152f. / Submitted by Hozana Azevedo (hazevedo@ufba.br) on 2013-06-05T14:57:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação final.pdf: 1565183 bytes, checksum: a9f111f965ae3a67876f9b33c7b12fb7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná(dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-06-05T15:33:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação final.pdf: 1565183 bytes, checksum: a9f111f965ae3a67876f9b33c7b12fb7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-05T15:33:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação final.pdf: 1565183 bytes, checksum: a9f111f965ae3a67876f9b33c7b12fb7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / CNPq / As festas e procissões reais, sobretudo de origem religiosa, serviram à Coroa portuguesa como forte instrumento de legitimação e intensificação de seu poder, além de representar parte importante da cultura e cotidiano dos vassalos – espaço de sociabilidade, devoção e palco político privilegiado para disputas de interesses locais. Estes festejos eram organizados anualmente pelo poder político e contavam com a participação das autoridades civis e eclesiásticas e da sociedade em geral. Em vista disso, esta dissertação buscou analisar as festas e procissões reais na Cidade da Bahia (Salvador) ao longo dos séculos XVII e XVIII, objetivando compreender os usos políticos feitos pela Cora portuguesa, pelos vereadores, demais oficiais das instituições régias, irmandades e confrarias. Examinamos os meandros da organização destas cerimônias públicas, seu financiamento e os conflitos decorrentes da disposição hierárquica do cortejo, além da inserção de cada uma das festas no quadro festivo oficial da Câmara Municipal. The feasts and royal ceremonies, mainly those from religious origin, served to the Portuguese Crow as an strong instrument of legitimation and intensification of its power, as well to represent an important part of the culture of the vassalos – space of sociability, devotion and an excellent politic stage to dispute/controversy of local interests. These feasts were organized by politic power and civil and religious authorities participated on it, as well the society in general. This dissertation sought to analyze the feasts and royal processions in the City of Bahia (Salvador) during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and to understand the politic usages done by the Portuguese Crow, city councilors, and other officials of royal institutions and brotherhoods. This dissertation examines also the organization of these public ceremonies, its financing and the conflicts of precedence, and the insertion of each festival in the official calendar of the Camara of Salvador. / Salvador

Cette thèse se propose d’analyser le style des Mémoires de Saint-Simon, afin d’en comprendre la virulente énergie si sensible à la lecture. Inscrite dans une approche rhétorique, l’étude s’intéresse d’abord au positionnement discursif de Saint-Simon et aux fondements de la légitimité auctoriale : il s’agit d’expliquer comment, par un ensemble de dispositifs, le mémorialiste rend possible le plein épanouissement d’une rhétorique du blâme. Celle-ci se développe suivant deux orientations majeures, l’une judiciaire, l’autre épidictique, dont la variété des composantes témoigne à quel point Saint-Simon « osa tout écrire ». L’enquête se prolonge en montrant que cette rhétorique du blâme participe en réalité d’un discours de plus large portée : l’écriture, pour le mémorialiste, constitue une revanche sur l’Histoire quand toute autre prise sur l’action s’avère impossible. C’est dans cette perspective que se révèle alors dans le texte des Mémoires toute l’importance des discours rapportés et des procédés de recomposition de l’Histoire. / This dissertation aims to analyze the style of Saint-Simon’s Memoirs in order to better understand the virulent energy delivered in its reading. In keeping with a rhetorical approach, this study first focuses on the discursive position taken by Saint-Simon and the foundations of auctorial legitimacy. It is explained how, using various literary devices, the author succeeds in fully exploiting the rhetoric of blame. He accomplishes this through two rhetorical orientations – judiciary and epideictic, the variety of which attests to the fact that Saint-Simon “dared to write anything”. The investigation goes on to demonstrate that the rhetoric of blame contributes to a more significant discourse: in the absence of all other recourse, Saint-Simon views writing as a way to avenge oneself of History. It is in this vein that the importance of reported discourse and the rewriting of History is revealed in the text of Saint-Simon’s Memoirs.

210f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-22T17:26:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Lais Souzaseg.pdf: 3164865 bytes, checksum: 136fb7e2193381a46bd6f46ee50bf749 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-11T15:27:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Lais Souzaseg.pdf: 3164865 bytes, checksum: 136fb7e2193381a46bd6f46ee50bf749 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-11T15:27:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Lais Souzaseg.pdf: 3164865 bytes, checksum: 136fb7e2193381a46bd6f46ee50bf749 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / No ano de 1685 foi publicado o tratado Arte de crear bem os filhos na idade da Puericia de autoria do padre Alexandre de Gusmão (1629 † 1724), membro da Companhia de Jesus na Província do Brasil. Em 1686, por iniciativa do jesuíta, foi principiada a fundação do Seminário de Belém no Recôncavo da Capitania da Bahia, dedicado à educação de meninos nas “letras e bons costumes”. Este estudo tem por tema central o que subjaz a estas “obras” – as prescrições quanto às práticas educativas para as infâncias. A partir da prédica do padre sobre a importância da educação, e das recomendações para o “bem criar”, assim como do projeto pedagógico encerrado no Seminário de Belém, buscamos compor capítulos de uma História das Infâncias no mundo luso-brasileiro de fins do século XVII e princípios do século XVIII. / Salvador

Mon sujet de thèse sur "La peinture à Montpellier de Sébastien Bourdon à Joseph- Marie Vien" tend à fédérer dans un premier temps les recherches qui ont été effectuées par bribes sur les peintres montpelliérains du XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Antoine Ranc (1634 - 1716), Jean de Troy (1638 - 1691), Etienne Loys (1724 – 1788) , Jean Coustou (1719 – 1791)...). Elles permettent de retracer le contexte artistique et historique du foyer culturel de la ville à travers les nombreuses commandes privées et publiques. Il est aussi intéressant de se demander s'il existe une école montpelliéraine dans laquelle la création des Académies aurait pu avoir un rôle. Enfin cette étude permettra de comprendre quelle est la place artistique de la cité montpelliéraine par rapport aux deux autres grandes provinces du sud que sont Toulouse et Marseille. / This study draws the history of painting in Montpellier in the 17th and 18th centuries, through the careers of Sébastien Bourdon (1616-1671) and Joseph-Marie Vien (1716-1809). Although these two masters are internationally recognized, their influences on local painting remained to be defined, just like those of three other academicians: Hyacinthe Rigaud (1659-1743), Jean Ranc (1674 - 1735) and Jean Raoux (1677-1734). This study not only aims at analysing works by painters now famous, but also at revealing other contemporary artists as well as local workshops, which were opened to multiple influences. These workshops and artists were at the forefront of the paintings done in Montpellier up to the end of the 18th century. Some were more important than others, as those of Flemish masters at the beginning of the 17th century, of Paul Pezet ( ? – 1687) and of Antoine Ranc (1634 - 1716) during the Classical Age or even those of Etienne Loys (1724 - 1788) and Jean Coustou (1719 - 1791) in the 18th century. The latter trained the great masters from Montpellier who became academicians. This study means to define the essence of this local painting and its models. The issue of academies also partakes of our domain of research. Several attempts at creations of academic schools marked out these two centuries: be they, that of Sébastien Bourdon in 1649, that of Jean de Troy (1638-1691) in 1679, that of Jacques Giral (1684-1749) in 1737 and finally “la Société des Beaux-arts” (the Company of the Fine arts) in 1779. They are studied along with other southern academies of art, in Toulouse and Marseille. Thus, this analysis of local workshops and academies interrogates the notion of school in Montpellier, thereby registering this research at a more global scale, by comparing its results with the matching productions of other artistic centers in the same area, but also of Parisian and European great masters.

1 This thesis is concerned with the post-White Mountain negotiations on ecclesiastical property, establishment of the concordat agreement (often referred to as the Salt Treaty) and the cassa salis administration between 1630 and 1782. It explains the main mechanisms of the ecclesiastical salt treasury, comments on the yields from the salt tax and various points where these resources were spent. The main intent was establishment of four new bishoprics in Bohemia, which was only partly achieved in the 17th century. At the end of the 17th century, the effort to reconstruct the parish network led to establishment of a separate treasure, the so-called cassa parochorum. Throughout the period, the papal curia feared that the Prague archbishops might manage the salt treasury independently. In the end, dissatisfaction with its management led to stricter supervision by the apostolic nuncios and visitations to cassa salis in 1710. Particular attention is paid to the repeated violations of the concordat agreement during the 18th century, in which the authority of the Kingdom tried to deprive the Holy See of the right to distribute funds from the salt treasury. This process was concluded by its fusion with the Kingdom's religious fund during the reign of Emperor Josef II.

Dans ce travail, nous étudions les réécritures en français des textes chinois Lúnyǔ 论语 (Lunyu, ou Livre des Sentences), Shījīnɡ 诗经 (Chi-King, ou Livre des Odes), et Zhàoshì gū’ér 赵氏孤儿 (Tchao Chi Cou Ell, ou le Petit Orphelin de la maison de Tchao). Nous menons une étude descriptive et comparative de neuf textes d’arrivée avec une approche culturelle développée par Lefevere et Bassnett. La méthodologie appliquée est celle proposée par Gérard Genette. Nous remarquerons que les travaux existants se concentrent plutôt sur les textes de départ, les analyses textuelles des réécritures, et l’étude d’un seul agent. Peu d’importance est accordée au rôle de l’ensemble d’éléments qui participent à la manipulation culturelle lors du passage du chinois aux réécritures françaises durant plus de cent ans. Notre recherche vise à élucider les agents, les mécanismes, les formes, et les enjeux de la manipulation culturelle en analysant les paratextes des réécritures choisies. Notre travail fera ressortir deux constats. Premièrement, les auteurs de réécriture cherchent à faire croire aux lecteurs européens que les connotations culturelles des textes sources ne vont pas à l’encontre de la Bible et de la philosophie académicienne. Par conséquent, ils tentent de cacher les divergences entre les civilisations chinoise et européenne qui se manifestent dans les textes de départ. Deuxièmement, ces réécritures imprimées occupaient une place populaire ou privilégiée avec approbation du roi dans le marché de livres français du XVIIe au XVIIIe siècles. Leurs reproductions et réécritures en Europe nous informent qu’elles jouent un rôle important dans la transmission des savoirs chinois et la formation des perceptions européennes sur la Chine. En comparant les agents des réécritures et les contextes de production et circulation, notre analyse permet de mettre en lumière la manipulation littéraire et idéologique des textes réécrits dans la culture d’arrivée au cours de la rencontre des civilisations chinoise et française dans la première modernité. Nous contribuerons à compléter les lacunes laissées par d’autres chercheurs, et à élaborer une recherche historiographique qui traite les réécritures des textes chinois comme matériaux imprimés. / This project offers an analysis of nine French rewritings of Lúnyǔ 论语 (The Analects), Shījīnɡ 诗经 (The Book of Odes), et Zhàoshì gū’ér 赵氏孤儿 (The Orphan Of Zhao). We conduct a cultural and descriptive study of nine target texts using the cultural approach developed by Lefevere and Bassnett. Our primary focus is on the analysis of paratexts (Genette). We observe that existing work emphasizes source texts, textual analyses of rewritings, and the study of single agents, while giving little importance to other factors that participate in the manipulation of Chinese to French rewritings. Our research analyzes the paratexts of the chosen rewritings and aims to clarify the agents, mechanisms, forms, and challenges that shape cultural translation. Our work will highlight two observations. First, the authors of rewriting seek to make European readers believe that the cultural connotations of the source texts do not go against the Bible and academic philosophy. Therefore, they try to hide the divergences between the Chinese and European civilizations that exist in the original texts. Second, these printed rewrites occupied a popular or privileged place with the king's approval in the French book market from the seventeenth to the eighteenth century. Their reproductions and rewritings in Europe inform us that they play an important role in the transmission of Chinese knowledge and the formation of European perceptions of China. By comparing the agents and historical context, our study sheds light on the ideological and poetic manipulation of rewritings in the target culture during the encounter of Chinese and French civilizations in early modernity. We contribute to the studies in translation history of Chinese texts in 17th and 18th centuries.

La musique française pour clavecin des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles est-elle jouée de nos jours telle qu’elle devrait l’être ? De quelles sources disposent musicologues et musiciens pour approcher au plus près l’authentique sonorité du clavecin, la technique de son jeu, et la compréhension de son répertoire ? Cette approche nous a conduit à discerner neuf points déterminants, essentiels à la compréhension de la facture du clavecin. La mesure d’octave des claviers français de l’époque était inférieure à celle des instruments des pays voisins, et notamment inférieure à celle appliquée dans la facture de nos jours. Pour mémoire, cette mesure conditionne l’écartement entre le pouce et l’auriculaire, lequel écartement influence le jeu. Si l’écart est de moindre taille, les doigts sont plus rapprochés, et de ce fait, la main gagne en décontraction. Le jeu à la française se distingue aussi depuis ses origines par l’extrême souplesse de l’harmonisation, le peu de tension des cordes et le diapason bas (le La3 à 392 – 406 Hz). Par ailleurs, nous avons pu révéler l’existence de clavecins à trois claviers, la présence du seize pieds et du jeu nasal dans certains instruments (alsaciens notamment), et la paternité française de l’éclisse courbe en forme de « S ». Concernant les claviers, l’évolution de l’ambitus de l’instrument depuis le début du XVIIe jusqu’à la fin du XVIIIe siècle est bien connue des musicologues et des musiciens. Toutefois, aucune étude de cette évolution n’a été réalisée pour démontrer l’élargissement des claviers depuis le premier livre imprimé en 1670, les pièces de clavecin de Chambonnières, jusqu’à l’ambitus définitif des cinq octaves imposées dans les pièces de clavecin en concerts de Rameau en 1741. Notre étude s’est également étendue aux cordes, par la vérification de leur épaisseur et des matières dont elles étaient faites. Il s’avère que les facteurs de l’époque utilisaient des diamètres inférieurs à ceux des cordes actuelles, et qu’elles n’ont jamais été en cuivre dans les basses. Seul le laiton à forte teneur en cuivre était considéré comme satisfaisant pour la sonorité des cordes les plus graves. Quant aux cordes des trois cinquièmes supérieurs du clavier, elles étaient faites en fer mou qui n’avait qu’une faible tension. Il va sans dire que l’acier, employé de nos jours, était inconnu à cette époque. Enfin, il est admis aujourd’hui que le clavecin, une fois le tempérament posé, s’accorde en octaves pures, alors qu’il en était tout autrement au XVIIIe siècle, ainsi que nous l’avons établi à travers un texte de Corrette. / Is French harpsichord music of the 17th and 18th centuries played today as it should be ? What sources can help musicologists and musicians to reproduce the authentic harpsichord sound and playing techniques of that epoch, and understand its repertoire, as faithfully and fully as possible ? The mere fact that this music went unplayed for so long prompts that question. In fact, the harpsichord was forgotten overnight. The favoured instrument of court and fashionable society under the ancien régime, it had aristocratic associations which doomed it when the Revolution came. A century later, in June 1889, the noble, silvery sound of its plucked strings made a first, hesitant comeback, thanks to Louis Diémer. But it was only in the 20th century, between the two world wars, that Wanda Landowska’s tireless enthusiasm gave this baroque keyboard instrument a new lease of life. Interest in building “old-style” harpsichords, using traditional techniques, first developed in the late 1950s, and their popularity has grown steadily ever since. Today’s enthusiasts want to go back to the origins, and revive old ideas and techniques, but they still have a long way to go. At an earlier stage, techniques used in making pianos were extended to harpsichords - and some of these “alien” elements and additions are still present. We felt the time had come to clarify the picture by consulting certain contemporary texts, which had been unduly neglected. We found indeed that these were at odds with twentieth- century improvements, had been mistranslated or misunderstood, or were, quite simply, hard to find.Anyone wishing to form an idea of the original harpsichord sound must start with organology, and the various instruments used by French musicians in the 17th and 18th centuries offer valuable clues. X-ray examination reveals their design and shows how they were regulated (keys, jacks, plectra).Thanks to this approach, we have identified nine essential factors which illuminate the design and construction of these instruments. French manuals of the time had a narrower octave span than those of instruments made in neighbouring countries - or today. Span, of course, determines the distance between thumb and little finger, which itself affects playing. The smaller the gap, the closer the fingers, and the more relaxed the hand. From the beginning, the French sound was also distinguished by its highly flexible harmonies,low-tension strings and low pitch (A3 at 392-406 Hz.). We also found that some harpsichords had three manuals, that some (particularly Alsatian instruments) had 16 foot stops and a lute stop, and that the S-shaped bentside was a French innovation. Musicologists and musicians already know in general terms how manuals evolved from the early 17th to the late 18th century, but no specific research has been done on the process by which they became wider, between 1670, when the first book, Chambonnière’s Pièces de clavecin, was published, and 1741, when Rameau’s Pièces de clavecin en concerts made five octaves the norm.We have also studied strings, their thickness and the materials of which they were made. We have found that string diameter was smaller than it is now, and that bass strings were never made of copper. Only brass with high copper content was thought to give the deeper strings a satisfactory sound. Strings on the upper three-fifths of the manual were made of soft iron, which had little tension. Steel, which is used today, was obviously unknown.Finally, harpsichords, once their temperament is established, are today tuned in pure octaves –which, as a text by Corrette has shown us, was far from being the case in the 18th century.

Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre la noblesse et le prince dans les duchés de Lorraine au coursd’une période qui s’étend des années 1620 à 1737. Elle les explore dans le cadre d’un renforcement du pouvoirducal et dans une période de transition troublée.Dans cet État souverain des confins, la noblesse représentée par quelques puissantes familles issues del’ancienne chevalerie incarne l’élite sociale, morale, et politique. Étroitement associée aux responsabilités, elleest affectée au premier plan par les ruptures qui scandent le XVIIe siècle : la guerre, l’occupation française etl’exil. Autant d’évènements qui déstabilisent le service princier et éprouvent la fidélité au duc, fondementessentiel des rapports de la noblesse au pouvoir. Cette étude revisite les notions de service, de devoir etd’honneur, constitutives de l’identité nobiliaire.Après plus d’un demi-siècle de désordres, la paix de Ryswick (1697) ramène la stabilité et le princeretrouve ses duchés. Le rétablissement de l’État s’effectue dans une dialectique entre tradition et changement. Lanoblesse qui aspire à retrouver sa place auprès du duc est confrontée à de nouvelles incertitudes qu’elle surmontegrâce à la résurgence de la faveur princière et au prix d’une recomposition de l’ordre.L’équilibre des forces est mis à mal en 1729 avec l’avènement de François III dont le destin se joue pardelàles frontières. Détaché de son territoire patrimonial, le jeune souverain rompt le lien avec la noblesselorraine et met fin à l’impératif absolu du service princier.L’étude des relations entre la noblesse et le duc durant le long XVIIe siècle est une réflexion sur lasociété politique d’un État aux limites sensibles et aléatoires. / This study tackles the relation between nobility and prince in the Duchies of Lorraine during the periodthat spans from the 1620s to 1737. The academic frame in which it is explored is one marked by reinforced ducalpower and by much turmoil within a transitory period.In such a border-line sovereign state, the nobility as represented by a few powerful houses stemmingfrom ancient chivalric backgrounds, embodies the social, moral and political elite of the day. Closely involved inthe Duke’s wields of executive power, and more than any other social body, nobles suffered from the manypoints of rupture that punctuated the 17th century : wars, French occupation and exile did indeed challeng thePrince’s service. These points of rupture jeopardized the fidelity to the Duke, one of the essential foundations ofthe link between the nobility and Power. The study revisits such key-notions as service, duty, and honour,notions which shape up nobles’ identity.After more than a half-century of disorders of all kinds, the Ryswick Peace (1697) brought the situationback to a relative stability and the Prince regained his Duchies. Putting back the State to its feet implied adialectical tension between tradition and change. The nobility eager to regain former responsabilities isconfronted with new uncertainties that will be partly overcome by the resurgence of princely favours and areshuffling of the Order.The balance of forces is put at stake in 1729 when Francois III comes to the throne and his fate is tomaterialize beyond frontiers. Detached from its heritage territory, the prince unbinds the ties which linked thenobility and puts an end to the absolute imperative of a prince’s service.The study of relations between nobility and duke throughout the long 17th century consists in an overallquestioning of a political society in a border-conscious and border-moving state.

Avec évidence, les sons émis par la voix parlée ou par la voix chantée montrent de nombreuses parentés, toutefois, leurs descriptions et leur analyse ne se présentent pas forcément sous la même lumière dans les textes grammaticaux et musicaux, dont la visée peut être (pour chaque type) plus ou moins théorique ou pratique.Nous avons choisi pour notre étude sur les sons en parole et en chant français, les XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles : une époque où musique et langue présentent des liens structuraux fondamentaux. Cette caractéristique permet de confronter logiquement les deux disciplines et de relier deux traditions dont le lien théorique étroit s'est largement affaibli au cours de l'histoire.Le cadre de l'histoire connectée permet ainsi sous trois approches différentes (l'acoustique, l'articulation et la prosodie) d'analyser et d'ancrer les théories du son élaborées par les grammairiens, dans le cadre culturel et épistémologique de leur époque. De plus, il rend possible des questionnements sur un facteur que les grammairiens n'abordent qu'avec difficulté (et plutôt entre les lignes) : la variabilité de la parole en raison de l'émotivité du locuteur. L'étude confirme ainsi l'efficacité des méthodes de l'histoire connectée pour un corpus interdisciplinaire incluant des questions linguistiques et, plus précisément, phonétiques. / All evidence shows that the sounds produced by the human voice, either spoken or sung, exhibit numerous relationships; nevertheless, their descriptions and analyses are not necessarily presented in the same light in texts dealing with grammar on the one hand, or music on the other, of which the scope (for both categories) can be either more or less theoretical or practical.For our study of the phonetics of French in word and song, we have chosen the 17th and 18th centuries, an era when music and language by definition present fundamental structural connections. This characteristic allows us to confront the two disciplines with each other in a logical way, and to re-connect two traditions, the close theoretical ties between which have weakened in the course of history.This system of connected histories also allows us to analyze the theories of sound as expounded by the grammarians, and then to anchor them in the cultural and epistemological framework of their epoch via three different approaches: acoustics, articulation and prosody. In addition, it allows the investigation of a factor which the authorities only touch upon with difficulty (and preferably between the lines), that of the variability of speech according to the speaker’s emotional state. The study thus confirms the efficacy of methods of connected history, through an interdisciplinary corpus which embraces questions of linguistics and, more precisely, phonetics. / Es ist offensichtlich, dass die von der gesprochenen und der gesungenen Stimme produzierten Klänge zahlreiche Gemeinsamkeiten aufweisen. Die Beschreibung dieser Laute und ihre Analyse präsentieren sich jedoch in den grammatikalischen und musikalischen Texten, deren Ausrichtung zudem jeweils eher theoretisch oder eher praktisch sein kann, oft auf sehr unterschiedliche Art.Für unsere Studie über die französischen gesprochenen und gesungenen Sprachlaute haben wir als Zeitraum das 17. und 18. Jahrhundert ausgewählt, eine Zeit, in der Musik und Sprache per Definition grundlegende strukturelle Verbindungen aufweisen. Diese Charakteristik ermöglicht es uns, die beiden Disziplinen zu konfrontieren und zwei Traditionen, deren enge theoretische Verbindung sich im Laufe der Geschichte stark abgeschwächt hat, erneut zu verbinden.Der theoretische Rahmen der „connected history“ ermöglicht es uns, die von den Grammatikern ausgearbeiteten Ideen und Theorien zu den Sprachlauten unter drei verschiedenen Ansätzen (Akustik, Artikulation und Prosodie) zu analysieren und sie im kulturellen und epistemologischen Kontext ihrer Zeit zu verankern. Er erlaubt darüber hinaus Fragestellungen nachzugehen, die von den Grammatikern nur mit Schwierigkeiten (und oft zwischen den Zeilen) angesprochen werden können: die Veränderlichkeit der Sprache und ihrer Laute aufgrund der Emotivität des Sprechers. Die Studie bestätigt damit die Effizienz der Methoden der „connected history“ für einen interdisziplinären Korpus zu linguistischen (und, genauer gesagt, phonetischen) Problemen.

La tesi si occupa di verificare l’influenza che i classici greci e latini hanno esercitato su i padri fondatori americani e più in particolare su Thomas Jefferson. La prima sezione tratteggia il contesto universitario e lo studio delle lingue classiche tra seicento e settecento, comprendendo non solo le università inglesi (Oxford e Cambridge) e scozzesi, ma anche i nuovi college nati nelle colonie americane. Tale analisi dei modelli e delle pratiche educative ha permesso, in effetti, di comprendere meglio l’influenza dei classici sui rivoluzionari americani. Nello specifico viene scandagliata a fondo l’educazione ricevuta da Jefferson. Tra i numerosi spunti di studio aperti da codesto argomento, il lavoro si concentra sulle modalità con cui i classici gli furono insegnati, sul suo Commonplace Book (una raccolta di brani tratti in parte da autori antichi letti in giovinezza) e su documentazione epistolare. Quest’ultima è oggetto particolare di studio, allo scopo di scoprire quali opere antiche Jefferson, in età adulta e durante la vecchiaia, lesse e apprezzò. Essendo un collezionista di libri, comprò moltissimi testi classici come dimostrano alcuni suoi manoscritti. Nonostante manchino dati precisi a riguardo, risulta inoltre che Jefferson, benché facesse largo uso di traduzioni, preferiva leggere in originale e che probabilmente abbia letto la maggior parte di questi libri durante il ritiro dalla vita politica. La seconda parte della tesi si concentra, invece, a indagare quanto la sua educazione classica abbia contributo alla formazione della sua personalità e delle sue idee, nonché alla forma stessa del suo pensiero in merito ad alcune tematiche. Lo studio è di conseguenza dedicato all’esperienza umana di Jefferson, in particolare alla sua riflessione sulla morte e sull’eternità, temi fortemente legati alla sua ricezione di idee epicuree e stoiche. Epicureismo e Stoicismo rappresentano, in definitiva, i due sistemi filosofici antichi che hanno maggiormente influenzato la sua personalità e il suo pensiero. / The aim of the present work is to evaluate the impact of the ancient classics on the American Founding Fathers, with a particular focus on Thomas Jefferson. The first section gives a wide portrait of the academic context in which the Founders were educated, comprising not only of Oxford, Cambridge, and the Scottish universities, but also the colonial colleges. The evaluation of the educational practices in use at the time makes it possible to understand better the classical impact on revolutionary Americans. In particular, this analysis studies in depth Jefferson's education. Of the many possible perspectives and approaches to this topic, the present work focuses on the way ancient classics were taught to him, his Commonplace Book, which reports part of the ancient classics he read during his youth, and his correspondence. The latter has been studied especially to understand which other ancient writers he read, valued, and esteemed in his adulthood and old age. As book collector, Jefferson bought an incredible number of ancient classics, as attested by a few manuscripts of his book lists. Despite the dearth of sure evidence, it is very likely that he read the ancient works largely during his retirement. He loved reading them in the original, though he made great use of translations. The second part of this work is dedicated to investigating how Jefferson's classical education contributed to the building of his personality and ideas, as well as how he elaborated specific classical themes in his own life. The study is thus focused on Jefferson's personal human experience, specifically on his reflection on human mortality and the afterlife. These themes, indeed, are strictly linked to his reception of Epicurean and Stoic tenets, the two ancient philosophical systems which had the greatest and most profound impact on Jefferson's personality and thought.