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宋代「詩學盛唐」觀念的形成與內涵陳英傑, Chen, Ing-jie Unknown Date (has links)
今日一般人談「唐詩」,自然免不了要提起「盛唐詩」,並以它為「唐詩」的典範或代表。推溯這個普遍看法的源頭,一般研治文學史的人均能輕易指出,乃是受明代前、後七子「詩必盛唐」(或「近體必盛唐」)觀念很強的影響。再往上推溯,很多人都認為嚴羽《滄浪詩話》是明人觀念的源頭。換言之,今人熟知的崇效「盛唐詩」的觀念,乃是由嚴羽肇其耑,明人承之而發揚光大,影響迄今。
這固然無可厚非,因為從明人的詩論,確可看出《滄浪詩話》的影響。然則,能不能從嚴羽再往上推溯?委實令人感到一片模糊。學界將「詩學盛唐」觀念推溯到南宋嚴羽的同時,卻不免忽略:除了嚴羽,或在嚴羽之前,有沒有其他人也標榜「盛唐詩」?因此,學界對於嚴羽「詩學盛唐」觀念的理解,是即源頭、即完成的。而事實上,任何一種思想觀念,幾無平地特起、瞬時完成,其「完成型態」固然值得多方關注,但這個觀念是怎麼被提出的?如何由細微漸趨壯大?毋寧也是非常值得探討的議題。
更緊要的是,「盛唐詩」是一個相當後起的概念,其產生還大大後於「晚唐詩」;而且起初「盛唐詩」的指涉時段並不止是今人熟知的開元、天寶年間;甚至有一段不短的時期,許多宋人所講的「唐詩」並不以「盛唐詩」為代表,而偏重在「晚唐詩」。凡此都和今人早已定型的觀念有明顯的落差。因此,「盛唐詩」如何逐漸取代「晚唐詩」而成為「唐詩」的代表?如何被人們標舉出來?自然非常值得深究。
而這也就是「詩學盛唐」觀念如何形成的問題。如果僅侷限在嚴羽詩論,以之為崇效盛唐詩的鼻祖,非但難以發現這個重要問題;即使察覺,恐亦無法處理。本論文就是試圖探討、解決上述的疑問,以期細緻地探索宋代「詩學盛唐」觀念如何逐漸被人注意、標舉,最終成為唐詩的英華、近體的典範。
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黃山谷詩研究徐裕源, XU, YU-YUAN Unknown Date (has links)
第一章緒論:介紹研究主要內容與範圍。
第二章生平:先簡述家世及生平,討論蘇軾及蘇門四學士等主要交遊,後由詩文來看
其為人。
第三章詩之淵源與思想:因是文學的傳統,如何表現出作家的思想,故可了解作家創
作背景及基礎,更可認識其寫作動機與目的。
第四章技法:由「標新好可」的詩風來深入探討「奪胎換骨」、「拗體」等技法,可
了解其詩形式上的特色及成就。
第五章對後世之影響:先簡述「江西派」之影響,再討論傳播於韓國詩壇之影響,可
知山谷詩在詩歌上的及其地位。
第六章結論:將五章中所討論的研究成果,加以歸納。
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家族與社會變遷: 江西吉安棣華周氏個案研究. / 江西吉安棣華周氏個案研究 / Clan & social change, a case study of the Dihua Zhou clan of Jian, Jiangxi / Case study of the Dihua Zhou clan of Jian, Jiangxi / Clan and social change a case study of the Dihua Zhou Clan of Jian, Jiangxi (Chinese text) / CUHK electronic theses & dissertations collection / Digital dissertation consortium / Jia zu yu she hui bian qian: Jiangxi Ji'an Dihua Zhou shi ge an yan jiu. / Jiangxi Ji'an Dihua Zhou shi ge an yan jiuJanuary 2002 (has links)
黃秀顏. / 论文(哲学博士)--香港中文大学, 2002. / 参考文献 (p. 241-258). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Huang Xiuyan. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 241-258).
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贛語聲母的歷史層次硏究. / Chronological strata of the initial consonant system in the Gan dialects / CUHK electronic theses & dissertations collection / Gan yu sheng mu de li shi ceng ci yan jiu.January 1998 (has links)
萬波. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻 (p. 183-205) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Wan Bo. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1998. / Can kao wen xian (p. 183-205) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
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宋到清初的吉安青原山佛寺與地方精英. / Buddhist monastery of Mount Qingyuan and local elite in Ji'an from Song to early Qing / Song dao Qing chu de Ji'an Qingyuan shan fo si yu di fang jing ying.January 2013 (has links)
本文通過考察吉安青原山寺的歷史來探究宋到清初佛教寺院與地方士人精英的關系演變。 / 宋元時期,文人碑刻為佛寺帶來聲譽和地位,青原山寺僧通過與上層士大夫精英打交道來獲取文化和政治上的支持。從9 世紀開始,由於禪宗部分宗派的改宗溯源,青原行思和尚最終在宋代官修禪宗史籍中確立正統地位,青原山寺被稱為禪宗「七祖道場」。南宋吉州科舉的興盛和高層士人的崛起催生了吉州的地域認同,青原山在廬陵文化的塑造中成為地方認同的標簽。但是在經濟上,像宋元吉州許多佛寺一樣,青原山寺通過在寺內或寺旁修功德祠的方式與當地富人做生意來獲得捐施。 / 明代中前期佛教發展走入低潮,洪武皇帝禁止官員與佛寺僧人打交道,以防僧俗勾結。嘉靖時期的毀「淫祠」運動和禁制佛教法令對佛寺造成了災難性的打擊。王學士人和吉安府地方官積極投身開展毀「淫祠」運動,打擊佛寺,清算寺產,青原山寺深受其害。從16 世紀30 年代開始,王學士人在青原山定期舉行講會,變寺院為書院,青原山寺因而被王學講會和儒學祭祀所占領,成為吉安府讀書人求學的精神聖地。 / 萬曆年間宮廷的崇佛勢力和晚明由政治焦慮而產生的崇佛熱潮波及吉安。在這場佛教復興中,有青原山求學經歷的第三、第四代王學人士熱衷於佛寺的興修。在晚明數十年間,通過科考、學術和姻親組成的吉安上層士大夫家族圈對青原山寺捐修的熱情持續不減。他們將王學會館神祠移至寺外,重修寺院,購買寺田。而嘉靖以來形成的青原山王學講會和精英文化傳統,使得吉安上層士人主導了青原山寺佛教的復興。 / 清初青原山在地方官和士紳庇護下成為明遺民逃禪之所。三藩之亂以前的清初地方官員創造了比較寬松的政治環境,順治至康熙年間,由前明逃禪官員住持的青原山寺,在省、府、縣三級官員、地方士紳和府縣學生的支持下,贖回大量土地、增建建築規模,免去里甲徭役,收留前朝遺民。青原講會重新恢復,成為全府知識活動的焦點所在。 / This dissertation examines the relationship between Buddhist monasteries and local literati elites in Jiangxi from Song to early Qing, with focus on a specific monastery: the Qingyuan si . / Literati inscriptions was a fountain of fame and prestige for Buddhist monasteries in Song-Yuan Ji'an.Thus monks constantly sought for cultural and political support from upper elite officials. Song Jizhou enjoyed unprecedented examination success and produced many high officials, which led to the birth of a territorial identity among the literati. Mount Qingyuan, renowned as a sacred site of the seventh Patriarch of Chan Buddhism--Qingyuan Xingsi( 青原行思), a result of genealogical writing since the 9th century, was constructed into the local identity in this process.The economic base of Qingyuan si, like many others in Song-Yuan Jizhou, however, lied in donations in exchange for a sacrifice hall built in or adjacent to the monastery. / The first two centuries of Ming was a gloomy time for Buddhism. Founding emperor Hongwu thrust a wedge between monks and officials to prevent conspiracy. The Jiajing period witnessed calamitous strikes to Buddhist monasteries in a movement to demolish 'illicit temples', together with anti-Buddhist edicts issued by the Jiajing Emperor. Yangming scholars and local officials alike actively participated in tearing down and confiscating land of 'illict temples', among which was Qingyuan si. In the meantime, the rise of Yangming school made Qingyuan si a prominent site of Yangming huijiang (learning and discussing meetings), turning it into a Yangming Academy and spiritual center of scholarship in Ji'an since the 1530's. / In the Buddhist revival driven by inner court forces and a nationwide fever for Buddhism out of political anxiety, the third and fourth generations of Yangming scholars in Ji'an demonstrated great enthusiasm in restoring Buddhist monasteries. During the remaining years of Ming, gentry families of Ji'an, connected by scholarship and marriage, showed consistency in monastic patronage under which Qingyuan si managed to remove Yangming halls, restore Buddhist constructions and reacquire much land. Moreover, donation to the monastery then became a sphere largely exclusive to a privileged literati group as a result of its elite tradition formed in the Jiajing era. / Early Qing Qingyuan si served as a shelter for Ming loyalists. The Ming-Qing transition cracked down some old patronal literate families of Qingyuan si by war. However, under the protection of supportive local officials, surviving gentry families and students, the monastery benefited from two decades of peaceful time due to a mild political climate before late 1670s. Former Ming high officials were invited abbots, land was redeemed, and labor service was relieved. The reopened Qingyuan huijiang once again made it a focal place of intellectual activities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 敖迎盈. / "2012年12月". / "2012 nian 12 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-114). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Ao Yingying. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 1. --- 吉安歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 2. --- 吉安早期佛教史概況 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明以前吉安佛教與青原山 --- p.24 / Chapter 1. --- 改宗溯源與禪宗正統的書寫青原山「七祖」道場之由來 --- p.24 / Chapter 2. --- 宋元時期的文人、官員與青原山 --- p.29 / Chapter 3. --- 從宋長者祠看宋元青原山寺的受捐和社會功能 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- 從佛教「祖庭」到儒學「聖域」:明代王學講會與青原山佛寺的困境 --- p.41 / Chapter 1. --- 王陽明與嘉靖時期吉安府王學 --- p.43 / Chapter 2. --- 「毀淫祠」運動與嘉靖年間佛寺的生存困境 --- p.48 / Chapter 3. --- 16 世紀的青原王學會講 --- p.53 / Chapter 第五章 --- 晚明佛教復興和吉安士人的參與 --- p.63 / Chapter 第六章 --- 明末清初青原山僧人、地方士紳與吉安府政治的變遷 --- p.80 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.100 / 參考文獻 --- p.105
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清代江西"懷遠人"的身份建構與社會變遷. / 清代江西懷遠人的身份建構與社會變遷 / Making of Huaiyuan identity and social changes during Qing dynasty in the county of Xiushui / Qing dai Jiangxi "Huaiyuan ren" de shen fen jian gou yu she hui bian qian. / Qing dai Jiangxi Huaiyuan ren de shen fen jian gou yu she hui bian qianJanuary 2008 (has links)
王帮清. / "2008年8月". / "2008 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wang Bangqing. / 關鍵詞與摘要 / Abstract and Key words / Chapter 第一章、 --- 序言 / Chapter 第一節, --- 問題與學術史 / Chapter 第二節, --- “懷遠人´ح生活的時空地理環境 / Chapter 第三節, --- 材料與方法 / Chapter 第四節, --- 論文內容 / Chapter 第二章、 --- 建立“懷遠都´ح:對地權的爭奪 / Chapter 第一節、 --- 移民的湧入 / Chapter 第二節、 --- 入籍建都,爭奪地權 / Chapter 第三章、 --- 建立文季:只爲賓興? / Chapter 第一節, --- 懷遠都各圖甲所屬之文季 / Chapter 第二節, --- 四都二圖所屬之文昌宮:互助還是高利貸? / Chapter 第四章、 --- 梯雲書院:懷遠人的聯合控產機構 / Chapter 第一節, --- 梯雲書院的建立 / Chapter 第二節, --- 梯雲書院的財產控制 / Chapter 第五章、 --- 全善局和華國堂:不止是爲漕糧 / Chapter 第一節, --- 咸豐三年之前的漕糧糾紛 / Chapter 第二節, --- 全善局與華國堂 / Chapter 第六章、 --- 結論:社會轉變下的身份建構 / 參考書目
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江西蘇維埃之建立及其崩潰曹伯一, Cao, Bo-Yi Unknown Date (has links)
本論文之主旨即在系統析述民國二十(一九三一)年冬在瑞金所建立之「江西蘇維埃
」諸般狀況,由而採討其所產生之影響。
本論文全十章,分三部綜論其建立,作為及崩潰。
本論文第編含三章,分別析述其建立背景、建立經過、及建立後之組織型態。
第二編論蘇維埃政權之主要作為,四、五兩章即分析其土地鬥爭及軍事鬥爭之實質。
第六章探討中共政權如何克服財政困難,如稅制、幣券、公債、及征糧工作等諸般作
為。第七章論「肅反」工作,蓋中共承受了俄共肅反鬥爭特質,對於黨內黨外固然經
常以「肅清反革命」排斥異己,即政務之推行亦以「紅色恐怖」為依恃,此種肅反工
作實為中共政權之主要特質。
第八章析論該時期中共重要黨務活動及黨內派系鬥爭。在江西時期,中共黨內派系之
爭,以留俄派與毛澤東集團為兩大陣營,幾乎無「時」不鬥,無「事」不鬥,爭端尤
其集中於「富農路線」、與「游擊主義」,至於反「羅明路線」鬥爭乃是具有代表性
的著名事例。
第三編論蘇維埃政權之崩潰,其中第九章說明崩潰經過,第十章分析其崩潰原因。第
五次圍勦歷時一年,國軍採用新戰略,配合經濟封鎖,政治動員及農村復興諸般方略
,以雷霆萬鈞之勢向贛南步步進逼,國民政府是以組織民眾、動員民力、改善民生作
為最高作戰策略,由於國軍在軍事上的勝利,同時誘發了蘇區民眾長時期潛在的反共
意識轉而化為行動,乃更加速了共黨政權的潰敗,其間雖歷「閩變」,仍未能挽回紅
色政權之厄運,至民國二十三年(一九三四)年十月,紅朝乃終告全面崩潰。
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蔣中正國家建構的型範:戰前江西之經驗(1930~37) / The importance of “Jiangxi Mode”1930-37 for Chiang Kai-shek's ideas of state-building張智瑋, Chang, Chih-Wei Unknown Date (has links)
本文主要探討蔣中正於1930~1937年之間如何型範其建構現代國家的模式。此期間在完成北伐後對中共展開軍事圍剿,他試圖融合中國傳統社會控制方法與現代西方觀念,展開一連串政治、社會、經濟等層面的改革,從中體現了現代國家的建構過程。江西省作為對中共軍事圍剿的中心,在熊式輝主政下施行一系列地方政治改革措施,其中包含了許多傳統的中國社會控制方式,而正也體現了蔣中正其有關地方政治改革觀念。同時,江西省的農村與同時期中國其他省份農村,均面臨了嚴重的經濟與社會危機,江西農村在當時更成為毛澤東建立革命根據地並成功動員農民的大本營,並且展現了毛澤東建構現代國家的另一種模式。所以分析江西為何能夠成為中共進行武裝革命的重要根據地,以及其能成功動員農民的主要動力何在,成為理解蔣中正據以提出其著名的「三分軍事,七分政治」策略的重要原因。因此,江西省政府於1930年代進行一連串的地方政治改革,分析其方案內容以理解蔣中正對於地方政治改革與建構現代國家之間的關係。對蔣中正而言,進行地方政治改革的主要目的是為了擴張與強化國家對基層社會之基礎控制能力,借以強化對農村社會的控制。但為使改革成功而必須適應中國之國情,因此蔣中正採借了中國傳統帝國時期有關農村社會控制與動員的手段,例如保甲制度、團練與強調恢復傳統道德精神的新生活運動等。其後,蔣中正以江西省的實際作法與成功經驗作為其掌握國家權力後的具體施政參照,例如1939年對日抗戰期間國民政府毅然決定全面革新進行縣政制度,也反映了相同的政治改革邏輯。在蔣中正的政治改革理念中,不僅反映了傳統與現代性之間的掙扎、反抗與妥協,衝突、轉化與融合,並且有意或無意地採取了中國特有的習慣與制度,從而體現了現代性的多元特性。 / This dissertation focuses on the ideas and mode of how Chiang Kai-shek build the modern state in 1930-1937. In this period, he tried to integrate traditional Chinese social control methods and modern Western concepts, and launched a series of political, social, economic and other aspects of the reform. However, in the period of 1930-1937. Which embodies the construction of the modern state process. Jiangxi Province as the center of the Chinese military siege before 1935, Xiong Shi-hui implement a series of local political reform measures which contains many of the traditional Chinese social control, Chiang Kai-shek is the best embodiment of the concept of local political reform. At the same time, rural areas in Jiangxi Province and other provinces in China in the same period were facing serious economic and social crises. At that time, the rural areas in Jiangxi Province became Mao Zedong's revolutionary base areas and the headquarters where successfully mobilized the peasants, moreover, Mao Zedong to show the construction of a modern state of another model. Therefore, the analysis of why Jiangxi could become an important base for the armed revolution in China, its main motivation to mobilize the peasants, became an important reason for Chiang Kai-shek to put forward his famous "three points military, seven political" strategy. Therefore, the Jiangxi provincial government in the 1930s to carry out a series of local political reform, analysis of its program content to understand the Chiang Kai-shek for local political reform and the construction of the relationship between the modern state. For Chiang Kai-shek, the purpose of local political reform is to expand and strengthen the country's basic control of grass-roots level of social control, but to make the success of the reform must adapt to China's national conditions, so he adopted the traditional society of social control and mobilization means, such as the system of “Bar-jia”, “Tuan-Lian”(militia) and the new life movement which that emphasizes the restoration of the traditional moral spirit. The practices and successful experience of Jiangxi become an important reference after Chiang Kai-shek take the political power of nation, for example, he decided to conduct a comprehensive reform of the county system during the Sino-Japanese war in 1939, which that also reflects the same logic of political reform. In Chiang Kai-shek's ideas of political reform, not only reflects the struggle between tradition and modernity, resistance and compromise, bat also conflict, transformation and integration. At the same time, in his ideas had adopted China's unique habits and institutions intentionally or unintentionally, thus reflecting the characteristics of modernity multivariate.
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南宋江湖詩派之研究鄭亞薇, ZHENG, YA-WEI Unknown Date (has links)
宋人之詩,變化於唐,而出其所自得,故能別開畦徑,大放異彩。觀有宋一代,濟濟
多士,戮力創作,是以詩家既眾,派別亦多,中以江西詩派涵蓋最為深廣,肇自元祐
黃、陳,下而披靡南宋,以迄宋亡,凡兩百餘年,詩人耳濡目染,鮮有不沾溉其聲氣
者。惟其未流,頹唐粗俚,聲色枯澀,弊端漸露。是以南宋未期,自寧宗嘉定以降,
至未帝德祐間,詩壇抓起反江西之運動,四靈、江湖等派相繼崛起,進而取代江西詩
獨盛之地位。
江湖詩派因陳起之裒輯江湖小、集江湖後集而得名,斯時丁逢未造,內憂外患,交相
擾攘,國家元氣,凋喪殆盡,詩人或為城市商賈、鄉曲地主,或為失意文人、潦倒末
宦,進無政治地位,退而生活失據,故其意志亦隨時代同歸沒,落是以此一時期,小
詩人及其作品,充斥詩壇,由是文學活動漸申少數書生官僚階級,轉入布衣階級,而
普遍於民間,對促進文學活動平民,化及恢復唐詩平、易抒情之傾向,關係至鉅。況
就宋詩流變而這,江湖詩派適位居由極峰折降而至極衰之關鍵,欲瞭解宋代詩壇申盛
迄衰演化之軌跡,及其於文學活動轉變之影響,舍此一研究無由得見也。
江湖詩人一百一十家,詩作一百二十卷,篇幅頗富,故四庫提要斥之為烏合之眾;復
以流動性,大毫無組織可,言向為人所輕忽。余不揣駑鈍,區分八章,詳為探究,蘄
能得一詳盡之系統,以為宋未詩壇之瞭解。章節摘要如下:第一章緒論,首為江湖定
名,次敘研究之動機、取材、乃至方法與步驟,以以為研究之指針;二章搜羅江湖詩
人之小傳與著作,以為背景探討之準備;三章則就政治、社會、文學三方面析論其產
生之時代背;景四章探討江湖詩人詩風之淵源;五章就形式、內容、風格歸納此派詩
人作品之特性,兼及諸家之批評,以為參證;六章分析歸納,進而比較江湖大家之詩
論,以明其於文學批評上之地位;七章就詩論與價值剖析其影響;八章總結前人之批
評,為作客觀之論定。
如是對卅宋未期詩壇由盛迄衰演化歷程之探究,或有所裨益。惟篇幅繁富,雖搜列資
料,詳為披覽,隨時札記,然以資質駑鈍,雖黽勉為之,而才力所限,翻檢末周,思
慮不逮者,在所多有。幸蒙王師夢鷗、羅師宗濤時加指正,家人支持鼓勵,始得終篇
,雖臨文戒慎,猶死囿乎一隅,遺其全貌,尚祈先進碩學,匡其闕失,進而教之,則
幸甚焉。 /
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擴展道教醮儀的概念:以晚帝國湖北與江西的靈官醮科為例 / Broadening Notions of Daoist Offering Rituals: A Case Study of Late Imperial Numinous Officer Liturgies (Lingguan jiaoke 靈官醮科) of Hubei and Jiangxi費昭, Tyler Feezell Unknown Date (has links)
本論文探索從《道法海涵》中挑出的集中於王靈官道教醮抄本,兩抄本的書名皆是「靈官醮科」,一本源自於江西1861年或1921年,另一本源自於湖北木蘭1855年或1915年。江西的抄本是第一章節的中心點,進而追蹤抄本作者寫作參考的可能源始資料,包括道藏裡的節選;第二章節以兩抄本作為儀式內容與架構對比。本論文的目的是觀察以前沒研究的地方醮儀,因此擴展學術界對此在華人社會關鍵的儀式的概念。
關鍵字: 道教醮儀,靈官醮科,王靈官,江西,湖北,道法海涵 / This thesis explores two Daoist jiao ritual 道教醮儀 manuscripts from the Daofa haihan devoted to Numinous Officer Wang (Wang lingguan 王靈官). Both texts are titled “Jiao Liturgy for the Numinous Officer” (Lingguan jiaoke 靈官醮科), one originating in Jiangxi 江西 in 1861 or 1921 and the other from Mulan, Hubei 木蘭湖北 in 1855 or 1915. Chapter one focuses on the Jiangxi text and traces possible source material, including Daoist canonical selections, referenced to compose the ritual. Chapter two compares the ritual content and structure of the two ritual texts. The purpose of this thesis is to explore local jiao rituals in a setting previously unstudied, thus augmenting scholarly notions of this pivotal communal ritual
Keywords: Daoist jiao rituals, “Jiao Liturgy for the Numinous Officer”, Numinous Officer Wang, Jiangxi, Hubei, Daofa haihan
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