What is political philosophy? Aristotle pursues that question by asking what the good is. If Nietzsche's postmodern diagnosis that modern philosophical rationalism has exhausted itself is true, it is unclear if an answer to that question is possible. Yet given the prevalence of extremist ideologies in 20th century politics, and the politically irresponsible support of philosophers for these ideologies, there is an urgent need for an answer. This thesis examines how, in these philosophical circumstances, Hannah Arendt, Leo Strauss, and Alasdair MacIntyre conclude that a key resource in the recovery of political philosophy, and in showing its contemporary relevance, lies in the recovery of Aristotle's political philosophy. This thesis contends that how and why Arendt, Strauss, and MacIntyre turn to Aristotle, and what they find in Aristotle, depends on their varying critiques of modernity. Convinced that the philosophical tradition is shattered irreversibly after the events of totalitarianism, Arendt argues for a retrieval of Aristotle and his understanding of politics from the fragments of that tradition. Strauss is impelled to turn to the political philosophy of Aristotle because of the crisis of radical historicism, to recover classical rationalism’s answer to what the good is. MacIntyre turns to Aristotle to find the moral justification for rejecting Stalinism that contemporary philosophical traditions fail to provide; he reconstructs an Aristotelian tradition that can answer the question of what the good is better than his contemporary rivals. Although these thinkers may appear disparate, this thesis argues that each addresses the question of what the good is by offering a vision of political philosophy as a way of life, which Aristotle helps form. This way of life probes the relationship between philosophy and politics as permanent problem for human existence. In recovering this tradition of thinking with Aristotle about the character of political philosophy, this thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of each of these thinkers, as well as to the practice of political philosophy in modern, post-Nietzschean times.

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-13T15:06:08Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_AcaoPoliticaAparencia.pdf: 454317 bytes, checksum: 4f1002d58227bdf210966715e8029b16 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-05-15T13:49:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_AcaoPoliticaAparencia.pdf: 454317 bytes, checksum: 4f1002d58227bdf210966715e8029b16 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-15T13:49:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_AcaoPoliticaAparencia.pdf: 454317 bytes, checksum: 4f1002d58227bdf210966715e8029b16 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / PPGCP/UFPA - Programa de Pós Graduação em Ciência Política / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A ação política e a aparência como espaço de protagonismo e de fidedignidade da realidade são temas que perpassam o pensamento de Hannah Arendt. Seu pensamento é marcado pela ruptura provocada pelo totalitarismo e por sua busca incessante da percepção da realidade e de sua reconstrução. Procuro neste trabalho abordar essa ruptura e com ela as problemáticas em torno da ação política e da aparência em um espaço de comparticipação de atos e palavras. Começo pela ação política, sua definição e características que a tornam um conceito central não só para a política mas para a existência de um espaço que garanta a realidade do nosso mundo: a aparência. Este espaço é abordado num segundo momento, suas problemáticas também são abordadas pela visão de alguns comentadores. O totalitarismo, abordado no terceiro capítulo, representa exatamente a ameaça a este espaço e ação, pois pretende destituir o homem de seu lugar no mundo. O totalitarismo é um projeto de construção de um mundo fictício que não aceita rivalizar com a realidade do nosso mundo. A relação entre as obras Origens do Totalitarismo (2006) e A Condição Humana (2005a) torna-se clara quando notamos que os elementos principais que constituem a condição humana são negados pelos elementos que formam o domínio totalitário. Para atingir o objetivo deste trabalho recorri às seguintes obras de Hannah Arendt: A Condição Humana (2005a), Entre o Passado e o Futuro (2005b), ¿Qué es política? (1997), A Vida do Espírito (2000) e Origens do Totalitarismo (2006). Procuro realizar uma exposição da temática da ação e da aparência por estas obras, além de lançar mão de comentadores e críticos de Arendt. O presente trabalho procura explorar os conceitos de aparência e ação, desenvolvendo suas problemáticas e situando-as diante do quadro apresentado pelo totalitarismo de aniquilação da espontaneidade e uniformização das massas. / Political action and appearance as a place of prominence and reliability of reality are themes that permeate the thought of Hannah Arendt. Her thinking is marked by the disruption caused by totalitarianism and for her incessant search of the perception of reality and its reconstruction. This paper present this break and with that the problems around the political action and of appearance in a space for sharing words and actions. Start by political activity, their definitions and characteristics that make them a central concept not only for politics but for the existence of a space that guarantees the reality of our world: the appearance. This space is covered in a second time, your problems are also addressed by the view of some commentators. Totalitarianism, discussed in the third chapter, represents exactly the threat to this space and action because it wants to dismiss the man of his place in the world. Totalitarianism is a project to build a fictional world that does not accept rival the reality of our world. The relationship between the works Origens do Totalitarismo (2006) and A Condição Humana (2005a) becomes clear when we note that the main elements that constitute the human condition are denied by the elements that make up the totalitarian rule. To achieve the aim of this work was necessary resort of works of Hannah Arendt such as A Condição Humana (2005a), Entre o Passado e o Futuro (2005b), ¿Qué es política? (1997), A Vida do Espírito (2000) e Origens do Totalitarismo (2006). It is presented an exhibition of the theme of action and look for these works, and make use of commentators and critics of Arendt. This study sought to explore the concepts of appearance and action, developing their problems and placing them on the table by totalitarianism of annihilation of spontaneity and standardization of the crowds.

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-14T14:24:19Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_TeoriaHilemorficaPolitica.pdf: 704533 bytes, checksum: cac615893f46fe675a9cb8a8dfe58387 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-05-20T14:49:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_TeoriaHilemorficaPolitica.pdf: 704533 bytes, checksum: cac615893f46fe675a9cb8a8dfe58387 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-20T14:49:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_TeoriaHilemorficaPolitica.pdf: 704533 bytes, checksum: cac615893f46fe675a9cb8a8dfe58387 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / O método do pensamento político de Hannah Arendt é deveras heterodoxo e poliformal. Qualquer tentativa de interpretá-lo defronta-se com grandes dificuldades, ainda mais se levarmos em consideração que Arendt deixou poucas informações que pudessem esclarecê-lo. Entretanto, talvez seja possível contornar essas dificuldades hermenêuticas, na medida em que selecionamos as perspectivas do método arendtiano a serem desenvolvidas, afastando e silenciando outras – o que já faz parte do “jogo das aparências”. Trata-se, portanto, de uma espécie de quebra-cabeças que pode ser montado de diferentes maneiras, sem que se esgotem suas possibilidades. Mesmo porque, além de questionar a estrutura sistemática do pensamento filosófico tradicional, Arendt não pretendia dar uma forma definitiva ao seu pensamento, deixando sempre margem de manobra para futuras alterações. Nesse sentido, a proposta desse trabalho é interpretar o método, ou os métodos, do pensamento político de Hannah Arendt a partir de uma abordagem hilemórfica. Para tanto, desenvolveremos quatro capítulos, nos quais serão abordadas diferentes perspectivas do método arendtiano, mas sempre voltadas ao espectro da matéria e da forma que ela projetou em seus procedimentos. O primeiro capítulo tratará da genealogia dos modos do pensar totalitário, como a forma de engajamento e combate de Arendt contra os sistemas totalitários. O segundo capítulo abordará os aspectos propositivos do pensamento arendtiano, fixando-se nos conceitos nucleares que compõem sua teoria política. O terceiro capítulo investigará o papel da Vontade enquanto animadora da ação política, mostrando como Arendt realizou a passagem da filosofia da vontade para a liberdade da ação política. O quarto capítulo tratará das conexões hilemórficas presentes na relação entre as faculdades de pensar e julgar. Por fim, quem sabe os procedimentos metodológicos de Arendt não possam ser vistos como o início de uma filosofia da liberdade? / The method of political thought of Hannah Arendt is quite heterodox and multiform. Any attempt to interpret it is faced with great difficulties, especially if we consider that Arendt left little information that could clarify it. However, it may be possible to circumvent these difficulties hermeneutics, insofar as we select the prospects of the method of Arendt to be developed, be carried away and silencing others – which is already part of the game of appearances. It is thus a kind of puzzle that can be mounted in different ways, without being exhausted its possibilities. Even because, besides questioning the systematic structure of the traditional philosophical thought, Arendt did not intend to give a definite shape to his thought, always leaving room for future changes. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to understand the method or methods, the political thought of Hannah Arendt from Hylomorphic approach. So, we developed four chapters, which will be addressed in different perspectives of the method Arendt, but always directed to the spectrum of matter and the way it projected in its procedures. The first chapter treats of the genealogy of totalitarian ways of thinking, such as how to engage and fight against Arendt’s totalitarian systems. The second chapter will deal with the propositional aspects of Arendt’s thought, setting on the core concepts that compose his political theory. The third chapter investigates the role of the Will while encouraging political action, showing how Arendt made the passage of the philosophy of the Will to freedom of the political action. The fourth chapter will deal with Hylomorphic connections in the relationship between the faculties of thinking and judging. Finally, perhaps the methodological procedures of Arendt cannot be seen as the beginning of the philosophy of freedom?

Submitted by Diego Barros (diegobbarros@ufpa.br) on 2015-02-26T16:35:35Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_LeiLiberdadeAdpf.pdf: 1169061 bytes, checksum: df88410d5929af039efa2cf8af15eed6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2015-03-12T12:40:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_LeiLiberdadeAdpf.pdf: 1169061 bytes, checksum: df88410d5929af039efa2cf8af15eed6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-12T12:40:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_LeiLiberdadeAdpf.pdf: 1169061 bytes, checksum: df88410d5929af039efa2cf8af15eed6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Esta dissertação pretende analisar criticamente o julgado da ADPF 130, a luz do pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, em razão de conduzir o debate do significado da imprensa idônea para a promoção da liberdade de expressão quando torna efetivo o princípio da publicidade na esfera pública. O pensamento da autora contribui para avaliar criticamente a racionalidade do Poder judiciário brasileiro na decisão da ADPF 130 pelo fato deste conceber de modo questionável a imprensa ter o papel democrático de ser formadora de opinião pública e de compreender que qualquer lei para regulamentar a atividade midiática implica automaticamente em cair no risco da censura prévia. No capítulo I, o trabalho sumariza as argumentações propostas na ADPF para indicar que a maioria dos votos dos ministros se situa a partir das concepções gerais do liberalismo e as suas consequências para atuação da imprensa na democracia brasileira. Em seguida, na primeira parte do capítulo II serão apresentadas as principais características do pensamento político de Arendt contempladas nas obras A condição humana e Origens do totalitarismo, em uma perspectiva de situá-las na tradição política do pensamento político ocidental, expondo, de forma geral, os contornos de seu sistema político, como: distinção entre domínio público e domínio privado, vita activa e doxa e função da lei. Assim, passa-se a analisar, em momento posterior no capítulo II as manifestações do pensamento arendtiano em torno da liberdade de expressão e a repercussão do seu significado na imprensa idônea. O capítulo III posiciona o pensamento arendtiano na tradição política do mundo ocidental. Nele, Arendt aponta quando a liberdade política que se manifesta entre o eu-posso e eu-quero se dissocia, o qual ocasiona obstáculos para a aparição da doxa no agir em concerto entre os homens. Assim, equivocadamente a política passa a ser vista apenas como um velho truísmo de assegurar a liberdade. Compreendemos que, neste contexto, a imprensa é concebida pela maioria dos votos dos ministros com o papel de ser formadora de opinião pública pelo fato de considerarem implicitamente que vivemos numa democracia onde os homens não participam efetivamente na vida pública. / This thesis aims to analyze critically the judged case of ADPF 130 over the light of Hannah Arendt’s political thought, for this thesis leads the discussion of the meaning of reputable press in the promotion of freedom of expression, as it can make effective the principle of publicity in the public sphere. Arendt’s thought contributes to critically evaluate the rationality of the Brazilian Judiciary in the decision of ADPF 130 because Judiciary claims doubtfully that the press has a forming public opinion democratic role and that any law to regulate media activity implies an immediate falling into the risk of censorship. Chapter 1 summarizes the arguments proposed in the ADPF, in order to show that the votes of ministers are mostly based on general conceptions of liberalism and its consequences in the performance of the press in brazilian democracy. Then, the beginning of chapter 2 outlines the main characteristics of Arendt’s political thought in The Human Condition and in Origins of Totalitarianism. These descriptions were presented to place these works in the political tradition of western political thought, exposing the general contours of its political system, characterized by vita activa and doxa, by the function of the law and by the distinction between public and private domain. In its final part, chapter two analyzes the expressions of Arendt`s thought about the free speech and the meanings of ideal press in this situation. The aim is to test her political thought in practical elements, verifying its applicability in face of the concrete reality of the decision that revoked the press law. Chapter III puts Arendt's thought in the political tradition of the Western world. Arendt highlights when political freedom, manifested between the capacity and the will, dissociates, producing obstacles to the emergence of doxa in the acting in concert, among men. Thus, mistakenly, politics becomes, apparently, nothing more than an old truism to ensure freedom. In this context, it is understood that the press is conceived by the majority of the votes of the ministers, with the role of forming public opinion because, implicitly, they consider us living in a democracy where men do not participate effectively of public life.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-06-14T13:01:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ILTOMAR SIVIER_.pdf: 1578732 bytes, checksum: a02b293ce596a01cc66e6e925200e484 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-14T13:01:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ILTOMAR SIVIER_.pdf: 1578732 bytes, checksum: a02b293ce596a01cc66e6e925200e484 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-22 / Nenhuma / O estudo desta tese centra-se no pensamento de Hannah Arendt. O percurso investigativo analisa os dois grandes movimentos teóricos realizados pela filósofa judia: a vita activa e a vita contemplativa. A vita activa mostra-se presente desde as obras Origens do totalitarismo (1951), e A condição humana (1958); a vita contemplativa desde as obras Eichmann em Jerusalém: um relato sobre a banalidade do mal (1963), continuada em A vida do espírito (1972-5). Ambos movimentos teóricos põem em evidência a relação entre a política e filosofia. A política separada da filosofia fica mais exposta a cair na barbárie, ao passo que a filosofia sem a política pode tornar-se vazia, centrada unicamente em precisão conceitual e, sobretudo, afastada dos negócios humanos. Nossa tese mostra que a problematização que norteia o encontro entre a política e a filosofia no pensamento de Arendt não ocorre separada dos acontecimentos políticos do século XX. O totalitarismo é seu tema e problema, aparecendo nos dois movimentos teóricos feitos por Arendt, ora como sistema político em geral, ora como maquinaria administrativa voltada ao aperfeiçoamento de técnicas na arte de matar. Nossa hipótese evidencia que a trajetória teórica de Arendt delineia-se pela memória desse problema, possibilitando ao pesquisador adentrar na compreensão dos acontecimentos e, então, realçar a crítica à política advinda da contribuição filosófica, destacando os alcances e os limites da ação humana. Neste arcabouço teórico, política e filosofia são coexistentes e interconectadas à realidade, ao ser humano, ao mundo. A referência a essa leitura sustenta a tese, destacando que o pensamento de Arendt se constrói amparado no método da compreensão, fundamenta-se na crítica ao modelo político negador da pluralidade humana e põe em relevo a necessidade de garantia do espaço público e do amor ao mundo, em vista da recuperação do sentido de realização da política e do ser humano. / The study of this thesis focuses on the thoughts of Hannah Arendt. The investigation course analyses two big theoretical movements made by the Jewish philosopher: the vita activa and the vita contemplativa. The vita activa has been present since essays like Totalitarianism origins (1951) and The human condition (1958); the vita contemplativa since essays like Eichmann in Jerusalem: a report about evil banality (1963), continued in The spirit life (1972-5). Both theoretical movements highlight the relation between politics and philosophy. The politics away from the philosophy remains exposed to the barbarism, meanwhile the philosophy without the politics may become empty, focused only in conceptual precision and, mainly, away from human business. Our thesis shows that the problem that guides the meeting between politics and philosophy in Arendt’s thought does not occur despite the political events of the 20th century. The totalitarianism is her issue, being approached in both theoretical movements made by Arendt, either as a political system in general or as an administrative machine oriented to the improvement of techniques in the killing art. Our hypotheses features that the theoretical journey of Arendt is delineated by the memory of this problem, making possible for the researcher a deep comprehension regarding the events and, so, to emphasize the critic to the politics from a philosophical contribution, highlighting the horizons and limits of the human action. In this theoretical frame, politics and philosophy are coexistent and interconnected to the reality, to the human being, to the world. The references in this reading sustains the thesis, featuring that Arendt’s thought is built based on the comprehension method and on the critic to the political model that denies the human plurality and puts into the spotlight the need to guarantee public space and love to the world, considering the recovery of the achievement meaning of the politics and of the human being.

Despite historians describing the 1970s as a time of détente, both National Security Advisors that dominated America’s foreign policy pursued harsh stances against the Soviet Union. Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski sabotaged peace talks in order help the United States keep its edge against the other world superpower. Most historians point to the similarities between these two men, but what is most often left out of the narrative is that both men witnessed persecution at the hands of totalitarian governments: Kissinger by the Nazis and Brzezinski by both the Nazis and the Soviets. This influence is strong in their first works written at Harvard University, where they met Dr. Carl J. Friedrich and Hannah Arendt, both German émigrés. This paper will explore how European intellectuals, as well as their own European heritage, predisposed both Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski in their hawkish stances against the Soviet Union.

作為20世紀最具有原創性的思想家之一，Hannah Arendt的政治理論提供我們不同的視角來審度公共事務，本文所討論的自由課題亦可凸顯Arendt這一與眾不同之處。從「自由與政治是否相容」這一根本問題出發，Arendt的立場首先與自由主義呈現出區隔。據自由派主流意見，自由是政治領域外的選擇自由（freedom of choice），強調干涉闕如及個人獨立；但Arendt認為，自由與政治彼此重疊，自由須透過政治參與纔能獲得實現。然而，從政治與自由相互契合、倡議積極公民權及公民德行的角度觀之，學者普遍同意Arendt隸屬共和主義陣營，但這卻不足以完整勾勒其自由概念的內涵。Arendt的政治自由要求積極參與政治，但政治自由本身卻非一有待完成之特定目的。所謂政治參與，即是要求公民勇於行動，使政治這一必然有限的空間能保持在永久開放的狀態，而非一閉鎖之領域。當行動不斷挑戰既有政治邊界，變易的可能性便得以在政治空間中裡持續發生。基於此，本文分兩個方向來處理Arendt的自由概念：首先，自由既然在行動當中獲得彰顯，就必須先對行動有所了解，如此方能確切掌握自由概念的內涵；另一方面，每當體現在行動中的自由對政治邊界產生衝撞時，自由／秩序這一組傳統政治思想當中的對立概念似乎在Arendt這裡獲得了肯定，但這點有待商榷。傳統政治思想在論及自由時，經常將幾個與自由極其相關的基本概念一同納入討論，Arendt亦不例外，但我們必須注意這些概念在Arendt這裡已做了大幅度修正。為化解傳統對行動的敵視，以及理解Arendt的自由如何可能，我們必須將第二個面向中所討論的幾項概念納入做一整體考量，這是自由可以持續發生的幾項基本政治條件。

Comment la jeune peinture du Québec actuel exerce-t-elle une fonction réflexive à l'égard de la société? Le projet de ce mémoire consiste à répondre à cette question, par le biais d'une analyse des contenus formels et thématiques d'oeuvres picturales. Devant les insuffisances méthodologiques de la sociologie de l'art contemporaine, une méthode originale d'approche des oeuvres a été conçue. Ainsi, la première partie du mémoire se consacre, en premier lieu, à brosser l'historique de la discipline afin d'en cerner les orientations et les débats actuels. En second lieu, l'armature de la recherche est exposée en détail, suivie d'une description du corpus d'oeuvres étudiées. La deuxième partie du mémoire présente une exploration théorique de la question des rapports entre l'art et le politique, dans les oeuvres de Hannah Arendt et de Michel Foucault. C'est à partir des acquis de ces études croisées, permettant de dégager des modalités de la fonction réflexive de l'art à l'égard de la société, que les oeuvres ont été analysées. Réunissant plus de cent oeuvres d'une soixantaine de peintres québécois nés après 1967, le corpus présente un panorama substantiel de cette production artistique particulière. Les résultats de la recherche sont multiples. D'abord, étant donné que la jeune peinture québécoise demeure à ce jour très peu documentée, on peut considérer que la constitution du corpus d'oeuvres de même que sa description sociographique et sa contextualisation sociologique participent à l'accroissement des connaissances sur l'art contemporain québécois. Ensuite, la méthodologie développée et testée dans ce mémoire s'avère fertile: des tendances ont été dégagées dans les manières dont les oeuvres picturales questionnent la société. Finalement, les deux études théoriques, sur Arendt et Foucault, font le point sur la question de l'art chez chacun des auteurs et induisent un dialogue original. La conceptualisation de la fonction réflexive de l'art à l'égard de la société, issue de cette étude, demeure un acquis important de la recherche. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Peinture, Québec, Art contemporain, Arendt, Foucault, Sociologie de l’art.

Le présent mémoire effectue une lecture critique du libéralisme au croisement des pensées de Hannah Arendt et de Michel Foucault sur les concepts de l'avènement du social, du biopouvoir et de la gouvernementalité. En misant sur la complémentarité des analyses arendtienne et foucaldienne, cet essai cherche à démontrer que le libéralisme est à l'origine du recul de la politique qui caractérise nos sociétés occidentales modernes. Ce mémoire traite de la valorisation moderne de la vie pensée comme une forme d'instrumentalisation de l'être humain pour le développement économique; il traite de l'importance accordée à la sécurité comme étant la manifestation d'une logique de «défense de la société» qui vise le déploiement du libéralisme, la société étant le corrélat du libéralisme. En lien avec ces sujets, il traite de la politique moderne pensée selon le registre de l'administration; il s'intéresse à la vision arendtienne et foucaldienne qui présente le libéralisme comme une domination de l'économie sur la politique. En posant le primat de l'agir politique comme a priori tel que le conçoit Hannah Arendt, cet essai conclut que le libéralisme est impolitique parce qu'il renforce l'autorégulation et le contrôle des individus dans une logique de domination économique qui mine l'agir politique el la liberté politique. Par l'individualisme, l'autonomie el l'autorégulation qu'il demande pour fonctionner, il engendre un repli sur soi et favorise la perte d'un monde commun, rapprochant nos sociétés des sociétés de masse amorphes et apolitiques décriées par Arendt parce qu'elles préparent le sol au totalitarisme. Le présent mémoire est un essai en théorie politique qui jongle aux abords des conceptions du pouvoir, de la politique, de l'économie et du social telles que pensées par Hannah Arendt et Michel Foucault. Il s'inscrit à l'intérieur des limites «spatiales» et «temporelles» de la pensée politique occidentale et de la modernité. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Avènement du social, Biopouvoir, Gouvernementalilé, Libéralisme, Impolitique.

Il s'agit de repenser le politique à partir de la thématique de l'amitié. Pour ce faire, nous formulons d'abord une critique de ses conceptions dominantes dans la tradition philosophique et en tirons ensuite les conséquences sur les principaux paradigmes d'analyse et d'organisation politique. Puisque la compréhension que nous avons du rapport à autrui n'est jamais étrangère au mode de régulation sociale qui s'institue, il appert que le traitement philosophique de l'amitié renseigne de façon privilégiée sur le sens donné historiquement à la vie publique. Si, aux origines de la pensée occidental nous observons une dévalorisation des affections mondaines au profit d'une recherche des conditions de l'amour d'un être absolu, nous y voyons l'origine des principales apories dans lesquelles se meuvent les modes contemporains d'institutionnalisation politique -tel est le sens d'une critique de l'immanentisme. Cette optique met en lumière l'impératif de redéfinir l'articulation et la place de l'affect dans l'existence humaine à partir de courants inspirés de la phénoménologie, lesquels rétablissent une préoccupation pour l'amitié, et le rapport à l'autre en général qui devient absolument central à leurs recherches. Il s'agit en somme d'une lecture de l'idée de Martin Heidegger d'une « sollicitude » positive qui vise à fixer les conditions d'un espace public émancipateur -si cette possibilité apparaît d'emblée exclue de l'éthique de l'être-pour- la-mort une interprétation de Giorgio Agamben du concept d'amour chez le philosophe procure un nouveau souffle à l'analytique de l'être-avec-autrui (Mitdasein), et argumentons-nous, un éclairage original sur l'expérience de la communauté politique. Nous nous appuyons donc sur le concept de monde, que chez Heidegger, relocalise la vérité dans la concrétude de l'existence mondaine et effectue ainsi un premier dépassement d'une tradition qui cherchait à s'en extraire, et sur la philosophie de l'action de Hannah Arendt qui opère un second dépassement restituant la vérité au monde commun des apparences. La politique s'y jouant la compréhension que nous en proposons met en lumière certains écueils érigés par la métaphysique occidentale et prêche en faveur d'une reconsidération de la dimension éminemment plurielle de l'être. Elle en appelle à une ontologie plurielle -projet que, pour des raisons évidentes, nous nous contentons d'énoncer. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Amitié, Communauté, Politique, Pluralité, Martin Heidegger, Hannah Arendt.