Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Edith de Azevedo Marques.pdf: 1312593 bytes, checksum: 100558e3701e6f194cb50f0c71b94f7d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-22 / The development of the present paper has as objective a reflection on the right to peace in the classification of fundamental rights. The analysis of this intention lies in a reflection on the thinker Hannah Arendt, considered a fighter for the Jewish folk under Nazi persecution that culminated in the holocaust, in which millions of Jews were exterminated in an extremely cruel way. This violence against Jews made Hannah Arendt turn her life into a constant battle for peace with great determination in actions of courage and bravery. The peace we will talk about in this study refers to the peace not meaning the opposite of war but of violence, considering war a type of violence. We will briefly analyze two works of Hannah Arendt: ―The Origins of totalitarianism‖ and ―Eichmann in Jerusalem: a report on the banality of evil‖, also developing historical, social and politic aspects, about the facts that raised the interest of their author. Finally, we present the concept of peace within the juridical norm, talking about social peace that derives from the function of the right of harmonizing relationships between subjects / A linha de desenvolvimento do presente trabalho tem como objetivo uma reflexão sobre o direito à paz, na classificação dos direitos fundamentais. A análise dessa pretensão nasce de uma reflexão voltada para a pensadora Hannah Arendt, considerada uma combatente em defesa do povo judeu, sujeito à perseguição nazista, culminada com o holocausto, onde foram exterminados milhões de judeus, de forma extremamente cruel. Essa violência contra os judeus fez com que Hannah Arendt fizesse, durante toda sua vida, uma constante luta pela paz entregando-se com determinação em ações de grande coragem e destemor. Essa paz, tratada nesse estudo, refere-se à paz não como o contrário da guerra, mas da violência, considerada a guerra um tipo de violência. São analisadas, de forma breve, duas obras de Hannah Arendt: ―Origens do totalitarismo‖ e ―Eichmann em Jerusalém: um relato sobre a banalidade do mal‖, desenvolvendo também aspectos históricos, sociais e políticos sobre os acontecimentos que suscitaram o interesse de sua autora. Para finalizar, apresenta-se a concepção de paz no âmbito da norma jurídica, tratando a paz social decorrente da função do direito de harmonizar as relações intersubjetivas

O direito à verdade frente a graves violações de direitos humanos foi criado recentemente e tem um significado jurídico que permanece incerto em diversos aspectos relevantes. As divergências em torno do seu conceito, que ainda está em formação, geram problemas práticos quando se busca tornar esse direito efetivo. A tese analisa a questão que está na base do debate jurídico-dogmático sobre esse direito, a saber, o significado que o termo verdade adquire ao se tornar o seu objeto. É feita uma investigação sobre a forma como este tema é abordado pelos estudos sobre justiça de transição e sobre como se deu a emergência e o desenvolvimento do direito à verdade no direito internacional dos direitos humanos, nas esferas universal e interamericana. O objetivo é, depois, buscar compreender o que, de um ponto de vista teórico, fez com que surgisse na história e no pensamento político-jurídico a necessidade de sua criação e passou a alimentar o esforço para a sua conceituação. Essa análise aponta que a verdade almejada com o direito em estudo tem outras dimensões para além da busca de informações desconhecidas sobre casos individuais de violações a direitos humanos. Como o tema da verdade, sabidamente, é de enorme extensão no campo filosófico, o presente trabalho faz uso de temas de reflexão de Hannah Arendt, que para essa temática tem tido grande repercussão inclusive em sede doutrinária, com o fim de, por meio de um desenvolvimento extensivo, examinar as diferentes dimensões do problema. / The right to the truth concerning gross human rights violations was created recently, and has a legal meaning that remains uncertain in many relevant aspects. The disagreements about its concept, which is still in development, cause practical problems when one tries to make this right effective. The thesis analyses the issue that underlies the legal-dogmatic debate about this right, i.e., the meaning of the term truth when it becomes its object. An investigation is undertaken on how this theme is addressed by studies on transitional justice and also on the emergence and development of the right to the truth in international human rights law, in the universal and in the inter-American systems. The goal is then to try to understand what, from a theoretical point of view, led to the emergence in history and political-legal thought of the need for its creation, and began to feed the effort to its conceptualization. This analysis indicates that the truth sought with the right examined here has dimensions other than the search for unknown information about individual cases of human rights violations. The theme of truth being, as known, a subject of enormous extension in the philosophical field, the present study makes use of topics of reflection by Hannah Arendt, which have had a great repercussion on this subject even in legal dogmatic thought, in order to examine, through an extensive development, the different dimensions of the problem. By doing so, it is intended to shed light on the way the conceptualization of the right to the truth is being consolidated and on the difficulties it faces.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ana.pdf: 567316 bytes, checksum: 92ee3a85ae2f1f2887af1780af36f0f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-18 / The present study aims to connect the conception offered by the philosopher Hannah Arendt about the narratives of historical events with narrative of personal facts, most specifically the ones that occur during clinical psychology, rendering favourable the comprehension that man may have about himself, as the co-author of his own life. The starting-point for these thoughts concerns the way of life of the modern man, who, rooted out and heir of a world broken up with tradition, may become ill as an alternative to stand living. The growing absence of public spaces for the search of common benefit has been restricting people s suffering to the private ambit, making illness be understood as a biological or affective deficiency, thus individual. This effort in seeking in philosophy bases to the clinical work reflection is justified by the interest in understanding human existence in order to amplify the specific view of psychology about the so-called psychic sufferings. Arendt s philosophy offers resources for this consideration, most specifically about the concepts of narrative and comprehension that can be transferred to the psychotherapy extent. Understanding oneself by telling its own story is based on the idea that allows the actor of a biography to become a self-spectator as well as a narrator to the others. Nevertheless, this activity is not solitary. In order to make the self-comprehension happen it is necessary for the personal stories narrative to be dialogical, thus presenced by a witness and arisen from a truths discoverer meeting. These truths, although never absolute, always reveal the hero of his own story / O presente estudo propõe relacionar o entendimento que a pensadora Hannah Arendt oferece a respeito da narrativa de acontecimentos históricos com a narrativa de histórias pessoais, mais especificamente, as que ocorrem na psicologia clínica, propiciando a compreensão que o homem pode ter de si mesmo, como co-autor da sua vida. O que se tomou como ponto de partida para essas reflexões diz respeito ao modo de viver do homem moderno, que, desenraizado e herdeiro de um mundo rompido com a tradição, pode encontrar no adoecimento uma alternativa para dar conta do existir. A crescente ausência de espaços públicos para a busca do bem comum, tem restringido o sofrimento das pessoas ao âmbito privado, fazendo com que o adoecimento seja entendido apenas como uma deficiência biológica ou afetiva, portanto individual. Esse esforço em buscar na filosofia fundamentos para a reflexão do trabalho clínico se justifica pelo interesse em compreender a existência humana, a fim de ampliar a visão específica da psicologia quanto aos sofrimentos denominados psíquicos . A filosofia de Arendt oferece recursos para essa reflexão, mais especificamente quanto aos seus conceitos de narrativa e compreensão, que podem ser transpostos para o âmbito da psicoterapia. Compreender-se narrando a própria história, tem por base a faculdade do pensamento que permite ao ator de uma biografia tornar-se um espectador de si mesmo e narrar-se aos demais. No entanto, essa atividade não se dá de modo solitário. Para que a compreensão de si mesmo se dê, é necessário que a narrativa de histórias pessoais seja dialógica, que tenha a presença de uma testemunha, e que surja de um encontro ensejador de verdades, jamais absolutas, mas reveladoras do herói de sua história

Buscamos establecer un paralelo entre algunos conceptos del psicoanálisis freudiano y el concepto kantiano del «mal radical», el cual fue adoptado por Hannah Arendt para referirse a las atrocidades cometidas por el régimen totalitario nazi contra los judíos en la Shoah. Arendt considera el nazismo como un régimen totalitario basado en una ideología racial que proporcionó la «ficción creíble» que argumenta que gracias a las Leyes de la Naturaleza surgió la raza aria - «superior y pura» - para la cual su objetivo principal fue destruir a su contraparte, el pueblo judío «infrahumano». Los nazis utilizaron campos de concentración y exterminio para eliminar a millones de personas consideradas «superfluas» y «prescindibles». En este artículo analizamos la obsesión de los nazis de exterminar a los «infrahumanos», utilizando, entre otros, el concepto psicoanalítico freudiano de la «pulsión de muerte» y sus subrogados, fenómenos de la psicología individual que se aplican a las masas colaboradoras de los nazis. Entendemos el «mal radical» utilizado por Arendt como un constructo que abarca aspectos socio-económicos, políticos, filosóficos e históricos; simbólicamente, el mundo externo, mientras que los conceptos freudianos dan cuenta de la dinámica intrapsíquica inconsciente como sustrato del comportamiento destructivo, que representan el mundo interno. Argumentamos que ambos mundos: interno y externo se encuentran en permanente dinámica e interacción. Encontramos semejanzas y aspectos complementarios en los aportes de ambos Arendt y Freud. Creemos que, en el sustrato inconsciente de los perpetradores nazis, ocurrieron los fenómenos psicológicos antes señalados, y además, que las acciones nazis fueron el producto del proceso secundario, del pensamiento consciente, con pleno uso de libertad de elección y de una voluntad pervertida. Reiteramos que la implementación del «mal radical» por los nazis es imputable. / In this work, we aim to establish a parallel between some elements in Freudian Psychoanalysis and the Kantian concept of «radical evil» adopted by Hannah Arendt to give an account of the atrocities committed by the Nazis against the Jews during the Holocaust. Arendt considers Nazism to be a totalitarian regime based on a racist ideology which provided the so-called «credible fiction» which argues that thanks to the Laws of Nature, the «superior and pure» Arian Race emerged, for which its main objective was the destruction of its counterpart: the «subhuman» Jewish People. The Nazis used concentration and extermination camps for the elimination of millions of people considered superfluous and disposable. We also analyze the Nazi obsession with the extermination of the «subhuman» using, among others, the psychoanalytic Freudian concept of the «death drive» and its subrogates, concepts that describe a phenomenon of individual psychology applied to the masses which collaborated with the Nazis. We understand the concept of «radical evil» used by Arendt as a construct that encompasses socio-economic, political, philosophical and historical aspects, symbolizing the external world, while the Freudian concepts give rise to an intra-psychological dynamic unaware of its role as the substrate of destructive behavior, representing the internal world. We argue that both worlds: the external and the internal, exist in perpetual interactive dynamics. We thus find similarities and complementary aspects in the contributions of Freud and Arendt. We believe that in the unconscious substrate of the Nazi perpetrators of evil the above mentioned psychological phenomena took place. Moreover, the explicit actions undertaken by the Nazis were the product of a secondary process, of conscious thought, with full use of freedom of choice and an evil will. Therefore, we reiterate that the implementation of the «radical evil» by the Nazis is imputable. / Tesis

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-13T15:56:02Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EquacaoIgualdadeLiberdade.pdf: 700639 bytes, checksum: 5c710d9406c4b438a9dec954581aa1c0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-05-20T12:26:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EquacaoIgualdadeLiberdade.pdf: 700639 bytes, checksum: 5c710d9406c4b438a9dec954581aa1c0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-20T12:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EquacaoIgualdadeLiberdade.pdf: 700639 bytes, checksum: 5c710d9406c4b438a9dec954581aa1c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / O presente estudo objetiva revisitar a equação igualdade-liberdade, especialmente as concepções de John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin e Hannah Arendt, para indicar qual dos dois valores possui valor normativo mais transcendente. Tendo em mente este desiderato, a referida equação foi analisada a partir das correntes doutrinárias do liberalismo do tempo presente confrontando-as com o pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, o que elevou o grau de complexidade da pesquisa considerando que ambos provêm de tradições filosóficas e políticas distintas. Ao longo do trabalho, procurou-se demonstrar, sobretudo amparado no pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, que a liberdade positiva, fundada no princípio do autogoverno e em combinação com a igualdade complexa, pode ser apontada como o valor mais transcendente dentro da famosa equação. / The present study aims to revisit the equality-freedom equation, especially in their concepts of John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin and Hannah Arendt, to indicate which of the two values owns normative value more transcendent. Having in mind this desideratum, this equation was analyzed from the current doctrinal of the liberalism of the present time confronting it with the political thought of Hannah Arendt, which increased the complexity of the research considering that both come from different philosophical and political traditions. Throughout this work, looked for demonstrate, mainly supported in political thought of Hannah Arendt, that the positive liberty, founded on the principle of self-government and in combination with the complex equality, can be pointed as the most transcendent value in the famous equation.

<p>In the 1930s the Swedish homes were modernized through a series of social reforms. As a result of this, time was expected to be released from the housewife’s daily domestic duties and the question was what to do with this time. In this dissertation the concept of time is used in the sense of free time as time for free thinking. The time issue during the thirties is an underlying question throughout the study. The magazine Morgonbris (1904-), a political campaign journal published by the social democratic women’s association (in Swedish: Socialdemokratiska kvinnoförbundet, SSKF) was the public arena for political issues of this kind.</p><p>The aim of the study is to scrutinize the magazine, its shape (typography and layout) and content, the editors´ journalism as well as the relationship to the SSKF and the circle of readers during the decade, in order to describe the dramatic changes of this political and public arena with special focus on the editorship of Kaj Andersson (1931-1936).</p><p>Methodologically this study draws on Hannah Arendt’s “storytelling” or “fragmented historiography”. Theoretically the concepts “public sphere” and “proletarian experiences” are adopted and Jürgen Habermas, Oscar Negt & Alexander Kluge as well as Pierre Bourdieu, are referred to. The gender perspectives of Joan F. Scott and Yvonne Hirdman are also adopted.</p><p>Kaj Andersson’s ”active journalism” in Morgonbris exhibits two distinguishing characteristics during the thirties, it was clearly socialist and critical towards nazism and fascism and it was the most salient vehicle of modernity within the Swedish press at the time. She re-styled the magazine, gave it a new outfit and introduced a new kind of modern, photojournalism. The result was an economic upswing for the magazine. The heritage of Ellen Key´s aesthetics came forward in a consumer campaign, “The best of the industry to the needs of the homes” (Fabrikernas bästa till hemmens behov), which bears similarities to the “Better Homes of America” campaign, launched in the 1920s in the USA. The political path in both campaigns coincided partly with the agenda of Alva Myrdal. Also the “Housewife Holiday” campaign that Kaj Andersson initiated in Morgonbris was in line with the modernization of women’s life throughout the country. The exhausted housewives’ yearning for rest and temporary release from domestic duties was reflected in several articles, in which their grass-root initiatives were acknowledged as political action.</p><p>Until Kaj Anderson left Morgonbris, after several schisms with the committee about her creative – her backbiters would say self-indulgent – style to run the editorial office, she balanced on the border between commercialism and socialism. Her background in the party press, the social democratic newspaper Social Demokraten, influenced her ideas, but her initiatives to turn to the fields of production and consumption also drove a wedge into the field of journalism, as an involuntary beginning to separate it from the field of politics.</p>

In the 1930s the Swedish homes were modernized through a series of social reforms. As a result of this, time was expected to be released from the housewife’s daily domestic duties and the question was what to do with this time. In this dissertation the concept of time is used in the sense of free time as time for free thinking. The time issue during the thirties is an underlying question throughout the study. The magazine Morgonbris (1904-), a political campaign journal published by the social democratic women’s association (in Swedish: Socialdemokratiska kvinnoförbundet, SSKF) was the public arena for political issues of this kind. The aim of the study is to scrutinize the magazine, its shape (typography and layout) and content, the editors´ journalism as well as the relationship to the SSKF and the circle of readers during the decade, in order to describe the dramatic changes of this political and public arena with special focus on the editorship of Kaj Andersson (1931-1936). Methodologically this study draws on Hannah Arendt’s “storytelling” or “fragmented historiography”. Theoretically the concepts “public sphere” and “proletarian experiences” are adopted and Jürgen Habermas, Oscar Negt &amp; Alexander Kluge as well as Pierre Bourdieu, are referred to. The gender perspectives of Joan F. Scott and Yvonne Hirdman are also adopted. Kaj Andersson’s ”active journalism” in Morgonbris exhibits two distinguishing characteristics during the thirties, it was clearly socialist and critical towards nazism and fascism and it was the most salient vehicle of modernity within the Swedish press at the time. She re-styled the magazine, gave it a new outfit and introduced a new kind of modern, photojournalism. The result was an economic upswing for the magazine. The heritage of Ellen Key´s aesthetics came forward in a consumer campaign, “The best of the industry to the needs of the homes” (Fabrikernas bästa till hemmens behov), which bears similarities to the “Better Homes of America” campaign, launched in the 1920s in the USA. The political path in both campaigns coincided partly with the agenda of Alva Myrdal. Also the “Housewife Holiday” campaign that Kaj Andersson initiated in Morgonbris was in line with the modernization of women’s life throughout the country. The exhausted housewives’ yearning for rest and temporary release from domestic duties was reflected in several articles, in which their grass-root initiatives were acknowledged as political action. Until Kaj Anderson left Morgonbris, after several schisms with the committee about her creative – her backbiters would say self-indulgent – style to run the editorial office, she balanced on the border between commercialism and socialism. Her background in the party press, the social democratic newspaper Social Demokraten, influenced her ideas, but her initiatives to turn to the fields of production and consumption also drove a wedge into the field of journalism, as an involuntary beginning to separate it from the field of politics.

En esta investigación se defiende que las concepciones de libertad, público y privado son categorías privilegiadas para abordar tanto la cultura griega como la filosofía práctica de Aristóteles. Apelando a los textos clásicos, se analizan tanto la génesis como la trascendencia de estos tres conceptos, lo que posibilita una clara percepción de lo que estos representan en la cultura griega y el cometido que desempeñan en la filosofía de Aristóteles. Desde estas premisas se examinan las dispares interpretaciones que de la filosofía aristotélica han realizado tanto la republicana Hannah Arendt como la liberal Judith Swanson. Análisis que concluye en que ambas pensadoras realizan lecturas incorrectas de los textos aristotélicos así como que el error de estas diferentes interpretaciones reside en que extrapolan sus propias concepciones de libertad, o la moderna concepción de la separación de esferas, trasladándolas anacrónicamente al análisis de los textos clásicos griegos. / This investigation intends to demonstrate that the concepts of liberty, public and private, are privileged categories which explore both Greek culture and Aristotle´s practical philosophy. Using the classic texts as background, the genesis and the transcendence of these three concepts are analyzed, which gives a clear perception of what they represent in Greek culture and their role in Aristotle´s philosophy. This thesis also examines the polarized interpretations of the Aristotelian philosophy of both the republican Hannah Arendt, and the libertarian Judith Swanson. This analysis concludes that due to the thinkers´ extrapolation of their own notions of liberty and a modern interpretation of the separation of spheres theory to the classic Greek texts, resulting in an anachronism, the Aristotelian texts are incorrectly interpreted.

En ce jeune 21e siècle, l'espoir de changer le monde semble se dissiper à mesure que se renforce le jugement négatif par rapport aux expériences du communisme réel. L'étude des pratiques révolutionnaires du 20e siècle a de quoi laisser perplexe: dogmatisme idéologique, sectarisme militant et adoration de l'État comme outil d'émancipation. Ce mémoire propose une relecture critique des travaux de Pierre-Joseph Proudhon afin d'explorer certains chemins bloqués par l'orthodoxie marxiste. La confrontation de l'oeuvre proudhonienne avec les apports critiques de théoriciens post-totalitaires (Arendt, Abensour, Rancière) permet de voir en quoi le développement d'une pensée socialiste se doit de prendre comme pierre d'assise le respect de la pluralité et donc de l'indétermination du politique. Plus concrètement, il est démontré en quoi l'antidogmatisme et l'antiétatisme proudhonien sont les deux volets d'une même médaille permettant à notre philosophe d'avancer une proposition politique positive: le fédéralisme libertaire. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Proudhon, Arendt, Abensour, Rancière, pluralisme, fédéralisme, dogmatisme, étatisme, socialisme

This thesis focuses on the problem of defining and designing public space in contemporary mass society. "Assembly" revaluates a cultural understanding of public space as the space of regulation, consumption and leisure, and works to find spaces of freedom, agency and action. Three iconic sites located in Toronto from three successive generations are examined: Nathan Phillips Square, the Eaton Centre and the new Dundas Square. These three sites form the primary division of the work and are respectively paired with extended critiques from three thinkers: Hannah Arendt, Jean Baudrillard, and Guy Debord. The pairings centre on Arendt's account of the "rise of the social", on Baudrillard's analysis of consumption and on Debord's dissection of the spectacle. The argument is presented in the form of an assemblage. Although the nature of this method invites each reader to construct their own meaning, this thesis grounds itself on a defined polemic. It considers public space to be marked by 1) the erosion of a clear distinction between our public and private realms, and their subsequent dissolution into the realm of the social, 2) the ideology of consumption overtaking the realm of the social, and 3) the world of the commodity replacing reality with the world of the spectacle. "Assembly" first consists of three main sections corresponding to the three sites. Each of these parts is assembled from three distinct strands: factual, theoretical and visual. The factual strand forms the main "field" of each section and is made up of selected quotations from mass media ? newspapers, public documents and websites. The theoretical strand, consisting of pointed quotations from the relevant social theorist, is threaded through the field of mass media. The visual strand comprises two elements: a postcard that marks the beginning of the section and a series of authored photographs that follows and complements the text-based assemblage. <br /><br /> Inevitably, the relationship between general social values and those of individuals is fraught. Consequently, and perhaps also inevitably, architectural design tends to reduce the manifoldness of the public realm into a homogenous and singular public space: the "whole". This thesis pursues the question of how to conciliate individual agency with collective public experience. The process and form of "Assembly" deliberately celebrates this uncertainty of design, and takes "heterogeneity" as a necessary condition of public space. That it cannot offer a comprehensive solution is, perhaps, inherent to the question.