯。流動 (mobility) 與觀察 (spectatorship) 因此成為中產階級女性在城市空間行走與觀看時的重要經驗,前者來自於女性在日益開放的公共領域遂行的空間探索,後者則是來自女性觀察者對於城市景觀例如商品展示、來往的人潮以及繁忙的街景所做的視覺凝視。經由書寫世紀末的女性城市漫遊,上述三位女作家明確地指出這些表面看似被動的中產階級女性其實早已跨越傳統空間限制,不斷挪用與創造新的城市公共空間。 / This study has examined the numerous roles played by women entering the public spaces of London in the half century from the 1880s to the 1930s as workers, shoppers, diners, clubbers, cinema-goers, philanthropists, and tourists, a wide spectrum of active female social actors that until recently have not attracted enough attention from scholars of late-Victorian and Edwardian literature. The neglect of these newly pubic women in the fin de siècle period, who are distinct from their home-bound Victorian predecessors, is largely ascribed to an uncritical acceptance of or surrender to the long-held, dominant assumption of separate spheres in the nineteenth century. Through examining the writings of Amy Levy, Dorothy Richardson, and Virginia Woolf, who portray the multifarious pictures of women rambling the streets of modern London, this study has demonstrated that female public visibility and mobility have at least since the fin de siècle period been commonly practiced by a conglomerate of middle-class women. Mobility and spectatorship are thus two significant tropes applicable to women’s spatial and visual explorations of the fin de siècle city, the former underscoring their meandering footsteps threading through the increasingly egalitarian public space while the latter their roving eyes casting glances at those enticing urban spectacles which are already a phantasmagoria of commodity display, jostling crowd, and bustling streetscapes. Through writing about fin de siècle female streetwalking, the three women writers have demonstrated that those seemingly passive women of the middle-class may indeed be capable, through their public presence and their incessant footsteps, of pushing at the established boundaries.
22

世界‧民俗‧帝國——《臺灣婦人界》小說研究 / The cosmopolitan, the folklore and the empire: a postcolonial reading of Taiwan Fujinkai

王琬葶, Wang, Wan Ting Unknown Date (has links)
《臺灣婦人界》(1934-1939)為日治時期最具規模的女性雜誌,也是1930年代刊載最大量通俗小說的刊物。本論文以殖民現代性與女性經驗的交織為主軸,提出《臺灣婦人界》小說的後殖民閱讀。日治時期台灣女性最初的現代體驗,奠基於殖民現代性所帶來的教育機會與物質文明,一方面秉持啟蒙開化的信念給予女性前所未有的自由與選擇,另一方面則訴諸文明優劣程度築起一道文化同化的門檻。「世界」指新女性走出家屋展望世界的文本效應。女性透過教養、知識提升成為公領域典範的可能,以及不同族裔、背景的女性基於文明信念而想像出的共同體,是《臺灣婦人界》一再宣揚的普遍價值。「民俗」是與上述普遍性對照之下的差異性,信仰漢人宗教的女性成為奇觀的拼貼素材,也化身被排除的迷信舊慣。這些文化差異性復又受到「帝國」殖民同化計畫的整編與改造,其透過女性之於家庭與社會的角色,以日本現代文明與大和民族的優越位階,對不同出身、階級與族裔的差異主體實行精神統馭。   筆者從《臺灣婦人界》觀察到上述三個大方向,並參照史碧娃克(Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak)、霍米巴巴(Homi Bhabha)的後殖民觀點,進一步解析殖民現代性排除與整編的策略如何在小說中一一受到挑戰。被體制重重壓迫的底層女性身影解構了以自由主義理念為根基、中產階級身份為前提的文明女性想像。被現代理性準繩貶抑的民俗迷信拯救了台灣女性的主體分裂危機,證明原生文化始終是殖民現代性無法割除斬斷的一部份。混血的女性身體隱喻著台灣多層歷史與地緣脈絡的軌跡,那難以馴化的混雜性揭發了殖民改造計畫的破綻。本論文探討的包括黃寶桃、西川滿等已受學界所知的作家,以及陳華培、別所夏子等未曾受到討論的台日創作者,期能為這份議題性與份量兼具、卻幾乎未受到注意的史料梳理一個輪廓,揭示《臺灣婦人界》之於日治時期文學研究、女性史研究以及後殖民研究的價值。 / Taiwan Fujinkai (1934-1939) was the most influential women’s magazine in colonial Taiwan, on which women’s experience were closely interweaved with colonial modernity. For women in colonial Taiwan, the first experience of modernization was founded on the modern education and material environment by Japanese power, and thus contained double sides. One was the sense of liberation brought by the belief of enlightenment, another was the awareness of discrimination between the superior and the inferior. “The cosmopolitan” refers to an imagined community where women from all backgrounds can be canonized if they followed the universal route of modernization. Being a contrast of this universality, images of women in “the folklore” was represented as the backwardness eliminated from the modern society. In the civilizing mission of “the empire,” these eliminated cultures were assimilated into the imperial project again, which seek to rule and reform the colonized through the hand of civilized wives and mothers. With Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Homi Bhabha’s postcolonial concepts, this paper examines how Japan’s strategy of elimination and assimilation was challenged in the fictions in Taiwan Fujinkai. The subaltern women in the bottom of social system broke the liberalist imagination of women’s civilizing route. A ghost haunted in Taiwan women’s mind implied that the native folklore can be oppressed but never divisible. The mixed-blood woman’s body disclosed the invalidity of Japan’s attempt to discipline the hybridity of it colony. My discussion includes Huang Pao-tao, Nishikawa Mitsuru and other undiscovered texts. Probing into this important but rarely investigated magazine, I seek to uncover its value for the literature study, women’s study and postcolonial study in the field of Taiwan literature.
23

從族群關係看清代臺灣桃竹苗地區義民信仰區域差異──以清代苗栗堡為觀察中心

張正田, Zhang, Zhengtian Unknown Date (has links)
以往,北臺灣客家史常被視作「鐵板一塊」地論述,而其論述焦點之一往往也著重在枋寮義民信仰,此或會使人以為北臺灣客家人都崇敬義民信仰。然本文從清代北臺灣族群關係史角度,提出以下觀點: 一、 苗栗義民廟歷史幾與新竹枋寮義民廟同樣悠久,然今日其祭祀圈卻僅三里大,並未如枋寮義民廟般發展為當地一大區域信仰,其主因與清代苗栗堡境的閩客械鬥風氣不發達有關。清代苗栗堡境西側的「北大肚山系」,與東側的「關刀山山脈」,對於當地族群關係演變的意義,在於「北大肚山系」山勢雖不如「關刀山山脈」般險峻,但該山系卻相對使苗栗堡客、閩兩族群的接觸機會,未如枋寮義民祭祀圈十四大庄,或中港堡、吞霄堡、「南桃園東側」等地區來得多,故不易使苗栗堡的客、閩兩族群,發生大規模接觸與衝突的機會。這也造成清代苗栗客家人的族群意識,在林爽文事變後百餘年間,隨世代交替而逐漸降低。是故苗栗義民信仰並未同於枋寮義民信仰般,有因為閩粵械鬥氛圍較濃厚的歷史背景來發展「區隔粵閩」、「強調粵人忠義精神」之族群認同符號,而成為一大區域信仰。 二、 在清代苗栗義民信仰中,有一重要制度為「苗栗義民祀327位會友」制,其為清代苗栗地方人士,可藉由出資金來加入「苗栗義民祀」會友,且其會友身分不但可世襲,百餘年來又不斷有新會友加入,最終成為清晚期的「苗栗義民祀327位會友」制。又「327會友」制,並沒有歷史需求發展為「區分會友間階級高低」,與重視「神牌位序差異」之模式,「苗栗義民祀327位會友」都在該廟左偏殿,以一面木牌陪祀,即可代表清代苗栗義民廟「327會友」在該廟信仰者心中之歷史貢獻。此外,苗栗義民信仰也主祀真正殉難於林爽文事件的「義士眾姓諸公」、淡水廳幕僚壽同春、與淡水廳同知程峻之模式,也是不同於枋寮義民信仰之處。 三、 清代苗栗堡西境地勢較為高聳的「關刀山山脈」,在清中期時,隘線分佈於此山脈西麓,故當時該山脈尚是非常重要的「區隔漢原」之地理形勢。但約在清中後期之際,因苗栗客家人往東越過該山脈開墾樟腦利益,也使「後龍溪上游區」,即今獅潭鄉與大湖鄉等地,最終成為客庄。而其中較重要的漢人拓殖勢力,有獅潭、南湖等庄的黃南球勢力,與大湖吳定新家族勢力,以及拓出桂竹林一帶的劉緝光等勢力,而「後龍溪上游區」有無義民信仰,也與這三勢力分佈有關。清晚期的黃南球,其前半生經歷較少與苗栗堡有淵源,双與枋寮義民信仰分佈區域較有關係,故黃南球拓殖出獅潭與南湖二庄後,也在二庄各置一間義民廟,其皆分香自枋寮義民廟,以祀奉死於漢原械鬥的骨骸。而清晚期吳定新家族勢力,雖也為大湖庄帶來義民信仰,但其他大湖庄民不見得都信之。故清代大湖庄民初建大湖義民廟時,很可能已被該庄人視為陰廟,而將該廟設在遠離大湖庄市街中心外的「下坪仔」。又該廟石製主神牌,同時書寫「萬姓同歸.褒忠義民」,是雜揉了枋寮義民信仰,與漢人社會常視為「陰廟」的萬善爺性質。大抵而言,「後龍溪上游區」的獅潭、大湖、南湖等三間義民廟,是双應清晚期當地漢原關 係緊張下的歷史產物,因此也在清代北臺灣族群關係史的意義上,與本為區隔閩粵為主的枋寮義民信仰有所差異。 四、 枋寮義民信仰乃清代嘉、道以來,竹塹當地「城╱閩」與「郊╱粵」的閩粵械鬥風氣下之產物,「郊區」的枋寮義民祭祀圈內之粵人,係藉此突顯「粵人忠義於朝」精神,期盼朝廷能對當時弱勢的臺灣粵人聲張正義。而約自嘉、道以降,枋寮義民信仰祭祀圈的粵人,又逐漸透過枋寮義民信仰十四大庄制度,讓該區粵人能被組織於各大庄的公號頭家,與枋寮義民廟方各大姓家族之領導下,以凝聚共同的粵人族群共識與力量,來與淡水廳政經中心在的竹塹城閩人相抗衡。而清代北臺灣閩粵械鬥同樣激烈情況者,至少尚含「南桃園東側」與清代中港堡境內之客庄。可是「南桃園東側」與清代中港堡客家人,一開始並未出現特別崇敬義民信仰的氛圍,至少在中港堡的頭份義民廟方面,該廟乃遲至清代光緒11-13年左右,才由當地客家人自枋寮義民廟分香引進。清代頭分庄客家人引進義民信仰的歷史背景因素之一,自與從嘉、道以降的閩客械鬥風氣氛圍有關,然其引進之時間點之所以遲至光緒朝,則是與金廣福勢力拓墾大隘地區成熟畢,使中港堡與竹塹「郊區」兩地粵庄交通風險相對降低有關。
24

區段徵收地主選擇行為之研究

黃怡婷 Unknown Date (has links)
目前區段徵收乃是政府進行土地開發的方式之一,多用來取得所需之公共設施用地或特定目的事業用地,高鐵桃園車站特定區即採區段徵收方式進行開發,以取得高鐵所需之車站用地。由於現行區段徵收為抵價地式制度,被徵收之地主有領取抵價地與領取現金補償兩種選擇,因此,政府實施區段徵收時,將受到地主不同選擇行為之影響而有不同的辦理成效,使得區段徵收地主選擇行為在徵收辦理過程中,具有決定性的影響力。   本研究自土地開發之觀點探討區段徵收地主選擇行為,並著重於選擇行為影響因素之分析。由於相關文獻針對此部分的研究甚少,因此,首先歸納區段徵收地主選擇行為之影響因素,共分為地主屬性因素、政策管制因素及未來期望因素三類,並以高鐵桃園特定區為實證案例,透過問卷調查與Logit模型之建立,分析各項因素對特定區地主選擇行為的影響程度;其次則分析選擇行為的影響效果,以了解區段徵收地主選擇行為之前因後果,並進一步提出政策建議。   經由高鐵桃園車站特定區之實證分析,本研究得出以下六點結論:   1.大地主傾向領取抵價地,小地主與共有地主傾向領取現金補償,可藉由土地屬性之掌握,預知地主可能的選擇行為。   2.公告現值調漲時機關係徵收補償費之支出,並左右地價與市場景氣對選擇行為的影響,政府應先公告實施區段徵收後才發布都市計畫,以減少徵收補償費,提高財務可行性。   3.區段徵收地主選擇行為受價值觀之影響大,應考量地主保有祖產價值觀等個人屬性之影響,以預知選擇行為。   4.建築基地最小開發規模攸關小地主配地權益與土地開發型態,政府應考量土地規模與使用,訂定合理的建築基地最小開發規模。   5.抵價地領回比例與分配區位受公共設施用地規劃之影響,為領地地主改領現金補償的主要原因,可藉由抵價地相關規定誘導地主選擇行為之改變。   6.政府辦理區段徵收時,普遍未充分告知計畫內容與相關規定,影響地主權益。 / Zone expropriation is one kind of land development methods through which government can obtain the land for public facilities or specific uses. For example, the development of Taoyuan High Speed Rail station special zone is of this kind. According to zone expropriation system, there are two compensatory choices for landowners. One is by cash and the other is by pay-for-land. Therefore, landowner's choice behavior would play an important role in the process of zone expropriation.   With the view of land development, this paper discusses landowner's choice behavior in the process of zone expropriation and focuses on the factors of choice behavior. Here we sum up three kinds of factors that will affect landowner's choice behavior: they are landowner attributes, government regulations, and landowner expectations. According to the empirical study of zone expropriation in Taoyuan High Speed Rail station special zone, this paper has six conclusions:   1.Large landowners prefer to choose pay-for-land. On the contrary, small and common landowners prefer cash compensation.   2.To reduce the amount of cash compensation, the government should announce zone expropriation more early than urban plan.   3.The concept of keeping ancestral estate would influence landowner's choice behavior very much in the process of zone expropriation.   4.The development scale would affect the right of small landowners and the form of land development. The government should set a suitable development scale by considering the scale and use of land.   5.The assigned proportion and location of pay-for-land is the main reason why landowners with pay-for-land change to choose cash compensation.   6.The government seldom informed landowners of the whole plan and the relevant regulations in the process of zone expropriation.
25

新工會法對於工會發展影響之探討—以桃園縣工會為例 / A study on the Influence and Impact of Labor Union Act on the Development of Unions in Taoyuan County

董純惠, Tung, Chun Hui Unknown Date (has links)
集體勞動權包括「勞動者團結」、「集體交涉」、「集體行動」等三大部分,為勞動者集體爭取並維護權益的基本權,其中又以團結權為基礎。其權利之保障,規範於工會法、團體協約法及勞資爭議處理法等勞動三法中。我國團體協約法、勞資爭議處理法及工會法等勞動三法分別修正通過,於100年5月1日同時施行,為我國六十年來新的集體勞動法制變革,這歷史性的一刻值得我們探究。其中新工會法這個勞工組織之基本法,將牽動勞資關係的發展,也代表我國工會政策的定調,亦是我國工會運動發展關鍵因素,當勞工團體依賴政府保障權益、給予資源成習慣時,對於政府的宣稱解除管制措施,工會團體是否也可因應成長?時適2011年5月1日施行上路之工會法滿周年,基於集體勞動法制的重大變革,本文探討工會幹部對於新工會法制的看法及期待,以作為主管機關未來推動工會事務時之參考。 本研究採深度訪談法,訪談5位工會幹部及3位專家學者,發現如下: 一、新工會法籌組程序簡化未影響勞工籌組意願: 工會幹部不一定認同簡化籌組程序是保障勞工團結權,反而認同舊工會法由主管機關及上級工會介入輔導成立,程序上合法,也感覺較有正當性。專家學者認為簡化籌組程序與勞工組織意願沒有關聯,應視視大環境經濟情況及勞工的自覺。 二、同一事業單位疊床架屋的企業工會造成工會內部分裂 新工會法第6條第1項規定造成同一事業單位疊床架屋的工會型態,受訪者認為放寬的工會組織,法令未有強制整合機制,反而可能造成工會力量的不團結,甚至就是力量分裂,尤其關係企業工會組織系統過於龐大,建議以聯合會組織型態產生,才能發揮工會功能。 三、「柔性」強制入會所衍生的問題 新工會法第7條企業工會採強制入會制度,工會幹部皆同意工會法不應規定強制入會,但是當提及所屬工會現況時,又表示以目前我國工會力量不彰,需要有強制入會的規定才能維持一定生存。專家看法點出了由公權力強制勞工入會,工會自主意識不易發揮,工會力量則無可展現,如果沒有理念及使命感的主動加入,無助於工會真正的團結行動,所以皆肯定應採取自由入會。 四、工會未協助弱勢勞動者之團結權 新工會法對於非典型勞動者(如臨時工、契約工、部分工時等)及外籍勞工等相較弱勢的勞動者參加工會的權利未有不同規定,該等勞工多為補充性、調節訂單需求的短期勞動者,依工會現行法令本應強制該等勞工加入工會,但是大部分的工會或於章程、或依習慣,皆未讓臨時工、契約工、部分工時及外籍勞工等勞動者入會,原因在於無法協助將短期契約變成長期正式僱用型態。 五、新工會法規範工會財務收費標準造成絕大多數的工會章程違法 新工會法將會費收入修正為下限規定,但是變更會費收取標準為修訂章程之重大事項,須經一定程序通過後方得修訂,絕大多數這個修訂案未通過,結果仍維持舊有收費標準,造成章程違反法令規定,反而使絕大多數企業工會之章程處於違法狀態,且進退失據。受訪專家肯定政府協助工會財務健全可免於處處依賴資方提供或要求政府補助,但是反對國家以法律規定工會會費之應收標準,這個規定反而會挑戰工會在勞工心目中的價值及造成內部紛亂。 六、工會不當勞動行為卻是我國法令明文化的保障 美、日二國規範禁止雇主對工會施予攏絡行為,如給予工會幹部會務假、辦公場所的提供及雇主代扣會費等支配介入問題,以免影響工會獨立運作的自主性,但是這些項目卻是我國法令明文保障且工會極力爭取的目標。專家學者的看法與工會幹部並無不同,在企業工會的幹部仍受雇於資方,許多資源須向資方爭取方能讓工會會務順利運作。 七、雇主不當勞動行為樣態完整明文化受到肯定 新工會法第35條將雇主對工會幹部不當勞動行為各款明訂於法條上,相當程度將雇主不當勞動行為樣態整合,受訪工會幹部表示有明文當然有保障,可以保障工會幹部的行為,且主管機關如果可以依職權協助裁決委員會釐清爭議,以便迅速認定,工會幹部更能安心推動會務。專家學者認為新工會法第35條已經夠明確了,重點在是否有配套措施協助裁決期間工會幹部度過經濟難關及有效嚇阻雇主行為的懲罰性條款。 八、新增不當勞動行為裁決機制受到肯定 我國新集體勞動體制新增建立之準司法機制—裁決制度,可以協助認定不當勞動行為,有助迅速釐清爭議,受訪工會幹部及專家學者對於裁決機制肯定多於批評,明確的處理機制對工會幹部有一定的保障,樂見這樣制度的建立。 九、不當勞動行為裁決機制促使工會與雇主進行團體協約協商 新團體協約法課予勞資雙方誠信協商及強制協商之義務,規定勞資雙方均有進行團體協約協商之義務。本次訪談工會幹部對於團體協約的強制協商機制原則給予肯定,也的確促使受訪工會進行團體協商,但是強制協商僅是要求勞資雙方進入協商程序,是否具有實質協商效果,考驗工會幹部的功力了。專家則認為裁決機制只能促使工會與雇主團體協商,但是不一定能有簽訂團體協約的結果。 十、其他意見 整體而言,在現今全球化經濟,就業市場的不穩定,新工會法修正施行無法改變近年來的經濟政策,工會不敢持有太高發展的期待。新勞動三法無法改變工會孱弱的現實,沒有讓工會更強,工會的式微是全球的趨勢,非僅台灣而已。 總之,我國工會近百年的發展,在不同歷史背景已修訂九次,工會家數不但沒有因強制組織增加,反而逐漸減少,沒有因為強制入會而提高勞工組織率及會員凝聚力,勞資爭議絕大多數仍屬個別爭議,最重要的團體協約簽訂率從未見增加,可見我國工會的發展與集體勞動法制如何規範沒有直接關係,在於勞工對團結權的意識是否有認知,故本研究以為,重點不在集體勞動法制之修訂內容,而是勞工集體意識何時被喚醒,否則我國工會的發展仍然是有限的。
26

中國大陸奇異果商品化研究-以紐西蘭為借鏡 / The research of commercialization of Chinese Kiwifruit-lessons from New Zealand experience

毛舞雲 Unknown Date (has links)
獼猴桃源出於中國,卻成就於紐西蘭,並有了「奇異果」此一新名稱。而且,來自中國大陸的奇異果,價格比其本土的獼猴桃高出數倍,兩者於口感、外型等其他方面,亦存在明顯差距;如何使中國獼猴桃轉變為奇異果,是本論文的研究重心。在此目標下,本論文分為「紐西蘭奇異果」與「中國大陸獼猴桃」兩部分,以文獻閱讀、資料搜尋、田野調查、專家訪談等方式,先從紐西蘭出發,研究促成奇異果產業形成的關鍵因素,再將此關鍵因素提供中國大陸獼猴桃發展參考,最後得出結論與建議。本論文發現,在形塑產業的過程中,「政府」在法律保障、制度規劃、外部產業環境的營造上,扮演著重要角色,因此本論文之立場選擇,係以「中國大陸獼猴桃盛產區政府」之角度,借鏡紐西蘭的發展經驗,在政策規劃的思維下,為獼猴桃尋找建設性的出路,並以此作為結論與建議。 紐西蘭提供的經驗,包括制訂專法規範奇異果產業、立法保護單一出口機制、建立誘因機制、打造產業群聚、以資料庫進行科學化管理、重視品種研究,以及政府為扶植紐西蘭奇異果產業所做的其他措施。而中國大陸獼猴桃產業尚處於發展初階,加上各地方獼猴桃的適生度不同,經營集中度低,資源難以匯聚,使獼猴桃一直無法有效商品化。但由於獼猴桃栽種面積與產量皆為世界第一,近年來更開發出多元食用與藥用等用途,再加上中國大陸法制建設逐步完善,投資風險降低,若以紐西蘭奇異果產業的經驗為借鏡,調整措施並加強整合,獼猴桃發展前景仍值得期待。 有鑑於此,本研究以「公私協力八卦模型」作為結論,並建議中國大陸首先應擇定試點集中經營之區域,以便日後將商品化經驗複製於其他省份。在試點經營措施上,本論文建議以平台為依托進行整合;針對獼猴桃制訂相關法規,促使能夠引領產業整體發展的龍頭集團形成;建立誘因機制,讓龍頭集團的經營利潤回饋果農;並在品種培育、收購標準、資料庫管理等方式下,逐步形成標準化生產,再加上獼猴桃基金的保險機制,讓中國大陸獼猴桃逐步從產業化邁向商品化。 / Mihoutao originated from China but thrived in New Zealand under the name of “kiwifruit”; however, the price of kiwifruit is vastly higher than that of Mihoutao, and their taste and shape are of evident differences. As such, this thesis seeks to answer the question of “how to turn mihoutao into kiwifruit” by looking into the management and operation of New Zealand kiwifruit industry and providing lessons from such experience to the commercialization of China mihoutao. This thesis adopts methodologies of material reading, data collecting, field works, and expert interviewing to reach the final conclusions and suggestions, and it is discovered that the government plays a key role in the process of agriculture industrialization. Therefore, the proposed suggestions are for “the government of China mihoutao province” to echo with my topic. This thesis concludes with “Eight-trigram Model” to express the partnership with public and private sectors. Furthermore, it suggests China to construct the mihoutao commercialization mechanism on the regional basis as an experiment, which can be later duplicated in other provinces. More specifically about the measures, referring to New Zealand kiwifruit industry’s policies, mihoutao regulations, leading corporation, incentives, plant cultivation, scientific management via database, mihoutao fund are recommended. With all these policies in order, it is believed that a more institutionalized and commercialized mihoutao industry will be gradually shaped, and the Chinese “mihoutao” will also be commercialized as “kiwifruit” eventually.
27

意思決定に関わる情報間相互作用を担う脳内メカニズムの解析

寺田, 慧 23 March 2016 (has links)
京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第19427号 / 文博第705号 / 新制||文||629(附属図書館) / 32463 / 京都大学大学院文学研究科行動文化学専攻 / (主査)教授 板倉 昭二, 教授 蘆田 宏, 教授 藤田 和生, 櫻井 芳雄 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Letters / Kyoto University / DGAM
28

論生殖性複製與生殖自由

許昭元 Unknown Date (has links)
藉由生物科技中的複製技術,本文探討其與憲法保障生殖自由之關係。整個問題點,可以很簡單歸納為一句話,即「無性生殖受憲法生殖自由之保障嗎?」。 所謂的「複製」,和在一九九六年七月五日誕生,而於二OO三年二月十四日死亡,可能是史上最有名的一隻羊:桃莉,有很大的關係。其之所以有名,在於其係運用「複製」技術,所誕生的第一隻哺乳類動物。而在桃莉之後,也有許多其他哺乳類動物運用此項技術誕生,故也開啟了運用於人類身上之可能性,因而產生了極大的爭議與論辯。複製技術以技術的不同而區分,可以簡單分為「胚胎分割」與「體細胞核移轉」兩者。而如果以目的的不同而區分,則可以分為「治療性複製」與「生殖性複製」。本文主要針對在二OO四年七月以前,得作為產生個體之用,且性質上屬於無性生殖的體細胞核移轉技術。 生殖自由在我國與美國憲法均無明文,但是借由美國實務與理論相當多的見解,以及我國相關文獻之豐富討論,其內涵大致上可以區分為「是否生殖」、「如何 (不) 生殖」及「 (不) 生殖什麼」三者。生殖性複製得否禁止,禁止之法律是否合憲,因此乃係屬「如何生殖」中方式選擇自由之問題。不同的生殖方式之中,本文採取生物本能、基因傳遞之概念,認為獲致與自己有基因關連之子嗣的方式,位居生殖自由之核心。但在均屬核心之方式中,亦非無分軒輊地受憲法同等之保障。本文以為不同可獲致有基因關連子嗣之方式,應以「是否需要輔助」為第一區分,而以「有性或無性」為第二區分標準。在此之下,性行為可先鞏固為方式自由之核心地位。除性行為之外,其他方式又以人工生殖較無性生殖更接近核心。各種不同的生殖方式,即可依此而形成「蘋果、柳丁與橘子」之層級化區分;而在均屬安全有效的前提下,亦非個人可自由選擇。借由舉證責任倒置的「例外窮盡模式」,使真正有需要的極少數人,得以此方式自由繁衍後代。 我國人工生殖法草案禁止無性生殖,但是用語稍有瑕疵,且禁止理由又係基於「人之存在價值及尊嚴」與「社會倫常秩序」,與本文之看法不盡相同。生物科技礙於其專業鴻溝與發展快速,欲以法律精確定義,顯然有所困難。故在管制手段上,實應考量採取立法大幅授權,與行政個案判斷之模式。此外,司法審查介入此種個案,亦庶幾符合其權力角色與功能分配,而可發揮定紛止爭之功能。
29

桃園縣公立國中校長學校行政領導之研究

林益鋒 Unknown Date (has links)
本研究主要目的在於探討桃園縣公立國中校長學校行政領導的基本理念、分析目前桃園縣公立國中校長學校行政領導的現況、以及不同背景變項(性別、最高學歷、現職、現職服務年資、服務年資、學校類別、學校規模)的教師,對於校長學校行政領導的看法,並根據研究結果提出建議,以提供校長、教師、教育行政機關及後續研究之參考。 為達上述目的,本研究採用文獻探討與問卷調查方法,研究範圍包括:桃園市、蘆竹鄉、大園鄉、大溪鎮、龜山鄉、八德市、平鎮市、中壢市、楊梅鎮、觀音鄉、新屋鄉、龍潭鄉、復興鄉等十三個鄉鎮市內的公立國民中學合計48所;而以桃園縣公立國民中學校長、主任、組長、導師及專任教師為調查研究之母群體,問卷調查之對象,採用分層隨機取樣方式,發出問卷1048份,實得有效問卷643份,問卷資料處理採用電腦統計套裝軟體(SPSS for Windows)中的次數分配、平均數、獨立樣本t考驗、單因子變異數分析等方法,進行統計分析,經資料整理與研究結果,獲得結論如下: 一、桃園縣公立國中校長學校行政領導具備的特質,具備程度最高的是 「誠實互信」、「守法力行」、「清廉無私」;最低的是「友善幽 默」、「研究創新」。 二、桃園縣公立國中校長學校行政領導面臨到「家長忽視教養責任」、 「市場機制」校際競爭、「顧客導向」學生選校權、「學校規模過 大,設備不敷使用」、「經費短缺不易維修設備」的困境。 三、桃園縣公立國中校長學校行政領導具體的做法,表現程度最高的是 「親自參加教師婚喪喜慶」、「定期召開行政會報協調業務」、「不 受利誘清白辦學」;最低的是「廣開言路接受建議」、「凝聚教師向 心力對抗外在壓力」、「校園規畫考量學校發展」。 四、不同背景變項教師,對於校長學校行政領導具備特質的看法有顯著差 異,包含男性高於女性、校長高於教師(含導師)、校長高於教師 (含導師、教師兼行政人員)、教師兼行政人員(含校長)高於教師 (含導師)、現職服務年資「3年以下」高於「10年以上」、「偏遠地 區」高於「一般地區」、學校規模「13~36班」高於「60班以上」。 五、不同背景變項教師,對於校長學校行政領導面臨困境的看法有顯著差 異,包含女性高於男性、「師範院校畢業」高於「研究所碩士班畢 業」、教師(含導師)高於校長、教師(含導師、教師兼行政人員) 高於校長、教師(含導師)高於教師兼行政人員(含校長)、現職服 務年資「10年以上」高於「3年以下」及「4~6年」、服務年資「16年 以上」及「9~15年」高於「3年以下」、「一般地區」高於「偏遠地 區」、學校規模「60班以上」高於「12班以下」、「13~36班」及 「37~59班」。 六、不同背景變項教師,對於校長學校行政領導具體做法的看法有顯著差 異,包含男性高於女性、「研究所碩士班畢業」高於「師範院校畢 業」、校長高於教師(含導師)、教師兼行政人員(含校長)高於教 師(含導師)、校長高於教師(含導師、教師兼行政人員)、現職服 務年資「3年以下」高於「10年以上」、「偏遠地區」高於「一般地 區」、「12班以下」及「13~36班」、「37~59班」高於「60班以 上」。 七、桃園縣公立國中校長對於學校行政領導具備特質與具體做法方面,其 整體表現受到國中教師的肯定 。 根據研究結果與結論提出以下的建議: 一、校長多關注「友善幽默」、「研究創新」特質之培養。 二、校長可多著力於親職教育活動,以落實家庭教育。 三、校長須發展學校特色,因應「市場機制、顧客導向」帶來的衝擊。 四、校長可建立與教師良性溝通互動平台。 五、校長須發展學校願景,才能凝聚教師向心力。 六、校長對於校園規畫,可多考量學校未來的發展。 七、主管教育機關對學校經費編列,可給予較大之彈性空間 。 八、為因應有限的教學資源,主管教育機關應儘量降低學校班級數。 九、未來的研究可增加廣度與深度。 / This main purpose of the research lies in discussing the basic concepts and analysing the present situation of the principals’school administration leadership of the public junior high school in Taoyuan County as well as the teachers from the different background variable (including sex, the highest school record, current position, service period of current position , service period, school category, school scale) , regarding to a view of principals’school administration leadership , and puts forward the proposals according to the results, provides reference to the principals, the teachers, the educational administration institution and the following research. In order to reach the above goals, this research uses the literature discussion and the questionnaire survey method. The research scope includes 48 junior high schools which are in the local 13 townships and towns ,such as Taoyuan City, Luchu Township, Dayuan Township, Dahshi Town, Kweishan Township, Pader City, Pingj City, Chungli City, Yangmei Town, Kwanin Township, Shinwu Township, Lungtan Township, Fu-hsing Township and so on . But take the principals, directors, group leaders, homeroom teachers and subject teachers of the public junior high school in Taoyuan County as the population of investigation and study. Objects of the questionnaire survey select the stratified random sampling method, which sends out asked volume 1,048,and obtains effective asked volume 643.The asked volume datas’processing uses the computer statistics software (SPSS for Windows) , including the Frequence, the Mean , the Independent-Samples T Test, One-Way Anova and so on ,in order to carry on the statistical analysis. After organizing the data and investigate the result, obtains the conclusion as follows: 1.Principals’school administration leadership of the public junior high school in Taoyuan County possess the special characteristics,the most highest is " honest and trustworthy", "obeys the law energetically puts into practice", "incorruptible and selfless";the most lowest is "friendly and humorous", "the research innovation". 2.Principals’school administration leadership of the public junior high school in Taoyuan County face difficult positions,such as "the guardians neglect the education responsibility", "the market mechanism" of the interscholastic competition, "the customer guides" that students have the right to choose the school, "the school scale oversized, equipment is insufficient ", "funds is not enough to maintenance equipment easily" . 3.The concrete procedure of the principals’school administration leadership of the public junior high school in Taoyuan County , the most highest degree is "attends the teachers’marriages and funerals in person", "convenes the administration conference regularly to coordinate business", "is not tempted with the promise of gain to run a school"; the most lowest is "encourages the wide airing of views accepts suggested", "condenses the teachers’ centripetal force resistance external pressure", "the campus plans considers the school development". 4.The different background variable teachers,as regards the principal school administration leadership possess the special characteristics view reveals the difference obviously, contains the male to be higher than the female, the principal is higher than the teacher (includes homeroom teacher), the principal is higher than the teacher ( includes homeroom teacher, teacher concurrently administrative personnel), the teacher concurrently administrative personnel ( includes the principal) is higher than the teacher ( includes homeroom teacher), service period of current position "below 3 years" is higher than "above 10 years", "the remote district" is higher than "the general area", the school scale "the 13~36 classes" is higher than "above 60 classes". 5.The different background variable teacher,as regards the principal school administration leadership faced with the difficult position view reveals the difference obviously, Contains the female is higher than the male, "the teacher graduates colleges and universities " is higher than "graduates from research institute ", the teacher ( includes homeroom teacher) is higher than the principal, the teacher ( includes homeroom teacher, teacher concurrently administrative personnel) is higher than the principal, the teacher ( includes homeroom teacher) is higher than the teacher concurrently administrative personnel ( includes the principal), service period of current position "above 10 years" is higher than "below 3 years" and "the 4~6 years", service period "above 16 years" and "the 9~15 years" is higher than "below 3 years", "the general area" is higher than "the remote districts", the school scale "above 60 classes" is higher than "below 12 classes", "the 13~36 classes "and" 37~59 classes ". 6.The different background variable teacher, as regards the principal school administration leader concrete procedure view reveals the difference obviously, Contains the male is higher than the female , " graduates from the research institute " is higher than "the teacher graduates from colleges and universities ", the principal is higher than the teacher ( includes homeroom teacher), the teacher concurrently administrative personnel ( includes the principal) is higher than the teacher ( includes homeroom teacher), the principal is higher than the teacher ( includes homeroom teacher, teacher concurrently administrative personnel), service period of current position "below 3 years" is higher than "above 10 years", "the remote districts" is higher than "the general area", "below 12 classes" and "the 13~36 class", "the 37~59 classes" is higher than "above 60 classes". 7.The special characteristics and the concrete procedure of the principals’school administration leadership of the public junior high school in Taoyuan County acquires positiveness from the public junior high school teachers . According to the research results and conclusions,the suggestions are as follows: 1.The principal pays more attention to raise the special characteristics of "friendly and humorous"and "the research innovation" . 2.The principal may focus on parents-teachers education activities,carring out the family education. 3.The principal must develop the school characteristic, to deal with the impact of "the market mechanism and the customer guides". 4.The principal may build a flat-top platform to communicate with teachers benignantly. 5.The principal must develop the school vision in order to condense the teachers’centripetal force. 6.The principal should consider the school future development while planning the campus policy. 7.A chief education institution arranges the school funds may give more flexible. 8.For the limited teaching resources, the chief education institution ought to reduce the number of school classes as soon as possible. 9.The future research might increase the breadth and the depth.
30

台灣原住民保留地劃設保留區之研究─高雄縣桃源鄉個案分析 / Study of Setting the Indigenous Reserved Area: Case in Taoyuan Township of Kaohsiung County

城忠志 Unknown Date (has links)
原住民族長期生活於山村地區,有著特殊民族文化維繫個人或團體間長期的互動,惟日本時期沿襲迄今的保留地制度,無論是空間區位的選擇或增劃編地點的決定,原住民族毫無參與的餘地,導致無法妥善勘選區位適當的土地作為原住民保留地使用,進而使文化傳承、經濟生活所依賴的母土逐漸流失;近年來受國外原住民保留地經營管理成功案例的激勵及民族意識的興起下,原住民發起三次還我土地運動,而政府部門在增劃編的回應中,也認真的思索保留地興革的建議,遂在學者專家及原住民族菁英的討論過程,凝聚回復傳統產權共有舊制的共識。   憲法增修條文第十條第十二項對原住民族基本權的規範,含有「制度保障」之意涵,因此原住民族土地管理法規,是有提昇為法律位階之必要性,爰由內政部研定「原住民族土地開發管理條例」草案,刻正依法定程序送請立法院審議中。按該條例草案異於前之管理辦法者,在於增加了「原住民族保留區」的制度設計,新制在原住民族社會已有共識,惟尚缺乏個案研究的實證分析,因此難以辨別制度可能引發的後遺症,爰有本研究就桃源鄉進行個案分析驗證。   本研究以國外學者Elinor Ostrom在制度經濟學對共用資源共管機制的制度設計原則,來檢驗分析個案在保留區新制實施過程中,可能衍生的問題,以實地問卷訪談的方式進行調查;嗣經得知劃設原住民族保留區可以解決桃源鄉現存的保留地問題,而劃設地點以該鄉梅山村及寶山村最適宜,惟應建立一套劃設指標據以實施且應有相關配套措施,最後根據當地原住民的意見反應,證明集體決策理論觀點,適合運用在劃設原住民族保留區的決策過程。   此外,在後續研究的部分,本研究亦建議:桃源鄉小規模群體自主治理的資源利用方式,可否全面運用到保留區新制,有待與其他個案比較分析及探討,而欲達此政策目的,必須選定實驗區域,進行試驗及檢討,方得確保制度設計成為法律後,能夠彌補現行保留地措施肇致政府失靈與市場失靈的缺失。 / Taiwan indigenous people have lived in mountainous area for centuries. The interactions between their individuals and groups are regulated by specific cultures. However, the Reserved Land Institution began with Japan Colonist Era does not allow indigenous people to chose the place they live in by themselves. It made improper zoning. urthermore, it led to the land, which had supported their cultural and economic life lapsed gradually. In past twenty years, encouraged by the international indigenous movements and domestic ideology wakening, Taiwan indigenous people had held the Return My Land Demonstrations for three times. Government began to deliberate the reform of Indigenous Reserved Land Institution, and acquired conclusions after long-term discussion between government, scholars and indigenous elites. One of the conclusions is to revert to the traditional land tenure co-owning institution.   According to the Added Article of the Constitution (article 10, item 12) , this country has obligation to protect the basic rights of indigenous people with formal institutions. It means the Indigenous Reserved Land Developing and Managing Regulation needs to be promoted to a formal law. At this moment, The Legislative Yuan is deliberating the Indigenous Reserved Land Developing and Managing Law drafted by the Exclusive Yuan. A new designing named Reserved Area was made in it. This new designing was agreed by most of indigenous people. However, there is no empirical analysis to it and its side effect so far. Therefore, this research examined the Reserved Area Institution by case study in Taoyuan Township of Kaohsiung County.   The theoretical basis of this research is the institution designing principles of common pool resources self-governance, which addressed by Elinor Ostrom. Meanwhile, the investigation was processed by questionnaires. After the analysis, this research pointed that Indigenous Reserved Area Institution can solve the problems of Reserved land in Taoyuan Township now. The most proper locations of Indigenous Reserved Area are May-Shan and Pao-Shan villages. In farther step, it needs relative supporting measures and concrete area setting index. Beside, base on the responses of local residences, the research proved that Collective Action Theory is proper to be applied in the decision making process of setting the Indigenous Reserved Area.   In the end, the research suggested: the way people in Taoyuan Township governing their resource is not definitely proper to other indigenous groups. The precondition of implementing the new designing is to make more case tudies, compares and analysis. It is necessary to have small-scale experiments in advance. In the way, it can just correct the market failure and government failure caused by on going regulation when the new designing becomes a formal new law.

Page generated in 0.0328 seconds