本研究探討公司籌措資金的方式，並介紹目前熱門的群眾募資的起源、歷史發展，各地區市場概況，接者探討台灣市場、法規範、稅負、募資平台、金流方式、趨勢及2015年中新立法通過的股權模式群眾募資等。 本文以筆者實際執行過的群眾募資專案為個案，探討個案在台灣現況下所遇到的法規範、稅負及有無發生爭議，並提出改善群募爭議的方法。此外也透過個案中的資料，利用實證研究得出，若贊助者曾經向提案團隊購買過商品，則其贊助金額會高於一般贊助者，另外研究結果也得知，若是在週末贊助的贊助者，其贊助金額也高於週間的贊助者，上述兩項因素都和贊助金額成顯著的關係。此外也從實證中發現，本募資個案中女性贊助者高於男性贊助者，但性別和贊助金額是不顯著關係，女性平均的贊助金額並沒有高於男性，而居住區域也和贊助金額呈現不顯著關係，本個案中，超過七成的贊助金額來自北部地區，但北部贊助者每人平均贊助金額並沒有高於中部和南部贊助者。 / This study investigated the company funding modalities and the history of the crowdfunding, development trend and market. And probed the conditions of law, tax, fund-raising platform, cash flow mode, trends in Taiwan. In this paper, the author actually been executed crowdfunding project as a case, investigate cases of legal norms, tax and dispute in the current situation. The use of empirical study concluded that if the sponsors had proposed to purchase goods over the proposal team, then the amount will be higher than the general sponsors, additional findings also informed that if the sponsors donated in weekend, which is also higher than the amount of sponsor of the week, these two factors have a significant relationship with amount of sponsorship. Also from the empirical findings, the women sponsor were more than men sponsors in the case, but gender is not significant, women sponsors average amount weren’t higher than men sponsors. While residential areas are also no significant relationship with the amount of sponsorship. In the case more than seventy percent of the amount of sponsorship from the north, but northern sponsor average amount were not higher than the central and southern sponsors.

中文摘要 本文主要的研究目的是要檢視泰國學生運動在1973∼1992年間泰國政治發展過程中所扮演的角色。相較於其它多數相關研究，本文不僅僅只是追溯時間序列上所呈現的事件，更要探究其後所代表的意涵與價值。同時，透過瞭解學生運動的興起、發展與轉型過程，來評估其對泰國民主化及市民社會力量增強所帶來的貢獻。 1973∼1992年的二十年間，泰國一共經歷了三次重要的民主轉型階段，同時也發生了三次大規模全國性群眾運動，分別是1973年的10月學運、1976年的第二次學運以及1992年的黑色5月事件。1973年的事件是起因於他儂(Thanom Kittikachon)政權施行威權統治，進而引發大規模政治抗議的結果，而此次由學生所領導的事件，可說是泰國大規模社會運動的濫觴；1976年的二次學運是針對軍方態度的跋扈及對群眾請求漠視的反動；1992年的5月運動則是要要求執政當局制定具有民主本質的憲法，同時也欲推翻未經民選過程卻出任首相的蘇欽達(Suchinda Kraprayoon)。 本文立基於這三個轉型階段與三個歷史轉折點，來探討以下議題：在什麼樣的政治機會下，導致了學運的興起、發展與轉型？其後的歷史背景與相關意涵為何？是什麼原因讓學生變成行動主義者，並且號召其它群眾參與政治？文化及思想意識如何影響學運的發展與轉型？學生運動如何影響泰國的政治發展？ 本研究主要是利用政治發展理論（political development theory）來分析泰國學生運動與政治發展間的關聯性，進而探究其在泰國政治轉型中所扮演的角色為何。同時並觀察外在政治環境的變化，特別是軍方政權的態度與行為模式、學生動員群眾的方式，尤其是與其它組織的結盟策略以及運動帶給一般群眾的認知與文化思想信念等變數，來分析學生運動成功或失敗的原因。 透過運用政治發展理論對上述三個歷史轉型階段的分析，本文發現（1）、泰國學生運動扮演了社會力量代言人(agent)的角色，透過學生運動的努力，喚醒了弱勢階層長久以來遭受壓抑的政治意識，並影響中產階級對民主的觀念，最後造成了軍人脫離政治及民主化的落實。(2)、由學生運動所引發的「由下而上」(bottom-up)改革力量以及群眾運動，將是觀察泰國政治發展的重要指標，這種來自民間的政治參與，會是未來影響政府決策及督促政治發展的最重要力量。(3)、泰國學生運動的發展脈絡印證了政治發展理論中由變遷—進步的結果。透過激烈的革命手段來達成演化的目的，最終促成了國家政治體系的進步。 最後，本研究認為，在學生運動帶動下的市民社會抗爭獲得成功之後，其信心與力量都更為鞏固，同時人民已認知到集體力量的重要性，日後統治階層若想再藉由武力的方式來鎮壓民眾的聲音，恐將難以成功，而泰國的政治應該會更加朝向民主鞏固的路途邁進。 / Abstract This thesis examines the role of the Thai student movements in the political development process that took place in Thailand between 1973 and 1992. Most studies of the student movements in Thailand take the presence of a movement as something that can be traced simply through sequential events. Things occur and results materialize. This research has a different purpose: first, to explore not only what happened, but also how it happened. Second, to examine its emergence, development and transformation. Finally, to evaluate the contribution it has made to the expansion of civil society and democratization. Here this research attempts to answer such questions as: what internal conditions facilitated the emergence and development of the movements and how? What was the historical context in which the movement emerged and how was the emergence related to this context? How and why were students able to become activists, and then recruit others so as to sustain a voluntary social formation? And how did the elements of culture and ideology affect the development and transformation? The main subjects of this research are three pro-democracy demonstrations: the student movement of 1973, the bloody October of 1976, and the May uprising of 1992. The analysis of the Thai student movements is guided by political development theory to better understand the relationship between student movement and political development. Through this study, three conclusions have been drawn: (1) Thai student movement played the role as the agent of social force. Through its efforts, the political awareness of the civil society has thus been waken up, leading to the break down of the military. (2) Student movement brought about the “the bottom-up” reform forceand created the political space for mass participation. This kind of “bottom-up” reform force will be playing the leading role affecting government’s attitude and policies. (3) The Thai student movement verifies the hypothesis of the political development theory. Through drastic mass movements, it leads to a real progress of the political system. A comparison of the three cases shows that the development and expansion of civil society led by student movements, and the success of mass struggle make people understand the importance of collective action. It would be a quite difficult thing for the ruling class using violent means to stifle people’s demands in the future, and Thailand will be getting closer to the goal of the consolidation of democracy.

本論文欲從與黃天道相關的歷史文獻與寶卷，討論黃天道在明清的整體發展與表現，試圖從中分析各民間宗教結社的多元性與歧異，藉以瞭解黃天道教案發生的原因與其教義所呈現「三期末劫」的末世觀念無關，實與「聚眾結社」、「夜聚曉散」的群體行為有所關連，而這也是帝國官方取締民間宗教結社的主要因素之一。此外，也重新檢討過往「千年王國」理論框架是否還能繼續適用中國宗教與群眾叛亂兩者之間發展關係，並應當予以修正，以免忽略掉明清諸多民間宗教結社的特殊性與個別追求目標的不同。因此，本論文以黃天道的個案研究，從歷史、神話、教義、教規、儀式等討論黃天道的信徒在明清兩朝係扮演一群安居樂業的群眾，而非帶有改朝換代的政治性企圖。並且，進一步從社群、經濟、文化、醫療四個面向，瞭解黃天道的宗教性表現實與當時社會密切相關，絕非狂妄悖離的「邪教」，係中國大傳統中的地方小傳統。

隨著科技日新月異的發展，智慧型手機本身通訊與運算能力也隨著軟體和硬體的改善而不斷地增強，其便利性與高機動性的特色使得越來越多人持有智慧型手機，最後成為人們生活中不可或缺的部份。總觀來說，持有與使用率的上升，不知不覺的形成一種共享經濟與無所不在的行動運算網絡。 基於普及性與相對優秀的運算效能，我們設計與實作出Gnafuy，一個基於行動裝置下的分散式運算框架，希望借用世界上所有閒置行動運算裝置的資源來實行無所不在的運算。 我們發展出一套應用程式介面(API)供開發者依照自己的需求來撰寫自己的分散式運算程式，藉由遵循Gnafuy所制定的應用程式介面，開發者可只專注在演算法本身的開發，而不需要在意其演算法如何被分配到手機上以及待處理資料的分配情形。本篇文章還討論了Gnafuy所採用的分散式運算的程式模型，以及我們如何藉由一個手機應用程式將任務部署至自願者的智慧型手機中，我們發展出一套伺服器端的機制來增加訊息傳遞的成功率，以及偵測計算後回傳結果是否正確，排除被惡意程式污染的客戶端結果。

生活於行動網絡與社群網站發展快速的今日，人們逐漸依賴利用隨手可得之行動裝置紀錄生活，打卡儼然成為生命紀錄的方式之一。本研究致力於提供使用者個人化之打卡系統，讓使用者在選用群眾所推薦的地理標籤名稱之餘，同時保有個人化情感傾向特色之地理標籤名稱。透過基於地緣情感關係連結之群眾推薦地理標籤名稱，我們提供更貼近使用者個人情感偏好之地理標籤，讓使用者在省下自行建立個人化地理標籤名稱上的繁瑣程序的同時，還能同時保有個人化特色，更能夠作為未來回憶時之線索。在實驗設計上，我們邀請共二十八位受試者使用本研究所開發之打卡系統，利用三週的時間真實模擬生活中的打卡情況。我們分析受試者進行打卡時所選用的地理標籤名稱來源作為評估之依據，透過實驗結果顯示基於地緣情感關係連結之群眾推薦地理標籤名稱模型，能夠推薦較適合的地理標籤名稱給使用者使用。因此本研究有效利用特定群眾之力量協助使用者建立個人化之地理資訊。 / In the present, people used to have one or more mobile devices. With the mobile devices thriving, the social network is also getting more popular. People rely on the mobile devices or social network to record their lives—“Check in” is becoming a kind of “lifelog”. Our research provides user a customized check in system, which can free users from the troublesome procedures, naming the geotag by their own, meanwhile; they can still have their own style. Furthermore, this customized name of geotag will be the hint to their memory in the future. When it comes to the experiment, we have 28 users experience our check in system, and we spent three weeks to simulate the situation of check in in the real life. We analyze the users’ name of geotag and use it as the result to estimate. According to the result of our experiment, the Location-Based Emotion Connected model can recommend a better name of geotag to the users. Consequently, our research the effective help people to construct personalizes geographic information.

近年來，文化創意產業已經成為全球各國競相發展的軟實力重要產業，特別是在英國引領全球風潮，韓國異軍突起之後，臺灣近十年來也積極將施政重心放在文創產業的發展與提升之上。然而，文創中小微型新創事業基於先天本質上具有需求不確定性高、創作者重創意而忽略經濟性、不易與資金持有者溝通等特性，加上臺灣市場規模較小，新創事業失敗風險較高，且政府的政策、法規，亦未能充分發揮作用，故普遍面臨籌資困境。經本研究從證券化可分散風險、利潤共享、增加宣傳機會、提供穩定長期民間資金之角度出發，參考外國立法例及進行個案比較分析，本研究認為股權型群眾募資較適合臺灣文創中小微型新創事業，建議除了現行相關籌資政策、法規仍應進行調整外，也應鬆綁民間成立股權型群眾募資平臺，並採取風險控管之機制。最後，就長遠來看，兩岸應可考慮就股權型群眾募資進行合作，俾使臺灣業者利用現有之軟實力優勢，能夠結合中國大陸的市場及資金，共同邁向雙贏。 / In recent years, cultural and creative industries have become an important soft power around the world, especially after UK leading the global trend and South Korea’s emerging success. Taiwan is also actively focusing on the development of cultural and creative industries over the past decade. However, the micro, small and medium-size startups in cultural and creative industries are usually characterized with high uncertainty for demands, creators ignoring the economy, and hard to communicate with the capital holders. In addition, given Taiwan’s smaller markets, high risk of startups, and the ineffective government’s policies and regulations, fundraising difficulties are generally confronted. This study aims to focus on the securitization for its benefits: risk arrangement, profit sharing, more promotional opportunities and long-term private fund. By referencing to foreign regulations and conducting comparative analysis of related cases, this study concluded that the equity crowdfunding is the better solution for Taiwan’s cultural and creative startups. As a result, it is recommended that the financing policies and regulations should be modified, and should allow the establishment of private equity crowdfunding platform and adopt risk control mechanisms. Moreover, in the long run, Taiwan and Mainland China should consider seeking cooperation for equity crowdfunding to combine Taiwan’s soft power advantage with the fund and market of Mainland China, jointly moving towards a win-win situation.

群眾募資成為近年廣被討論和使用的新興籌資方式，線上募資平台普遍被認為具提供資金、市場驗證及行銷曝光的功能，學術圈和實務界有許多如何成功募資的研究，但卻鮮少討論群眾募資帶來的影響與挑戰，因此本研究欲探討從產品開發到出貨，群眾募資在完整的專案歷程中代表的意涵，供未來提案者參考。 本研究採個案研究法，選擇「Stair-Rover八輪滑板」、「Voltset智能電表」、「ATOM 3D印表機」和「器研所New Urban Bike」做為研究個案。首先，了解提案者募資動機以及了解募資平台扮演的角色；其次，以新產品開發的觀點分析個案，討論群眾募資如何影響募資專案；最後，從專案管理的角度討論群眾募資帶給提案者什麼正面效益，以及需留意的風險。 研究結果發現，資金不一定是提案者使用群眾募資的主要動機，市場驗證及行銷曝光的功能仍為提案者所看重。除此之外，也有提案者將募資平台視為產品通路、或是建立社群的管道，群眾募資的意義與團隊所欠缺的資源有關，因而對其產生不同的定義。 此外，群眾募資改變了一般循序式的新產品開發流程，不同階段可能同時發生，且加速市場的反應，但並沒有因群眾募資而省略任一開發流程，這樣的改變更加考驗提案者同時處理技術端和市場端的能力。 最後，從專案管理看群眾募資，「成本」可視為產品發展時所需的經費、「時間」則是指募資結束後產品商品化的速度、「品質」代表社群互動和客戶服務。提案者必須謹慎拿捏，找到三者的平衡，包括建立群眾參與感、準時出貨和產品與專案內容描述一致，達到最終「贊助者滿意」，才算是一個成功的募資專案。

In the modern world, marathon running is taking over the fitness world and studies show that regular running will make people healthier, happier and fit. In India the yearly growth rate of marathon event is more than 150%. As more people gets boarded, the whole running industry is seeing boom and demand arises in all the services associated with these events. The evolution of technology and social media makes all the products and services migrate towards digital platform. Services associated with marathon events include race event management, getting connected with runners and clubs, reliable guidance and training techniques for preparing to run 42+ km, expert feedback on running gadgets like GSM watches, shoes, apparels etc. In current market, all these services served through different channels like runners club, Facebook, health magazines, websites for events and many more. Effective way to serve this group is to come up with “SMART Runners” which is exclusive for runners and serve all the needs associated with running events in single platform. This digital platform will use the crowd sourcing concepts to create contents that fits the Indian market needs with reliable information. For the event organizers, this platform will also act as a cloud service through which they can reach the runners, communicate and manage their race events effectively. As an investor, the proposal for creating a basic SMART Runners portal has positive NPV of INR 3,940,623 with CAGR of 20%. Though it may not be highly attractive however in short span it will become the leading “Running Portal” in India with approximately two million subscriptions. In the future this customer base can help the company to expand into various running related services and has bright prospects.

群眾運動的本質是一種集體尋求變革的勢力, 其運動方式是藉群眾聚集展現力量, 迫 使政府改革或讓步, 以達其變革之目的。群眾的聚集具有高度的危性, 尤其當衝突涉 及政治權力分配或意識型態之爭時, 其手段特別激烈, 因此, 如無充份必要與保護, 以這種方式作為抗爭手段宜格外謹慎。 臺灣經濟的成長, 有目共睹, 唯政治的進步, 顯然不能與經濟的成長一樣, 獲得同樣 的評價與肯定。國民黨政府遷臺以來, 一向堅持中華民國是中國唯一合法的政府及國 民黨對臺灣社會的主導地位。因此制度結構的安排呈現「戡亂與行憲」并行的雙軌制 度, 實際實行的結果又是戡亂體制凌駕憲政制度之上, 其次, 國民黨堅持其主導地位 , 因此造成一黨獨大, 反對勢力無法與之抗爭。 臺灣社會在國際有利環境下快速發展, 但民國六十年代開始, 國際政治環境的轉變, 及國內社會結構的蛻變, 在一連串的外交挫折下, 內政改革的要求, 急需迫切。改革 固然是朝野共同的體認, 但改革的層次、輻度, 顯有歧見, 反對運動開始出現, 唯社 會上缺乏競爭的場所, 致使反對勢力運用群眾運動作為抗爭方式。「中壢事件」使部 份反對人士認識到群眾的力量, 誤以為群眾可用, 終因「美麗島事件」主要份子悉遭 逮捕, 反對運動轉往議會路線發展。 七十年代初期, 隨著政治結構的轉化, 運動成本相對降低, 群眾運動再度作為抗爭方 式, 值得注意的事, 運動目標由政治結構改革, 提升到國家認同層次, 運動頻率急速 上升, 警政署統計, 臺灣地區政治性聚眾活動, 75年406 件, 76年873 件, 77年900 件, 78年1 至10月1520件, 再者, 由於運動的「內在交替性」使得社會性運動轉變為 政治性的抗議運動。 本文試圖從社會結構及群眾行為探討臺灣政治群眾運動之發展。

本研究透過內容分析法和深度訪談法探討台灣新聞集資發展的發展概況，包含新聞內容產製者如何執行集資計畫，以及對新聞業和記者工作型態有何影響或變化。 研究結果顯示，在所有新聞集資提案中，提案數量最多的發起方類別是公民記者／團體，但他們大多自行摸索如何產製新聞，需要更多資源和專業後援以提升作品質量。傳播科系學生則透過新聞集資計畫實踐所學，新聞集資提案如同一小型創業，當前創業新聞學成為一股趨勢，未來學校教育除提供相關技能以及商業知識外，也應該引導學生探討專業倫理問題。傳統商業新聞媒體則是還沒將集資視為產製過程中的財物來源之一，尚未積極涉及新聞集資領域。 五年來的新聞集資圖像包含因社會運動熱潮推向高峰；另外至少有三成提案的發起方甘冒於更大的風險到國外取材；新聞集資也是長期追蹤議題、報導主流媒體忽視議題的可行管道。這些特點使得整體新聞集資題材更加多樣。 深度訪談八位新聞集資計畫的提案者。分析結果顯示，提案者寧願身兼多職或多工擁抱產製中的種種限制和不確定性，圖的是報導自由度以及更多時間追蹤議題並與受訪對象互動。提案者的產製運作情形因集資平台營運模式的不同有所差異。國內目前有兩家新聞集資平台：weReport、SOS。前者採非營利型、一次性集資，定位偏向提供「種子資金」育成入門報導者；後者採用營利型、持續訂閱集資，希望成為寫作者固定營收源，運作策略上強調個人品牌以及內容獨特性。 關於提案方和資助方之間的互動，新聞產製過程中的主導權多落在提案者或報導者手中，社群參與情形如啦啦隊的支持角色，積極的新聞協作功能不易實現。至於平台方和資助者的關係，雖然平台方在集資期間對於提案者的資訊揭露下了不少功夫，可惜多數平台並不追蹤計畫後續執行情形，僅由提案方自發維持。 本研究建議群眾資助新聞的轉型應朝向長期發展。除了關注社群形成以及產製過程經驗的累積，不可忽視的著力點還有「將新聞需求人口轉變為消費人口」。而無論新聞集資如何演變，至少得保持過程中的開放與透明特性。 / This study based on content analysis and in-depth interviews, explored the development of crowdfunding journalism, including how news content producers implement crowdfunding projects and how this emerging model influences or changes journalism and journalists’ work. The results revealed that citizen journalists constitute the largest proportion of crowdfunders of crowdfunding journalism projects. Citizen journalists continually explore news production independently and require more resources and professional support to raise the quality of their work. Communication students apply what they have learned by pitching projects, just like a micro start-up. Currently, entrepreneurial journalism has become a trend. In addition to providing skill training and teaching business knowledge, schools should lead students to discuss professional ethics issues. Traditional news media do not consider crowdfunding as a financing source and are not actively involved in this field. Over the past 5 years, crowdfunding journalism has peaked because of social movements. Crowdfunders of at least 30% of project seem willing to endure risky conditions abroad to gather news. Crowdfunding journalism is also an option for reporters who would like to follow a particular issue for a long time. All of these features increase the diversity of the overall subjects of crowdfunding news. In-depth interviews were conducted with eight crowdfunders. The crowdfunders revealed that they would rather take on multiple roles, undertake multiple tasks or stand the various constraints and uncertainty during the news production, in order to have the freedom of the press and much more time to track the issues and interact with their interviewees. Crowdfunders’ production practices varied from diverse business models of crowdfunding platforms. Two crowdfunding journalism platforms are available in Taiwan: weReport and SOS. weReport adopts a nonprofit, one-time funding model, and prefers to provide “seed money” for new entrants. SOS adopts a profit-based subscription model in the hope of providing writers stable funding; the business strategy of SOS emphasizes individual brands and content uniqueness. Crowdfunders or reporters usually take the initiative in news production, compared with donors. Community participation plays a supporting role, but active news collaboration from communities is not easy to achieve. Regarding the relationship between platforms and donors, although platforms endeavor to maintain information transparency, most platforms do not follow up, depending on crowdfunders' self-discipline. This study suggests that the transformation of crowdfunding journalism will move toward long-term development. In addition to focusing on community building and accumulating news production experience, the issue of “turning the news-demanding population into a news-consuming population” must not be overlooked. However, regardless of how crowdfunding journalism develops, the process should remain open and transparent.