Denna text undersöker, via närläsning, Tabellae Sulis–förbannelsetavlor riktade mot tjuvar hittade i den heliga källan i Sulis Minervas helgedom i Bath–med mål att utröna dessas känslomässiga innehåll och samhälleliga kontext. De 32 studerade tavlorna utgör försök att hämna stölder av klädesplagg och smärre summor pengar, antagligen stulna medan deras författare njöt av den heliga källans vatten. De utgör i det yttersta en sorts överenskommelse mellan författaren och gudinnan. Den senare ges en del av det stulna föremålet, eller i vissa fall tjuven, och förväntas bestraffa denne tills denne återlämnar föremålet i fråga till templet där det stals. Vad gäller straff söker tavlorna attackera alltifrån tjuvens hälsa och sinnen till dennes fortplantningsförmåga och själva dennes liv. Vanligast är önskan att tjuven skall betala för sitt illdåd i dennes eget blod. På känslomässig nivå ger tavlorna kuttryck för den bestulnes ilska och hämndlystnad. I detta kan de ha fungerat som en känslomässig kontrollmekanism, ett säkert och samhälleligt accepterat sätt att uttrycka och agera på känslor, som annars kunnat bli socialt problematiska. / This paper seeks, by means of close reading, to examine the Tabellae Sulis–a series of curse tablets against thieves, found in the sacred spring of the temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath–to explore their emotional content and societal context. The 32 studied tablets are concerned with the theft of minor sums of silver and various items of clothing, crimes most likely committed while the victim was soaking in the sacred spring. The tablets can be considered a sort of quasi-legal agreement between the victim and the goddess in question. The latter is granted partial ownership of the stolen object–or, in some cases, the thief themselves–and expected to punish said thief until they return the object in question to the temple where it was stolen. In terms of punishment, the tablets attack everything from the thief’s mind, motor functions and senses to their ability to reproduce and even their very lives. Most commonly they request that the thief pay the value of the stolen object in their own blood. On an emotional level, the tablets give expression to the anger of the victims and their hunger for vengeance. In this way, they can be considered to have served as an emotional control mechanism, a safe and generally accepted way to express and act on feelings that might otherwise have proven socially problematic.

This article consists of a close examination of one of four Late Archaic-era tumular monuments that were excavated in the mid-1950s in the Northern Necropolis of the Pontic Greek settlement of Istros. The exploration of this monument, Tumulus XVII (circa 550-525 BCE), yielded several features that were immediately compared with heroic cremation burials as described in epic poetry (particularly the funeral of Patroklos in Homer’s Iliad). Most striking among these features were the remains of three human sacrificial victims. Despite the early connection drawn with Homeric epic, for the next three decades Tumulus XVII was classified as a non-Greek (Thracian) monument, principally due to the presence of human sacrifice. That is, human sacrifice was regarded as too primitive and thus foreign to the more ‘advanced’ Greek culture. For this reason, the evidence from Istros has not figured prominently in synthetic studies of Greek human sacrifice. Yet, the growing body of research into Greek and indigenous settlements and cemeteries in the western Black Sea, along with the more recent discovery of a bound and ritually decapitated man alongside Pyre A at Orthi Petra (circa 700 BCE; Eleutherna, Crete), has occasioned a reconsideration of the original barbarian characterization of Tumulus XVII. The funerary rituals and resulting tumular monument rather appear to have been developed by an elite subset of the Greek colonial community as a means to distinguish and elevate themselves among the ever-growing population of the city. While epic may have lent general inspiration and significance to the particular rituals performed, a more immediate model for the tumular form may have been taken from the ‘heroon’ (late 7th cent. BCE) in the necropolis of the nearby Greek settlement of Orgame. Although the precise circumstances surrounding the funerary human sacrifices elude us, this short-lived ritual phenomenon seems rather to have been introduced to the region by Greek settlers.

No description available.

Cette thèse a pour but de présenter en détails l’importance de la théurgie dans la philosophie de Proclus, ainsi que sa relation avec la mystagogie. Un des premiers objectifs de la recherche est d’expliciter les raisons du jaillissement de la théurgie au cours de l’Antiquité tardive. Nous présentons ainsi le cadre historique d’où émerge la notion de théurgie dans un contexte de christianisation de l’Empire à partir du IVe siècle. Il est ensuite primordial de définir clairement la théurgie, ce que les chercheurs n’ont pas fait jusqu’à maintenant, en tant qu’opération rituelle par laquelle un réceptacle matériel est animé par le divin. Puis, nous démontrons que, bien que le terme « théurgie » soit tardif, celui-ci trouve néanmoins ses racines dans la longue tradition platonicienne, de Platon lui-même jusqu’à Proclus, en passant notamment par Plotin, Porphyre et Jamblique. À la suite du volet historique et après avoir présenté une définition claire de la notion de théurgie, il est important de préciser son statut au sein de la philosophie de Proclus, notamment en nous intéressant au passage-clef TP, I, 25 dans lequel le néoplatonicien présente la théurgie comme étant supérieure (κρείττων) à la philosophie. Nous nous intéressons ensuite à deux rites théurgiques concrets présentés dans l’œuvre proclienne en les analysant en profondeur : le rite de l’ensevelissement du corps (TP, IV, 9) et le rite de l’immortalisation d’Achille (In Remp., I, 152-152). Après avoir exposé le lien intrinsèque de la théurgie avec la mystagogie, notamment autour de l’importance du silence (σιγή) mystique, nous développons sur les implications de la théurgie pour le système philosophique de Proclus. Nous constatons que ces implications sont monumentales et touchent une multitude d’aspects de sa pensée : le statut de l’âme, celui de la matière, l’ontologie, la primauté du véhicule (ὄχημα) de l’âme, la notion d’imagination (φαντασία), l’importance des symboles (σύμβολα et συνθήματα) et le rôle de l’amour (ἔρως). Nous terminons finalement la recherche en présentant l’héritage de Proclus, principalement à travers l’œuvre du néoplatonicien chrétien Pseudo-Denys. / This thesis has for goal to present in detail the importance of theurgy in the philosophy of Proclus, as well as his link with mystagogy. One of the first objectives is to describe the causes of the emergence of theurgy during the late Antiquity. So, we present the historical setting from where emerges the notion of theurgy in the context of the process of Christianisation of the Empire starting during the 4th century. It is after that primordial to propose a clear definition of theurgy, something that the researchers haven’t done yet, as the ritual operation by which a material receptacle is animated by the divine. Then, we demonstrate that, even if the term “theurgy” is late, it finds however his roots in the long platonic tradition, from Plato to Proclus, passing by Plotinus, Porphyry, and Iamblichus. Following the historical aspect and after having clearly define the notion of theurgy, it is important to explain the status of theurgy in the philosophy of Proclus, especially by analyzing the crucial passage in TP, I, 25, where the Neoplatonist declares that theurgy is superior (κρείττων) to philosophy. Moreover, we examine two concrete theurgical rites presented in the Proclus’ works: the burial of the body (TP, IV, 9) and the immortalisation of Achille (In Remp., I, 152-152). After having exposed the intrinsically relation between theurgy and mystagogy, notably with the mystical silence (σιγή), we develop the implications of theurgy in the vast philosophical system of Proclus. These implications are monumental and touch many aspects: the status of the soul, the one of the matter, the ontology, the primacy of the soul’s vehicle (ὄχημα), the notion of imagination (φαντασία), the importance of symbols (σύμβολα et συνθήματα) and the role of love (ἔρως). We finally end this research by presenting the legacy of Proclus, especially through the work of the Christian Neoplatonist Pseudo-Dionysius.

L’étude du culte impérial romain au IVe siècle est généralement reléguée au second plan dans les recherches portant sur le sujet, souvent mis dans la même situation de déclin avec les cultes traditionnels. Or, à la lumière des sources d’époque et des travaux de certains historiens, comme Louis Bréhier, le culte impérial semble avoir vraisemblablement survécu à ce pronostique de disparition. Plus intéressant encore, le culte impérial apparait s’être transformé et adapté à la nouvelle réalité qu’offrait un Empire romain se christianisant et dont le pouvoir de l’empereur se sacralisait. Le travail présenté dans ce mémoire met en parallèle les métamorphoses que connait le culte impérial avec le renforcement du pouvoir impérial au cours du IVe siècle, tout en comparant l’évolution de la perception qu’avaient les chrétiens de cette institution fondamentalement traditionnelle. Comme mentionné ci-dessus, l’étude se base sur un corpus de sources contemporaines, allant d’homélies chrétiennes à des sources épigraphiques, en passant par les panégyriques, qui viendront corroborer l’information relevée chez plusieurs historiens s’étant penchés sur le sujet. Globalement, cette recherche démontre que le culte impérial a réussi à se départir des connotations religieuses jugées problématiques par les chrétiens tout en continuant de fonctionner et d’occuper une place centrale dans la vie des romains. Ceci, conjointement à un pouvoir impérial s’exprimant de manière absolue, va amorcer la métamorphose du culte impérial en un « culte monarchique », exaltant encore plus le pouvoir de l’empereur pour les siècles à venir. / The study of the Roman imperial cult in the 4th century has often been relegated to the background in research relating to this subject. The imperial cult has even often been relegated to the same fate than the rest of the Roman traditional cults. However, in the light of period sources and the work of certain historians, such as Louis Bréhier, the imperial cult seems to have survived this prognosis of disappearance. More interesting still, the imperial cult appears to have transformed and adapted to the new reality offered by a Christianizing Roman Empire while the power of the emperor was becoming more sacred. The work presented in this thesis parallels the metamorphosis experienced by the imperial cult with the strengthening of imperial power during the fourth century, while comparing the evolution of the perception that Christians had of this fundamentally traditional institution. As mentioned above, the study is based on a body of contemporary sources, ranging from Christian homilies to epigraphic sources which will corroborate the information found in the work of several historians who have studied the topic. Overall, this research demonstrates that the imperial cult succeeded in shedding religious connotations that Christians considered problematic while continuing to function and occupy a central place in the life of the Romans. This, together with an imperial power expressed in absolute terms, initiated the metamorphosis of the imperial cult into a "monarchical cult", exalting even more the emperor's power for centuries to come.

In wissenschaftsgeschichtlicher Hinsicht ist die Zeit um 1800 durch eine grundlegende Modifikation der fachbezogenen Diskurse ausgewiesen. Dies gilt auch für die Auseinandersetzung mit Architektur, die zu dieser Zeit von einer Ablösung von älteren Wissenschaftsmodellen und von einem erheblichen Wissenszuwachs geprägt war. Die ersten Jahrzehnte des 19. Jahrhunderts erscheinen als Zeitraum des Umbruchs für eine Einschätzung der Diskurskultur um so gewichtiger, als auch Lehrkonzeptionen der Architektenausbildung entwickelt wurden, Zeitschriften neuartige Formen der Kommunikation und Entwicklungen im Buchdruck eine Vielzahl von Publikationen ermöglichten. Als exemplarische Untersuchung behandelt die vorliegende Arbeit Kenntnisse und Methoden im Architekturdiskurs des frühen 19. Jahrhunderts am Beispiel des Architekten Karl Friedrich Schinkel. Das Lehrkonzept der später als Bauakademie bezeichneten Ausbildungsinstitution in Berlin und die Publikationen ihrer Lehrenden werden dabei als eine mögliche Form der Zusammenstellung und Aufbereitung von Wissen untersucht. Sie erlauben zugleich, die um 1800 für die Architektenausbildung als maßgeblich angesehenen Publikationen über Architektur zu erschließen. Bis in Einzelheiten lassen sich am Werk Karl Friedrich Schinkels die Folgen dieser Lehre nachvollziehen; Ordnungssysteme und Visualisierungsverfahren erweisen sich dabei als besonders relevant. Die Diskurse wurden aufgrund der Ausprägung der historisch-kritischen Architekturgeschichtsschreibung seit dem mittleren 19. Jahrhundert überlagert. Nach einer Einleitung zu Begriffen, Methoden und Konventionen im Architekturdiskurs des frühen 19. Jahrhunderts gehen die beiden Hauptkapitel der Arbeit darum von Publikationen in Berlin tätiger Kunsthistoriker des mittleren 19. Jahrhunderts aus, die die Architekturgeschichtsschreibung und die Rezeption des Werkes Schinkels geprägt haben. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden die zuvor maßgeblichen Diskurse exemplarisch erläutert. / In a historical scientific context, the period around 1800 is distinguished by a fundamental change in scientific discourses. This also applies to the controversies within architecture, which at this time were marked by a detachment from the the older scientific models and by a significant growth in scientific knowledge. The first decades of the 19th century seem that much more important as a period of upheaval for an assessment of the culture of discourse, because at the same time teaching concepts for architectural training were being developed, periodicals were enabling new forms of communication and developments in book printing were facilitating a multiplicity of publications. As a generic investigation, the present work deals with the knowledge and methods in the architectural discourse of the early 19th century using as an example the architect Karl Friedrich Schinkel. The teaching concept of the training institute in Berlin, which was later called Berlin Building Academy (Bauakademie), and the publication of its lecturers, are examined as a possible embodiment of the compilation and assembly of scientific knowledge. They can also be used to find out, which publications about architecture were regarded as the definitive works around 1800 for architectural training. The consequences of this teaching can be traced in detail from the work of Karl Friedrich Schinkel; classification systems and visualisation processes prove to be particularly relevant in this regard. The discourses were overlaid with the characteristics of architectural historiography since the mid 19th century. After an introduction to the concepts, methods and conventions in architectural discourse in the early 19th century, the two main chapters of the work are based on publications of in Berlin active art historians of the mid 19th century, who defined architectural historiography and the perception of the work of Schinkel. The definitive discourses are exemplified against this background.

Castration has a long temporal and geographical span. Its origins are unclear, but likely lie in the Ancient Near East around the time of the Secondary Products Revolution and the increase in social complexity of proto-urban societies. Due to the unique social and gender roles created by castrates’ ambiguous sexual state, human castrates were used heavily in strongly hierarchical social structures such as imperial and religious institutions, and were often close to the ruler of an imperial society. This privileged position, though often occupied by slaves, gave castrates enormous power to affect governmental decisions. This often aroused the jealousy and hatred of intact elite males, who were not afforded as open access to the ruler and virulently condemned castrates in historical documents. These attitudes were passed down to the scholars and doctors who began to study castration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, affecting the manner in which castration was studied. Osteometric and anthropometric examinations of castrates were carried out during this period, but the two World Wars and a shift in focus meant that castrate bodies were not studied for nearly eighty years. Recent interest in gender and sexuality in the past has revived interest in castration as a topic, but few studies of castrate remains have occurred. As large numbers of castrates are referenced in historical documents, the lack of castrate skeletons may be due to a lack of recognition of the physical effects of castration on the skeleton. The synthesis and generation of methods for more accurate identification of castrate skeletons was undertaken and the results are presented here to improve the ability to identify castrate skeletons within the archaeological record.

From the viewpoint of classical reception studies, I am asking what contemporary British art (by, for example, Sarah Lucas, Damien Hirst, and Mark Wallinger) has to do with the classical tradition – both the art and literature of Greco-Roman antiquity. I have conducted face-to-face interviews with some of the leading artists working in Britain today, including Lucas, Hirst, Wallinger, Marc Quinn, and Gilbert & George. In addition to contemporary art, the thesis focuses on Greco-Roman art and on myths and modes of looking that have come to shape the western art historical tradition – seeking to offer a different perspective on them from that of the Renaissance and neoclassicism. The thesis concentrates on the generation of artists known as the YBAs, or Young British Artists, who came to prominence in the 1990s. These artists are not renowned for their deference to the classical tradition, and are widely regarded as having turned their backs on classical art and its legacies. The introduction asks whether their work, which has received little scholarly attention, might be productively reassessed from the perspective of classical reception studies. It argues that while their work no longer subscribes to a traditional understanding of classical ‘influence’, it continues to depend – for its power and provocativeness – on classical concepts of figuration, realism, and the basic nature of art. Without claiming that the work of the YBAs is classical or classicizing, the thesis sets out to challenge the assumption that their work has nothing to do with ancient art, or that it fails to conform to ancient understandings of what art is. In order to do this, the thesis analyses contemporary works of art through three classical ‘lenses’. Each lens allows contemporary art to be examined in the context of a longer history. The first lens is the concept of realism, as seen in artistic and literary explorations of the relationship between art and life. This chapter uses the myth of Pygmalion’s statue as a way of thinking about contemporary art’s continued engagement with ideas of mimesis and the ‘real’ which were theorised and debated in antiquity. The second lens is corporeal fragmentation, as evidenced by the broken condition of ancient statues, the popular theme of dismemberment in western art, and the fragmentary body in contemporary art. The final chapter focuses on the figurative plaster cast, arguing that contemporary art continues to invoke and reinvent the long tradition of plaster reproductions of ancient statues and bodies. Through each of these ‘lenses’, I argue that contemporary art remains linked, both in form and meaning, to the classical past – often in ways which go beyond the stated intentions of an artist. Contemporary art continues to be informed by ideas and processes that were theorised and practised in the classical world; indeed, it is these ideas and processes that make it deserving of the art label.

Text in German / This thesis gives a short overview abont the anthropological term worldview and discusses various views of it. A historic resume of the situation of the metropolis Antiochia in Syria in the 4th century AD is followed by an analysis of some important aspects of the worldview of its inhabitants. A short account of the life and work of John Chrysostom is given and followed by an analysis of four of his homilies of the Gospel of Matthew. These are compared with own exegetical points of view of the same texts. The focus is directed to some topics where the influence of worfdview makes itself felt. In the last chapter some observations in connection with the influence of worldview on biblical interpretation ensue. The thesis closes with a short discussion of some missiological and hermeneutical consequences / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)

This study explores the rediscovery and development of a tradition of Ciceronian academic scepticism in British philosophy between c.1660-c.1760. It considers this tradition alongside two others, recently recovered by scholars, which were recognised by contemporaries to offer opposing visions of man, God and the origins of society: the Augustinian-Epicurean, and the neo-Stoic. It presents John Locke, Conyers Middleton and David Hume as the leading figures in the revival of the tradition of academic scepticism. It considers their works in relation to those of Anthony Ashley Cooper, third earl of Shaftesbury, and Bernard Mandeville, whose writings refashioned respectively the neo-Stoic and Augustinian-Epicurean traditions in influential ways. These five individuals explicitly identified themselves with these late Hellenistic philosophical traditions, and sought to contest and redefine conventional estimations of their meaning and significance. This thesis recovers this debate, which illuminates our understanding of the development of the ‘science of man’ in Britain. Cicero was a central figure in Locke’s attempt to explain, against Hobbes, the origins of society and moral consensus independent of political authority. Locke was a theorist of societies, religious and civil. He provided a naturalistic explanation of moral motivation and sociability which, drawing heavily from Cicero, emphasised the importance of men’s concern for the opinions of others. Locke set this within a Christian divine teleology. It was Locke’s theologically-grounded treatment of moral obligation, and his attack on Stoic moral philosophy, that led to Shaftesbury’s attempt to vindicate Stoicism. This was met by Mandeville’s profoundly Epicurean response. The consequences of the neo-Epicurean and neo-Stoic traditions for Christianity were explored by Middleton, who argued that only academic scepticism was consistent with Christian belief. Hume explored the relationship between morality and religion with continual reference to Cicero. He did so, in contrast to Locke or Middleton, to banish entirely moral theology from philosophy.