I den här essän försöker jag få en förståelse och en inre struktur för mitt yrke och min praktiska kunskap som musiker och sångare i Tyskland. Det handlar om mitt dilemma om att vara utlandssvensk i Tyskland och om min hemlängtan till Sverige. Med hjälp av Aristoteles, Hannah Arendt, Hans Larsson m.fl, binder jag ihop känslorna med kunskapen och får på så sätt nya perspektiv på hur det är att leva mellan två världar. Ja att få tillgång till två länder och att förstå och omvandla min längtan till något kreativt.

[pt] Sem perder de vista a questão reflexiva a respeito da história e da historiografia que está disponível aos homens de maneira geral e aos historiadores particularmente, o trabalho visa uma compreensão a respeito do desconforto contemporâneo a partir do trabalho de Hannah Arendt e da descrição da crise do mundo moderno diagnosticada pela autora. Para tal, o trabalho passará pela reflexão a respeito da vita activa e de suas atividades próprias que implicarão maneiras determinadas de agir no mundo e de encarar o que é a história. / [en] The scope of this study resides on the contemporary discomfort in the Hannah Arendt’s analysis and the description of the crisis of the modern world diagnosed by this author. Therefore, the work will reflect about the vita activa and their characteristics that lead to certain ways of acting in the world and concepts of history.

Emil Lederer (1882 - 1939), born in Pilsen, Czech Republic, was an important figure of German social sciences. A close colleague of Max Weber and friend of Karl Mannheim or J. A. Schumpeter, he taught at universities in Heidelberg, Berlin and Tokyo. After fleeing Germany, he helped Alvin Johnson, director of the New School for Social Research, found the "University in Exile." Lederer's research centered on contemporary social problems, approaching them in a critical, objective, empirically- based way. One of the first to study the new middle classes before World War I, he also dealt with unemployment, technological progress and business cycles. Additionally, his analysis of state and its sovereignty in war lead him to study the question of totalitarianism. The present thesis first offers a detailed look at the events in Lederer's life which influenced his scientific work. Its central section presents the main ideas of Lederer's posthumous, and sociologically most important, monograph State of the Masses. Placing it within the context of his previous work, the thesis demonstrates the evolution of Lederer's thinking. By comparing the work with Hannah Arendt's Origins of Totalitarianism the thesis confirms existing assumptions that Lederer's text served as an unrecognized inspiration for Arendt. The...

Le présent mémoire interroge le conditionnement exercé par la violence sur la capacité d’action humaine à travers les pensées des philosophes Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon. Nous entendons approfondir l’étude de ces deux concepts centraux en philosophie politique ainsi qu’en phénoménologie en vue de futures recherches. Si ces deux penseurs majeurs du 20e siècle ont souvent été mis en dialogue sur le concept de la violence, leurs philosophies de l’action respectives n’ont presque jamais fait l’objet d’une discussion. Notre objectif est donc de combler ce manque et de démontrer que, malgré des divergences flagrantes, qui s’expliquent, entre autres, par un rapport au corps et à la subjectivité politique différent, leurs pensées peuvent interagir et se rencontrer lorsque les bons outils analytiques sont mobilisés. Il s’agira d’abord de dégager deux formes d’action en tant que déterminant de la condition humaine, ainsi que comme moteur de la construction d’un monde commun et condition à la liberté chez Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon. Ensuite, parce que l’action humaine possède un pouvoir en face de la violence, il sera question de révéler les potentiels de libération et de liberté de l’action dans des contextes violents, tels qu’envisagés par les deux philosophes. Nous souhaitons en somme illustrer comment Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon fournissent ensemble les clés d’utilisation de l’action contre la violence, pour la liberté et et la construction d’un monde commun. / This Master’s thesis explores the conditioning exercised by violence on the human capacity for action through the writings of two major philosophers of the twentieth century: Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon. Often placed in dialogue for the differences between their thought on the concept on violence, Arendt and Fanon have however rarely seen their philosophy of action been the object of a discussion in political philosophy. We thus aim at bridging this gap for further research in political thought and phenomenology, two fields in philosophy to which they have both hugely contributed. In the following chapters, we will first define in detail two forms of action, as well as different incarnations of violence in the major works of Arendt and Fanon. Even though important conceptual discrepancies can be identified between their respective lines of thought, it will appear that their conclusions can interact and share common grounds when the right analytical lenses are taken. We will then move on to prove that with both thinkers, human action holds a power against violence, and possesses potentials for liberation from oppressive political contexts. In the end, we wish to illustrate how Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon can provide together, by the means of their distinct yet complementary philosophies, the keys for human action to fight violence in the goal of establishing new communities and attaining radical forms of freedom.

The thesis revolves around the question of whether state and non-state actors’ responses to the refugee crises are restricting the rights of refugees by introducing privatization of security. The thesis studies the experiences of refugees in offshore immigration detention centres of Australia and the UN operated refugee camps, which are highly privatized or are in a process of privatization. The thesis rests on the theoretical framework provided by Hannah Arendt which explains why human rights are failing refugees in this context, and how they remain meaningless until the 'right to have rights' is incorporated as a basic right. The thesis argues that privatization of security is harmful and results in increased human rights violations and that the private military and security companies are a way of delegating as well as deflecting responsibility that state actors and non-state actors have towards refugees. The thesis also raises the possibility of private resettlement programs as one of the solutions to ensure the right of belongingness is translated practically by giving refugees a community. / Graduate

This paper aims to analyze the philosophical implications of the atomic bomb in the thinking of three German post-war philosophers: Günther Anders, Hannah Arendt, and Karl Jaspers. Although they differ greatly in interest and philosophical perspective, the atomic bomb can be discerned as a problem of humanity's technological, ethical, and political conditions in the intersection of their authorships. In the examination of their ideas, they are situated within a diachronic tradition of philosophy of technology. Their common entanglement with phenomenological-hermeneutic philosophy is also considered, most notably in the form of the influence of Martin Heidegger. For Anders, the atomic bomb is the defining feature of the ethical and political conditions of post-war humanity, yet humans are unable to grasp its reality. In the thinking of Jaspers, the bomb necessitates a supra-political principle grounded in the faculty of reason. For him, politics in the nuclear age must rest upon the responsibility of the many individuals, in an ethical re-birth of humanity. Arendt primarily understands the bomb as a product of the increasing power of the thoughtless instrumentality of science. The destructive potential of atomic weapons solidifies to her a crisis in the meaning of politics, in which brute force has undermined political power. All three thinkers share the view that the atomic bomb must be understood in conjunction with a certain thought- and meaninglessness in the science and politics of their contemporary. The bomb also signifies to them a technological obscuring of human agency, the implications of which are exacerbated by the fact that it has also immensely improved the ability of one individual to commit heinous acts. In impairing the conditions for ethical action and meaningful politics for lasting peace, the bomb necessitates these very same principles. By threatening to make humanity as mortal as only individuals had been before, the bomb has made radical change in human thinking and activity urgent. However, to what extent sufficient adaptations are probable, or even possible, is a question in which the philosophers discussed in this paper diverge.

<p>  </p> <p>This dissertation is a series of articles that put Hannah Arendt’s political thought in conversation with current social and political phenomena, namely the refugee crisis, political action under the circumstances of oppression, and the neoliberal turn in feminism.</p> <p>My first chapter joins the contemporary Arendt scholarship that parallels her account of the refugee condition and the current global refugee situation. I first analyze the image of human rights and plurality in <em>The Origins of Totalitarianism</em> and discuss the cosmopolitan response to the issues raised by Arendt. I then argue that <em>The Human Condition </em>offers an opening for a new understanding of Arendtian action that is not tied to traditional citizenship and will thus be more accommodating of refugees.</p> <p>My second chapter explores the possibility of Arendtian political action under oppression. I offer an analysis of Arendt’s separation of society versus politics and point out the limitation that this distinction places on what forms of action count as properly political. I then argue that in order to overcome this restriction, Arendt needs to recognize that 1) for marginalized groups, navigating both the social and political obstacles involves sacrifices that constitute political action, and 2) our discriminated against identity can become an instrument of political action.</p> <p>My third chapter offers an Arendtian analysis of neoliberal feminism. I begin by identifying three main ways neoliberal feminism strips the feminist movement of its collective, egalitarian, and emancipatory character. I then introduce Arendt’s account of modern capitalist labor, exclusive and inclusive solidarity, and individual self-transformation in the face of systemic obstacles. I use these Arendtian concepts to point out flaws in neoliberal feminism and offer an alternative that promotes the liberatory goals of the feminist movement. </p>

Enthält die Ansprachen zur Gründung des Hannah-Arendt-Instituts für Totalitarismusforschung an der TU Dresden e.V., die Satzung, den Landtagsbeschluss zur Gründung, Organisationsplan, Pressestimmen.

D’emblée, l’Holocauste fut perçu comme le choc moral et politique le plus radical du vingtième siècle. Des nombreux intellectuels à s’être penchés sur cette question p o u r tenter d’en comprendre le sens, Theodor W. Adomo et Hannah Arendt sont, sans contredit, parmi les plus importants. Ce mémoire explore l ’interprétation philosophique que donnèrent Adomo et Arendt de cet événement. Mettant ces deux auteurs en parallèle dans le but de faire ressortir les convergences et les divergences de leurs pensées, il analyse la place et le rôle que joue l ’Holocauste dans celles-ci. Les grandes lignes de leurs analyses, qui consistent à rattache r l ’Holocauste aux conditions d ’existence propres à la modernité et à souligner to u t ce q u ’un tel lien comporte de potentiel critique, connaîtront un destin brillant : Adomo et Arendt constituent, jusqu’à ce jour, des incontournables dans l ’analyse philosophique de l ’Holocauste et de la domination politique en général.

This essay deals with the issue how to obtain a wider understanding regarding the value of critical thinking and dialogue in philosophy teaching at upper secondary school? This main question has been investigated with the guidance of Hannah Arendt. The conclusion is: Critical thinking and dialogue is a prerequisite for knowledge and knowing. The essay also deals with reasons why critical thinking and dialog no longer can be carried out in everyday schooling. The answer is that schools in Sweden slowly have been transformed into a commercial market, where customer satisfaction and the loyalty to the powers- that- be, and in many cases profitability are driving values. During the corresponding period, the teacher's practical professional skills have been degraded