La Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 ne contient aucune disposition expresse concernant un quelconque pouvoir pour les gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux de conclure des traités internationaux - ce pouvoir étant réservé, à l'époque de l'adoption de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867, au pouvoir impérial britannique. Aussi, une seule disposition prévoyait les modalités de mise en oeuvre des traités impériaux au sein de la fédération canadienne et cette disposition est aujourd'hui caduque. Puisque l'autonomie du Canada face à l'Empire britannique ne s'est pas accompagnée d'une refonte en profondeur du texte de la constitution canadienne, rien n'a été expressément prévu concernant le droit des traités au sein de la fédération canadienne. Le droit constitutionnel touchant les traités internationaux est donc Ie fruit de la tradition du «constitutionnalisme organique» canadien. Cette thèse examine donc ce type de constitutionnalisme à travers le cas particulier du droit constitutionnel canadien relatif aux traités internationaux. Elle examine ce sujet tout en approfondissant les conséquences juridiques du principe constitutionnel du fédéralisme reconnu par la Cour suprême du Canada dans le Renvoi relatif à la sécession du Québec, [1998] 2 R.C.S. 217. De manière plus spécifique, cette thèse analyse en détail l’affaire Canada (P.G.) c. Ontario (P. G.), [1937] A.C. 326 (arrêt des conventions de travail) ou le Conseil prive a conclu que si l'exécutif fédéral peut signer et ratifier des traités au nom de l'État canadien, la mise en oeuvre de ces traités devra se faire - lorsqu'une modification législative est nécessaire à cet effet - par le palier législatif compétent sur la matière visée par l'obligation internationale. Le Conseil Prive ne spécifia toutefois pas dans cet arrêt qui a compétence pour conclure des traités relatifs aux matières de compétence provinciale. Cette thèse s'attaque donc à cette question. Elle défend la position selon laquelle aucun principe ou règle de droit constitutionnel canadien ou de droit international n'exige que l'exécutif fédéral ait un pouvoir plénier et exclusif sur la conclusion des traités. Elle souligne de plus que de très importants motifs de politique publique fondes notamment sur les impératifs d'expertise, de fonctionnalité institutionnelle et de démocratie militent à l’encontre d'un tel pouvoir fédéral plénier et exclusif. L'agencement institutionnel des différentes communautés existentielles présentes au Canada exige une telle décentralisation. Cette thèse démontre de plus que les provinces canadiennes sont les seules à posséder un pouvoir constitutionnel de conclure des traités portant sur des domaines relevant de leurs champs de compétence - pouvoir dont elles peuvent cependant déléguer l'exercice au gouvernement fédéral. Enfin, cette thèse analyse de manière systématique et approfondie les arguments invoques au soutien d'un renversement des principes établis par l'arrêt des conventions de travail en ce qui concerne la mise en oeuvre législative des traités relatifs à des matières provinciales et elle démontre leur absence de fondement juridique. Elle démontre par ailleurs que, compte tenu de l'ensemble des règles et principes constitutionnels qui sous-tendent et complètent le sens de cette décision, renverser l’arrêt des conventions de travail aurait pour effet concret de transformer l'ensemble de la fédération canadienne en état quasi unitaire car le Parlement pourrait alors envahir de manière permanente et exclusive l'ensemble des champs de compétence provinciaux. Cette conséquence est assurément interdite par le principe du fédéralisme constitutionnellement enchâssé. / The Constitution Act, 1867 contains no express provision on federal or provincial treaty-making powers. These powers were reserved to the Imperial government at the time when the Constitution Act, 1867 was adopted by the Imperial Parliament. The Constitution Act, 1867 also contained only one provision that dealt with the implementation of Imperial treaty obligations in the Canadian federation and that provision is now obsolete. Because Canada's gradual autonomy from the British Empire was not accompanied by a thorough modification of the text of the Canadian constitution, nothing has been expressly provided in relation to treaty powers in the Canadian federation. Canadian constitutional law dealing with treaty powers is therefore a pure product of the Canadian "organic constitutionalism" tradition. This thesis examines this form of constitutionalism through the specific case of the treaty powers in Canada. In particular, this study hopes to deepen our understanding of the multiple legal consequences of the constitutionally entrenched principle of federalism recognized by the Supreme Court of Canada in the Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217. More specifically, the thesis presents an in-depth analysis of Canada (A. G.) v. Ontario (A.G.), [1937] A.C. 326 (the Labour Conventions case) where the Privy Council decided that the federal executive power could sign and ratify treaties in the name of Canada but that the implementation of treaty obligations - when legislative action is required - is the responsibility of the legislature that has jurisdiction over the obligations' subject-matters. The Privy Council did not specify, however, which institution(s) has the power to conclude treaties in relation to provincial subject-matters. This thesis tackles this problem. It is demonstrated in this thesis that no rule or principle of Canadian constitutional law nor of international law grants plenary and exclusive treaty-making powers to the federal executive. It highlights some very important policy reasons based on the needs for expertise, for institutional effectiveness and for respect for democracy not to recognize such plenary and exclusive treaty-making powers to the federal executive. The institutional arrangements necessary for the survival and flourishing of the diverse existential communities require that the federal executive does not possess such powers. It is moreover demonstrated that only provinces possess the constitutional powers to conclude treaties related to their subject-matters - the exercise of which powers may however be delegated to the federal government. Finally, the thesis presents a systematic and in-depth analysis of the arguments invoked in favour of reversing the rules set out in the Labour Conventions case in relation to legislative implementation of treaty obligations related to provincial subject-matters. It demonstrates that those arguments have no legal basis. Moreover, the thesis shows that because of the many underlying and interconnected constitutional rules and principles that support and give meaning to the Labour Conventions case, reversing that decision would have the concrete effect of transforming the Canadian federation into a quasi-unitary state because Parliament would thus be allowed to oust provinces from the entirety of their legislative jurisdiction. This consequence is most certainly prohibited by the federal principle entrenched in the Constitution.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 481-518).

Le poète arménien Yéghiché Tcharents (1897-1937) devient victime des répressions staliniennes des années 30. Tcharents est déjà un poète connu lorsque la révolution éclate en Russie. Il voit dans la révolution le sauveur de son peuple au destin tragique. Il croit aux idéaux humanistes de Lénine comme beaucoup de ses contemporains. Cependant, le pouvoir totalitaire de Staline change son regard politique. Sa poésie reflète ses inquiétudes. En 1933, le recueil de poèmes Livre du chemin, un compte-rendu de sa vision poétique de la construction de la nouvelle société, ainsi que de l’éducation de l’homme soviétique, est censuré. Il est publié à nouveau avec des modifications. Tcharents, le poète de tous les combats, ne parvient pas à cacher son désaccord, sa désillusion vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique. Il témoigne à travers sa poésie. Le système répressif ne le laisse plus en paix. Il est inculpé comme contre-révolutionnaire, trotskiste, nationaliste, terroriste. En juillet 1936, il est assigné à résidence. La poésie demeure l’unique espace où il pense et écrit librement. Malade et conscient de l’imminence de sa mort, il survit grâce à sa poésie, dans son univers de visions. L’argumentation de la thèse est construite sur l’analyse littéraire des textes du corpus : le Livre du chemin et les textes poétiques de 1935 à 1937 de Tcharents. Une étude concise du contexte historico-politique de sa poésie et une analyse littéraire de son œuvre avant 1933 sont aussi proposées, permettant de mieux percevoir la complexité des relations entre le poète-individu et son époque, et enfin, de réunir tous les éléments nécessaires de traduction faisant partie de l’objectif de cette étude doctorale. / The Armenian poet Yeghishe Charents (1897-1937) becomes victim of Stalin’s repressions in the Thirties. Charents is already known as a poet when the revolution bursts in Russia. He sees in the revolution the saver of his people with the tragic destiny. Like many of his contemporaries he believes in the humanistic ideals of Lenin. However, the totalitarian power of Stalin changes his political views. His poetry reflects his concerns. In 1933, the collection of poems Book of the way, a report of his poetic vision of the new society, as well as the education of the Soviet man, is censored. It is published with changes. Charents, the poet actively involved in a number of social issues, cannot hide his dissension and disillusion with respect to the political power. He bespeaks through his poetry. The repressive system does not leave him any more in peace. He is accused of being a contra-revolutionist, trotskyist, nationalist, terrorist. In July 1936, he is put under house arrest. Poetry remains the sole space where he thinks and writes freely. Ill and aware of the imminence of his death, he survives in his universe of visions thanks to his poetry.The argumentation of this doctoral thesis is built on the literary analysis of the texts in the corpus: the Book of the way and the poetic texts of 1935 to 1937. A concise study of the historical-political context of his poetry and a literary analysis of his work before 1933 are also proposed. This allows to better perceive the complexity of the relations between the poet-individual and his time and, finally joins all the elements necessary for the translation, which is an objective of this doctoral study.

This study probes selected stories from Bessie Head's The Collector of Treasures (1977) in order to elicit instances of contiguity and disjuncture between orality and literacy, to establish Head's complex identity configurations which are often manifested in the interactions between aesthetic form and content, authorial consciousness, character delineation, and narrative voice. At the same time, the dissertation explores her portrayal of the proscribed condition of women, the subversive consciousness that undercuts women's subjugation by patriarchy, and her vision for the liberatory possibilities for women from the exigencies of patriarchal domination. I also examine Head's (re-)vision of culture within the framework of hybridity and creolity and determine how some of these perspectives are crystallized in discourses such as When Rain Clouds Gather (1968), Maru (1971) and A Question of Power (1973). I juxtapose my reading of Head with other African writers such as Bâ, Emecheta and Nwapa to draw references in instances where the context permits. The dominant critical approach adopted in this thesis is a contextual approach. I consider this approach useful for my purposes because of its flexibility, the attention it pays to the formal properties of literary texts and, its cognizance of the socio-historical genesis of texts and its demonstration of literature's timeless value. / English Studies / M.A. (English)

OLIVEIRA, Thiago Chagas. Formação política e consciência de classe no jovem Gramsci (1916-1920). 2007. 145 F. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza-CE, 2007. / Submitted by moises gomes (celtinha_malvado@hotmail.com) on 2012-07-17T16:09:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_dis_TCOliveira.pdf: 1498447 bytes, checksum: 6a7ff33857ba51aa5b19a2460228a72b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-17T16:26:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_dis_TCOliveira.pdf: 1498447 bytes, checksum: 6a7ff33857ba51aa5b19a2460228a72b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-17T16:26:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_dis_TCOliveira.pdf: 1498447 bytes, checksum: 6a7ff33857ba51aa5b19a2460228a72b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / O estudo aqui apresentado tem como objetivo a exposição crítico-analítica do pensamento de Gramsci acerca do papel que os trabalhos de formação política assumem na organização da classe trabalhadora, mormente no que diz respeito à formação e ao desenvolvimento de sua consciência de classe. O trabalho, de cunho eminentemente teórico, foi realizado através de uma pesquisa bibliográfica centrada nos escritos gramscianos que vão de 1916 a 1920. A análise dos textos que vão de 1916 a 1918 explicita a importância, para Gramsci, do papel da subjetividade na construção histórica, contida na idéia de que o processo revolucionário não se reduz às dimensões econômicas e políticas, mas entrelaça-se à realização de trabalhos pedagógicos que visa a sedimentar a consciência de classe dos trabalhadores. Para ele, os partidos, os sindicatos e as associações proletárias desempenham papel importante na formação política dos trabalhadores, na medida em que desenvolvem atividades pedagógicas que funcionam como elemento de denúncia e crítica à sociedade capitalista. Nos escritos que vão de 1919 a 1920, gesta-se a noção de que a revolução socialista, para além de um ato insurrecional ou simplesmente tomada do poder governamental burguês, é um processo que exige a transformação radical das relações de produção e distribuição capitalistas; processo para o qual a fábrica se constituiria a célula primária da sociedade comunista. A partir do potencial revolucionário hipotecado aos conselhos de fábrica, Gramsci, nestes escritos, demonstra que os trabalhadores se formam no e pelo trabalho, destacando, ainda, a necessidade de eles elaborarem uma consciência de classe fortalecida pela preparação cultural. O emprego correto dessas reflexões no conjunto da obra gramsciana nos permite fazer a crítica à tendência reducionista que define o conceito de hegemonia como uma mera obtenção de um domínio ideológico ou uma categoria relacionada unicamente à superestrutura e, em seu interior, à “sociedade civil” (compreendida erroneamente como uma esfera contraposta às determinações estruturais e à sociedade política).

O trabalho investiga o surgimento e as transformações operadas pela vanguarda artística brasileira da noção de \"arte ambiental\", formulada a partir de 1966 por Hélio Oiticica - como parte da organização de uma cultura de resistência frente ao contexto político-social brasileiro inaugurado pelo golpe militar de 1964. No texto \"Programa Ambiental\" (1966), Hélio reconfigurava a noção de \"participação do espectador\" que havia surgido dentro do movimento neoconcreto (1957-1961) em chave realista, mediante a noção de \"ambientação\", ligada à problemática político-social mais ampla. Central nesta concepção seria a categoria de objeto: um \"sinal dentro do ambiente\" e não mais como uma \"obra de arte acabada\", objeto da contemplação do público. O \"objeto\" seria entendido, a partir de então, como um ativador de ações - cabendo, pois, ao artista, como o construtor desse objeto, a função de propositor. No \"Esquema Geral da Nova Objetividade\" (1967), tais questões serão abordadas por Oiticica como parte de uma problemática coletiva da vanguarda artística brasileira - dentro da qual, segundo H.O., a obra Nota sobre a Morte Imprevista (1965) de Antonio Dias teria atuado como um \"turning point decisivo\". A pesquisa traça os pontos de inflexão e as diferentes formulações que o \"programa ambiental\" recebeu desde sua primeira formulação teórica em 1966 até a edição do álbum Trama (1977) de Antonio Dias. Assim, no primeiro capítulo, a pesquisa procura demonstrar como Nota sobre a Morte Imprevista de Antonio Dias e os Parangolés e Bólides de Oiticica articulam de modo problematizante o \"ambiental\" e a noção correlata de \"participação do espectador\". A seguir, o capítulo 2 descreve a rearticulação do \"ambiental\" nas proposições reunidas por Antonio Dias no Project-book - 10 plans for open projects, para o qual Oiticica formula teoricamente os conceitos de enigmagem e probjeto. O capítulo 3 descreve o desenvolvimento da contraditória noção de modelo na série The Illustration of Art (de Dias), na qual a dimensão \"ambiental\" passa refletir criticamente sobre a dinâmica econômica e os interesses financeiros que permeiam a produção artística - dinâmica e interesses que, com o \"milagre econômico\" (1967-1973) levado a cabo pela política econômica do regime, passam a ditar cada vez mais a produção artística. O capítulo 4 aborda a edição do álbum Trama (1977), produzido por Antonio Dias, dentro do contexto da abertura \"lenta, segura e gradual\" do regime. Em Trama surge um novo uso do modelo reprodutivo e modular, para além daquele fornecido por The Illustration of Art, que procura dar ao espectador a possibilidade de uma visada retrospectiva e totalizadora. Trama adotaria a formulação da arte ambiental de Hélio Oiticica como modelo programático, mas como um programa impossível de ser seguido - visto que a obra realiza o \"ambiental\" apenas graficamente (e abstratamente), como modelo para a reflexão e crítica, que, num só movimento, propõe e frustra a \"participação do espectador\". / This work investigates the emergence and transformations wrought by the Brazilian artistic vanguard of the notion of \"environmental art\" - which was formulated in 1966 by Helio Oiticica, as part of a culture of resistance organized against the political and social context inaugurated by 1964´s Brazilian military coup. In the paper \"Environmental Program\" (Programa Ambiental, 1966), Helio reconfigured the notion of the \"participation of the spectator\" which was created in the context of the neooncrete movement (1957-1961), formulating the concept of an \"environmental art\" - related to the political and social broader issues. Central to this idea was the category of object: a \"signal within the environment\", as opposed to a \"finished work of art\" (which establishes contemplation as the only relation possible between the object and the spectator). The \"object\" would be understood, since then, as an action-activator - thus, the artist, as the builder of this object, should operate the role of a mere proponent. In \"General Scheme of the New Objectivity\" (Esquema Geral da Nova Objetividade, 1967), these issues will be approached by Oiticica as part of a collective problem of Brazilian vanguard - on which, according to HO, the work \"Note on the Unforeseen Death\" (Nota sobre a Morte Imprevista, 1965) by Antonio Dias, had functioned as a \"decisive turning point\". This research traces the inflections and the different formulations that the \"environmental program\" received - since its first theoretical formulation in 1966, until the edition of Antonio Dias\' Trama (1977). In the first chapter, the text aims to demonstrate how Antonio Dias´s Note on the Unforeseen Death (1965) and Oiticica´s Parangolés and Bólides articulated and problematized the \"environmental\" - and the related notion of \"participation of the spectator\". Following, chapter 2 describes the re-articulation of the \"environmental\" in the proposals gathered by Antonio Dias in Project-book -10 plans for open projects (1969), for which Oiticica formulated the concepts of enigmage and probject. Chapter 3 describes the development of the contradictory notion of model in the series The Illustration of Art (by Antonio Dias), in which the \"environmental\" structure of the works begins to critically reflect about the dynamic of the economics and the financial interests that permeates the artistic production - dynamic and interests which, since the so called \"economic miracle\" (1967-1973) conducted by the military dictatorship´s economic policy, starts to guide the artistic production. Chapter 4 analyses the album Trama (1977), produced by Antonio Dias within the context of the \"slow, gradual and safe\" democratic opening of the regime. In Trama, arises a new application of the reproductive and modular model - that goes beyond the one provided by The Illustration of Art, which tries to give to the spectator the ability to target a retrospective and totalizing view. Trama adopts Helio Oiticica´s formulation of \"environmental art\" as a programmatic model, but as a program that is also impossible to follow - as the work embodies the \"environment\" only graphically (and abstractly), as a model for reflection and criticism, which, in one single movement, proposes and frustrates the \"participation of the spectator\".

Durante a gestão de Gustavo Capanema, ergueu-se o edifício-sede do Ministério da Educação e Saúde (MES). Visando atribuir à construção de orientação \"moderna\" caráter nacional, foram encomendadas várias obras de arte, entre elas um conjunto de esculturas, produzido entre 1937 e 1941, por Celso Antônio de Menezes, Adriana Janacópulos e Bruno Giorgi. Por meio da análise dessas esculturas, esta dissertação investiga as tentativas de figurar o ideal do \"homem novo\" empreendidas por políticos, intelectuais e artistas ligados ao MES. Buscamos compreender o que essas obras, como fontes, podem revelar acerca dos discursos sobre raça, gênero e nação do período. / During the administration of Gustavo Capanema, arose the headquarters of the Ministry of Education and Health (MES). Aiming to assign the construction of guidance \"modern\" national character, it was commissioned various works of art, including a collection of sculptures, produced between 1937 and 1941, by Celso Antônio de Menezes, Adriana Janacópulos and Bruno Giorgi. By analyzing these sculptures, this work investigates the attempts to figure the ideal of the \"new man\" undertaken by politicians, intellectuals and artists connected to the Ministry. We seek to understand what that works, as sources, might reveal about the discourses about race, gender and nation in the period.

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T12:10:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Geraldo_Endrica_D.pdf: 1529054 bytes, checksum: 240fe5bd053caa2d612446875794b6ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa discute as políticas imigratórias e o controle de estrangeiros e seus descendentes presentes no país durante o governo Vargas. Pretende-se avaliar as condições que motivaram o crescimento das críticas aos imigrantes por parte de membros do governo e outros grupos sociais. Essas críticas proliferaram em congressos e publicações médicas e eugenistas, em discursos, periódicos e correspondências oficiais, na Constituinte de 1933/34 e nas investigações e debates sobre os núcleos coloniais (¿quistos¿ étnicos). O combate à imigração esteve relacionado a fatores como os debates raciais, a centralização política, a legislação imigratória norte-americana, o antiniponismo e anti-semitismo, e a Segunda Guerra Mundial / Abstract: This study is about restrictive immigration and alien control policies during the Getúlio Vargas government (1930-1945). This research discusses the conditions that led to a growth of criticism towards alien workers and immigration, coming from politicians and other social groups. This campaign appeared in medical and eugenicist's congresses and periodicals; in government speeches, publications and official letters; in the Constituent National Assembly of 1933/34; in the investigations and discussions about ethnic " cysts". Elements that have influenced the development of these policies in Brazil include: racial debates, political centralization, North-American immigration policy, anti-Japanese and anti-Jewish sentiment, and the Second World War / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História

A presente pesquisa se debruça sobre a produção noticiosa do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo entre os anos de 1940 e 1945. Durante esse período, o jornal sofreu intervenção do governo (Estado Novo, 1937-1945) e passou por transformações em sua estrutura que buscavam autolegitimar o regime entre os leitores do periódico. Dentre essas transformações operadas pela nova direção, a coluna Notícias do Rio se destaca por se constituir como espaço privilegiado do Estado Novo no sentido de construir sua autoimagem. Essas mudanças foram ao encontro de um projeto de comunicação social que o Governo Federal buscava impor para o jornal, especialmente ao considerar o contexto de relações com a imprensa (silenciamentos, incitações) vivenciadas durante o período. Muito mais do que exemplo de força do regime, a intervenção do periódico assume nesta análise como o resultado de longos conflitos entre grupos políticos que se digladiaram por sua manutenção no poder. Todavia, isso não impediu que os líderes do jornal construíssem uma relação situacional com Vargas caracterizada por momentos de apoio e combate a seu governo. Com a instauração do Estado Novo em 1937, os dirigentes dOESP sofreram com processos criminais e deportações, assumindo a intervenção do periódico o derradeiro golpe do regime contra seus antigos aliados de 1930. O Estado de S. Paulo será ressignificado com a intervenção em 1940, colocando em evidência novos personagens no cenário político nacional por meio de suas páginas. Deste modo, mais do que censurar, o Estado Novo se preocupou em produzir notícias e imagens que o autolegitimassem diante dos leitores do jornal, fazendo da coluna Notícias do Rio o painel das ações oficias do regime. / This research focuses on the newsy production of the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo between the years of 1940 e 1945. During this period the newspaper suffered the intervention of the government (Estado Novo, 1937-1945) and went through changes in its structure that was seeking for self-legitimation of the regime among the readers of the journal. Among these transformations wrought by the new direction, the column Notícias do Rio stands out for constituting a privileged space for Estado Novo to build its self-image. These changes were to meet a social media project elaborated by the federal government in order to impose its will to the journal, especially when considering the context of its relationship with press (silences, incitements) experienced during the period. Much more than an example of strength of the regime, the intervention of the periodical assumes, in this analysis, the result of a long conflict among political groups that battled for its maintenance in power. Nevertheless, it has not stopped the leaders of the newspaper from building a situational relationship with Vargas characterized by moments of support and moments of combat against his government. With the introduction of Estado Novo in 1937, the leaders of OESP suffered some prosecutions and deportations, assuming the intervention of the journal, the ultimate hit of the regime against its former allies of 1930. O Estado de S. Paulo would be reframed with the intervention in 1940, putting in evidence new characters of the national politics scenario through its pages. This way, rather than censor, Estado Novo worried about producing news and images that could self-legitimate itself to the readers of the newspaper, making of the column Notícias do Rio the panel for the official actions of the regime.

Orientador: Ediógenes Aragão Santos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T14:29:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_AdrianoMarins_D.pdf: 4560862 bytes, checksum: 8a4c5910c180240447365c5273116fc9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Este trabalho enfoca aspectos do perfil e da trajetória dos professores do curso primário da rede pública estadual paulista - dentro da carreira docente vigente -, ao longo do período conhecido como Estado Novo (1937-1945), a partir do exame dos documentos produzidos na época, tomando como elemento articulador das investigações as ausências ao trabalho desses profissionais, conforme expostas nos livros de registro utilizados no Curso Primário Anexo à Escola Normal "Carlos Gomes", nos relatórios das delegacias regionais de ensino do Estado de São Paulo e nos trabalhos apresentados no 1º Congresso Nacional de Saúde Escolar, reunido do dia 21 ao 27 de abril de 1941, na cidade de São Paulo. O resultado mais relevante - apontado reiteradamente por essas fontes diferenciadas - que diagnostica condições do ensino e revela aspectos significativos do cotidiano dos profissionais estudados é a referência recorrente às ausências ao trabalho dos professores, e ao conjunto de situações com que se relacionavam. / Abstract: This work focuses on aspects of the profile and the trajectory of the elementary school teachers from the state public schools of the São Paulo state - within the current teaching career - throughout that period known as Estado Novo (1937-1945), from the examination of the documents produced at that time, taking as an articulator element of the investigations the absences of these professionals to work, as exposed in the record books used in the Elementary School Annex to the "Carlos Gomes" Escola Normal, the reports of the regional offices of education of the State of São Paulo and in the works presented in the 1st National Congress of School Health, in a meeting from April 21 to April 27, 1941, in São Paulo. The most relevant result - brought on repeatedly by these different sources - that diagnoses conditions of teaching and reveals significant aspects of the daily lives of the professionals studied, it is the recurrent reference to teachers' absences from work, and the range of situations in which were related. / Doutorado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Doutor em Educação