This dissertation deals with the encounter between Lutheran orthodoxy and conservative pietism 1720–1730. The aim has been to compare their views on society and man. In the pietistic conflict, orthodoxy gave rise to attitudes which proved to be key to its view on society and man. It was a deeply rooted traditionalism, patriarchal order of society, demand for confessional uniformity and a corporativistic view on society. The above mentioned contained a specific view on the relationship between the church, state and individual. By using the Organism Metaphor, i.e. society depicted as a body, orthodoxy made visible the church’s collective unity. This body was also identical to the Swedish kingdom. If uniformity in faith and ceremonies was to be dissolved, it implied a disintegration of the social body and breaking of the bonds which held together both church and country. Uniformity was upheld through confessionalism and the partiarchal order of the church. The priests’ monopoly on official functions, and the legal calling created a barrier protecting this relationship to power. Where the views on society and man intersected, one specific theme can be identified – conscience. This spiritual function connected man to law, society’s patriarchal order and God. I have emphasised five distinct traits of pietism: its polarizing tendencies, strong emotionalism, its reformist attitude towards church and social life, its egalitarianism and religious individualism. All of these traits collided with orthodoxy’s view on society and man. Pietism can be described as a massive christianization project, which included moral and ethic education of the people on an individual and collective level. Where pietism and religious individualism coincided with egalitarianism, a new discourse for conscience was established, where conscience became both an internal court of law – with God acting as judge – and a spiritual authority whose integrity grew in proportion to authority and church.

There were many ways of bordering manliness during the historical period covered by my research. Borders have been metaphorically understood as those invisible, often non-enunciated limits that have safeguarded manliness. There were borders separating masculinity from femininity and from childishnes, but there is also a more distant border, separating masculinity from the bestial. The term un-manliness is a useful concept for this analysis, for it can be used to illuminate the different ways in which masculinity has been interrogated. The concept can also be used in comparative analyses of how tolerance towards men deviating from ideas of ideal masculinity has differed according to situation and culture. It has been my ambition to elucidate the particular attitudes, values, customs, knowledge and requirements that influenced the view of masculinity at both individual and the group level. The clearest-cut aspects of manliness and un-manliness expressed in court proceedings were those having to do with sexuality, relations within the household, and the subordinate and dominant masculinities displayed by different court-room actors. The latter, in turn, reflected contemporary social structures, including the social gap that divided the Livonian peasantry’s serfs or former serfs from the ruling Baltic-German elite. Records from the court proceedings have shown the subordinate masculinity of the defendants, subordinate not only to that of the officers of the court but to that of the witnesses. This subordination was an inevitable consequence of the nature of the accusations, regardless of whether they were deemed well-founded or false.  The defendants were placed in a situation where they were forced constantly to be on the alert, ready to defend themselves and show their best sides. As a result, they would often give extremely clear expression to their views of proper masculinity. Such actors stressed, consciously or unconsciously, certain manly traits and behaviour patterns that characterised themselves and others. Their arguments provide insights into what they thought of each other and how they conceived a man should generally be, behave and act in different situations. By the same token, they clearly showed what kinds of behaviours were considered undesirable or outright unmanly. The positioning of the borders of manliness was linked both to time and to space. Deviations have helped different societies set the borders for what they considered acceptable behaviour. There was a clear cultural and geographical border between Sweden as such, and the Swedish province Livonia. This emerges clearly when one compares Livonian results with earlier studies on bestiality in Sweden. This shows that the view of manliness and the tolerance towards certain kinds of behaviour changed as one moved East.

1763, nachdem Sachsen zum Ende des Siebenjährigen Krieges große Einbußen erlitten hatte, kehrte der dreiundzwanzigjährige Johann Gottlieb Naumann nach sechsjähriger Lehrzeit in Italien nach Dresden zurück, im Gepäck diese Messkomposition. Sie wurde der musikverständigen Kurfürstin-Witwe Maria Antonia Walpurgis übergeben, die nach der Aufführung der Messe in der Hofkirche dem jungen Naumann das Amt eines 2. Kirchencompositeurs anbot: Grundlage für seine spätere Stellung als Dresdner Hofkapellmeister. Die Messe als Ganzes ist als Quelle nicht mehr überliefert, da Naumann Teile in anderen Werken verwendete. Interessanterweise wurden zwei Abschriften für den Wiener Hof angefertigt. Hieraus wurde der Notentext nach umfangreichen Recherchen von Katrin Bemmann rekonstruiert und das Werk erstmals in einer modernen Ausgabe vollständig vorgelegt.

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Cette analyse porte sur le schématisme des concepts purs de l’entendement, tel que présenté par Emmanuel Kant dans la Critique de la raison pure et interprété par Martin Heidegger. La lecture proposée par Heidegger est critiquée par un bon nombre de commentateurs dans la mesure où ils considèrent que son interprétation ne lui sert qu’à faire valoir ses propres théories philosophiques au sujet du Dasein et de l’ontologie fondamentale. Notre approche se distingue de la leur dans la mesure où nous tentons de comprendre les raisons qui ont poussé Heidegger à défendre l’interprétation du schématisme qui est la sienne. Notre étude s’attarde au texte de Kant de manière à en souligner les éléments qui ont permis à Heidegger d’établir sa lecture, telle qu’il la présente dans son ouvrage de 1929, ayant pour titre Kant et le problème de la métaphysique. La méthode utilisée est comparative, car notre but est de démontrer la valeur de l’interprétation heideggérienne contre celle des commentateurs qui le critiquent pour des raisons insuffisantes. Bref, le thème du schématisme kantien est analysé de long en large et la conclusion à laquelle nous parvenons est que Heidegger a permis des avancées philosophiques considérables par son herméneutique de la Critique et qu’il est nécessaire de leur accorder l’attention qui leur est due. / The subject of this analysis is the schematism of the pure concepts of understanding, as presented by Emmanuel Kant in The Critique of Pure Reason and interpreted by Martin Heidegger. The reading proposed by Heidegger is criticized by a large number of commentators because they consider that his interpretation only serves to give value to his own philosophical theories on Dasein and on fundamental ontology. Our approach is different from theirs in that we are trying to understand the reasons that justify Heidegger in his interpretation of schematism. Our study dwells on Kant's text in order to extract the elements that allowed Heidegger to build up his thoughts, as he presented them in 1929 in Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics. The method used is comparative, since our goal is to demonstrate the relevance of Heidegger's interpretation against the commentators who have insufficient reasons to criticize him. In short, the theme of Kant's schematism is analyzed thoroughly and the conclusion we come to is that Heidegger allowed for considerable philosophical progress with his hermeneutics of the Critique and that it is necessary to give them the attention they deserve.

Afin de distinguer les immigrants de première génération des individus nés à Québec et de discuter de l’identité des immigrants de cette ville aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles, trente-quatre squelettes humains exhumés du cimetière protestant Saint-Matthew (Québec, 1771-1860) ont fait l’objet d’analyses ostéologiques et isotopiques du strontium (87Sr/86Sr) et de l’oxygène (δ18O). Les teneurs obtenues, bien que moins précises que les données historiques, ont permis de distinguer trois groupes d’origine, soit les individus nés à Québec (N = 12), les immigrants de première génération provenant le plus probablement des îles Britanniques et du nord de la France (N = 19) et les immigrants de première génération dont l’origine ne peut être précisée (N = 3). De plus, l’origine écossaise de certains individus a pu être suggérée en fonction de compositions isotopiques variant entre -10,0 et -9,09 % vs VSMOW. La comparaison des groupes d’origine à des données provenant de sources historiques et d’une étude antérieure a permis de dresser un portrait de l’identité des immigrants, à la fois sur les plans populationnel et individuel. De plus, les compositions isotopiques (δ18O, 87Sr/86Sr, δ13C et δ15N) nous laissent croire qu’au moins un individu pourrait être d’origine amérindienne et qu’un autre proviendrait d’une partie de l’Europe plus appauvrie en 18O (possiblement un pays scandinave ou une région alpine). La distribution spatiale des sépultures nous a également permis d’émettre des hypothèses sur les liens familiaux et sociaux d’immigrants inhumés en caveaux ou entassés de façon particulièrement modeste. / In order to distinguish first-generation immigrants from individuals born in Québec City and discuss the identity of immigrants to this city in the 18th and 19th centuries, osteological analysis as well as strontium (87Sr/86Sr) and oxygen (δ18O) isotopic analysis have been applied to thirty-four human skeletons exhumed from the Protestant cemetery of Saint-Matthew (Québec City, 1771-1860). The isotopic compositions obtained, although not as precise as historical data, allowed the distinction between three groups of origin: individuals born in Québec City (N = 12), first-generation immigrants most probably from the British Isles or northern France (N = 19) and first-generation immigrants whose origin cannot be determined (N = 3). In addition, the Scottish origin of some individuals could be suggested on the basis of isotopic compositions ranging from -10.0 to -9.09% vs. VSMOW. The comparison of these groups with data from historical sources and a previous study provides an overall picture of the immigrants’ identity, on both an individual and a populational level. In addition, isotope compositions (δ18O, 87Sr/86Sr, δ13C and δ15N) suggest that at least one individual could be Native American and another could come from an 18O depleted part of Europe (possibly Scandinavia or the Alps). Moreover, the spatial organization of burials allows us to consider the possible family and social ties of some immigrants buried in brick vaults or crammed into particularly modest graves.

Ce mémoire porte sur le rôle des divinités dans la structure dramatique de la tragédie en musique Idoménée d’Antoine Danchet et d’André Campra, originalement créée en 1712 et remaniée en 1731. L’étude répond à des questions d’ordre structurel quant à l’évolution du genre et montre de quelle façon la représentation des dieux dans Idoménée est liée à une ouverture formelle qui annonce la disparition du prologue, puisque les divinités n’y sont plus confinées à une fonction de louange du roi, mais contribuent activement à lancer l’action dramatique dès cette partie liminaire de l’opéra. Par un bref aperçu historique de la tragédie lyrique et des traditions mythologiques se rapportant à Vénus et à Neptune, ce mémoire questionne la place de ces dieux dans l’univers des hommes, tel que l’envisage la tragédie lyrique, qui démontre, comme on le sait, une propension à unifier les mondes surnaturel et humain. Dans Idoménée, cette unification passe en grande partie par l’usage d’un prologue qui fait office de premier acte, en assurant aux divinités en question une fonction essentielle à la structure dramatique. / This essay focuses on the deities’ role in the dramatic structure of Antoine Danchet and André Campra’s Idoménée, a tragédie en musique originally written in 1712 and rearranged in 1731. This research raises questions about the evolution of this particular genre while aiming to show how the representation of the Gods in Idoménée is linked to a formal opening which announces the disappearance of the prologue during the 1740s, as the deities are no longer used to solely praise the king but actively contribute to start off the dramatic effect as early as this opening part of the opera, thus giving a new function to the prologue. Through a brief historical overview of the French opera genre known as tragédie lyrique and of the mythological traditions linked to Venus and Neptune, this essay questions the place of these two deities in the human universe as envisioned by the tragédie lyrique which, as it is well known, tends to unify the supernatural and human worlds. In Idoménée, this unification mostly occurs through the use of a prologue, which also forms the first act of this drama, giving the deities in question an essential role in the dramatic structure of the opera.

Ce mémoire étudie les autodafés de livres représentés dans trois textes français de la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle : l’article « Bibliomanie » (1752) de l’Encyclopédie, écrit par Jean le Rond D’Alembert, le roman l’An deux mille quatre cent quarante. Rêve s’il en fut jamais (1770) de Louis Sébastien Mercier et la comédie le Bureau d’esprit (1776-1777) de Jean-Jacques Rutlidge. Il révèle, chez ces auteurs, une critique du livre qui paradoxalement s’accompagne de sa défense. Le premier chapitre décrit succinctement la croissance de l’imprimé en France, à l’époque, l’évolution des goûts en matière de lecture, et un imaginaire du livre dans lequel entrent une impression d’envahissement et une grande admiration pour l’écrit. Les trois chapitres subséquents suivent l’ordre chronologique de parution des textes retenus et analysent les scènes de livres brûlés qu’ils contiennent. D’Alembert et Mercier, non sans réserves, aimeraient jeter au feu la majorité des livres qui les entourent. Rutlidge constitue un cas particulier : l’autodafé vise un ouvrage précis, soit une traduction française de Shakespeare. Le mémoire, en conclusion, évoque quatre textes plus récents où sont rapportés des autodafés de livres : le poème « À qui la faute ? » de Victor Hugo, le roman Fahrenheit 451 de Ray Bradbury, la pièce les Combustibles d’Amélie Nothomb et le roman les Corpuscules de Krause de Sandra Gordon. Reprenant des idées présentes chez D’Alembert, Mercier et Rutlidge, ces œuvres illustrent leur richesse. / This thesis studies the burning of books as depicted in three French texts from the second half of the 18th century : the article “ Bibliomanie ” (1752) from the Encyclopédie, written by Jean le Rond D’Alembert, the novel l’An deux mille quatre cent quarante. Rêve s’il en fut jamais (1770) by Louis Sébastien Mercier, and the comedy le Bureau d’esprit by Jean-Jacques Rutlidge (1776-1777). These authors criticize books, but paradoxically defend their value. The first chapter is a succinct description of the growth of printed matter in France and of the changing tastes in reading. There is then a sense of being overwhelmed by the sheer volume of material, but at the same time a real admiration for writing itself. The next three chapters discuss the texts in chronological order, paying particular attention to the passages where books are burned. D’Alembert and Mercier, with some ambivalence, would like to commit to the flames most of the books which surround them. Rutlidge shows the ritual sacrifice of one work, a contemporary French translation of Shakespeare. In conclusion this thesis briefly considers four more recent texts dealing with the destruction of books : the poem “ À qui la faute ? ” by Victor Hugo, the novel Fahrenheit 451 by Ray Bradbury, the play les Combustibles by Amélie Nothomb, and the novel les Corpuscules de Krause by Sandra Gordon. These works develop ideas seen in D’Alembert, Mercier and Rutlidge, showing their worthiness.

Cette étude examine comment différents textes du XVIIIe siècle traitent du roman. L’hypothèse est la suivante : le genre choisi pour parler du roman participe de manière intrinsèque à la critique ou à l’apologie véhiculée dans l’œuvre. Le corpus est composé de quatre textes plus ou moins (re)connus par les historiens de la littérature narrative : De l’Usage des romans (1734) de Lenglet-Dufresnoy, le Voyage merveilleux du Prince Fan-Férédin dans la Romancie (1735) du père Bougeant, De Libris qui vulgò dicuntur Romanenses (1736) du père Porée et les Entretiens sur les romans (1755) du père Jacquin. À l’aide d’une méthode hybride d’analyse générique et d’analyse rhétorique du discours, cette étude s’intéresse aux genres employés par les auteurs du corpus (le traité, le roman, le discours académique et l’entretien) de même qu’à trois thématiques argumentatives reliées au roman (le poison, l’amour et la femme). / This study examines how different texts dealing with the 18th century novel. The hypothesis is that the literary genre chosen to speak of the novel plays an intrinsic role in the criticism or the apology conveyed in the work. The corpus is composed of four texts more or less known by historians of narrative literature: De l’Usage des romans (1734) by Lenglet-Dufresnoy, Le Voyage merveilleux du Prince Fan-Férédin dans la Romancie (1735) by father Bougeant, De Libris qui vulgò dicuntur Romanenses (1736) by father Porée and Entretiens sur les romans (1755) by father Jacquin. Using a hybrid method of generic analysis and rhetorical analysis of discourse, this study focuses on the genres used by the authors of the corpus (the treaty, the novel, the academic discourse and the dialog) as well as three argumentative themes related to the novel (poison, love and woman).