O propósito desta dissertação consiste em verificar quais seriam as consequências das conexões políticas estabelecidas por algumas empresas de capital aberto no Brasil no que se refere a seu desempenho e acesso a crédito concedido pelo BNDES. O conceito de conexão política é amplo, mas as empresas de capital aberto que fizeram parte da amostra utilizada no trabalho buscam se aproximar do governo de duas maneiras: (i) inserindo em seu conselho de administração membros que atuem (ou que já atuaram) no governo, visando estabelecer um ponto de contato com o Estado, ou ainda, (ii) realizando doações às campanhas políticas brasileiras. Para realizar a análise proposta, utilizaram-se dados do conselho de administração das empresas listadas na BM&F Bovespa no período de 2010 a 2013, informações sobre doações de pessoas jurídicas às campanhas políticas realizadas em 2002, 2006 e 2010, juntamente com outros dados extraídos das demonstrações financeiras das companhias contempladas na amostra. Os testes de regressão múltipla com dados em painel não revelaram significância estatística entre as variáveis de estudo e os indicadores de desempenho e de acesso a crédito concedido pelo BNDES. Embora não conclusivos, os resultados apresentados acrescentam à literatura das conexões políticas motivando a realização de trabalhos futuros que objetivem testar outras hipóteses capazes de explicar quais são os motivos que levam as empresas no Brasil a estabelecerem conexões com o Estado. / The purpose of this dissertation consists in verifying the consequences of political connections established by some Brazilian public companies with respect to their performance and access to credit granted by the BNDES. The concept of political connection is broad, but the public companies used in our sample aim to approach themselves to the government by two means: (i) electing a member of the board of directors that works, or has a history in working in the government, or (ii) donating money to political campaigns. In order to accomplish this analysis, we collected data of the board of directors from public companies listed on the BM&F Bovespa during the period of 2010 to 2013, information on political donations made by companies in Brazil along the years of 2002, 2006 and 2010, as well as data extracted from the sample companies\' financial statements. The multiple regression tests ran with panel data showed no statistical relation between the main variables and the performance indicator or the variable that measures company\'s access to loans provided by BNDES. Although inconclusive, the presented results add to the literature motivating further studies that can test other hypotheses able to explain the reasons that induce companies to establish political connections.

Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-06-12T19:59:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-06-13T19:53:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-06-13T19:53:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T19:58:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-06 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / During the pre-election period of the presidential election in 2014, the news and commentaries about the political campaigns of the presidential candidates portrayed aggressive speeches in debates, on social media, in television campaigns, and even on official websites. This occurred both in the first round of the election and in the second, however, in a fierce dispute for winning the presidency, the second round between the President Dilma Rousseff (PT) and the former Senator Aécio Neves (PSDB) was marked by confrontation, characterized as aggressive and heated. It is important to emphasize that these news and comments about the aggressiveness of the campaign are also discursive constructions, present an impression that attest to an increase in aggressiveness, reason why we cannot consider them as a presupposition and a starting point for analysis. However, the constant reproduction of discourses that characterize the campaign of 2014 as aggressive, already constitutes a pertinent indicator for analysis of what was understood as insult, aggression. Other important issues that drive us to look at this campaign are the change in the organization of television debates - direct interaction between the candidates, positioned face to face -, the intensification of the use of social networks, as well as the candidates' official sites, among other aspects that would favour a possible increase of the aggressiveness or the production of a greater visibility of what is considered aggressive. Given the peculiarities of the organization and functioning of the mediums (debates, sites, social networks and blogs) in this campaign, and the emergence of discourses that characterize it as aggressive, we attempt to analyze the discourse said aggressive, trying to understand its formulation and materialization in the political discourse through the resources of irony, theme selection, derisive speech, swearing, gestures, tone of speech, allusion, among others. What would be the aggressive, bitter, disrespectful discourse? How does it materialize in political discourse? Guided by these research questions and based on the theory of French Discourse analysis, we propose the analysis of televised political debates, images that circulated in social networks (Facebook, Blogs), as well as on the official websites of the campaigns, during the pre-election period, with the goal of understanding, currently, the production and circulation of the discourse so-called aggressive in Brazil. / Durante o período pré-eleitoral das eleições presidenciais no pleito de 2014, as notícias e os comentários acerca das campanhas políticas dos candidatos à presidência foram de que nelas se adotaram discursos agressivos, seja nos debates, nas redes sociais, nas campanhas televisivas, ou mesmo nos sites oficiais de campanha. Isso se deu tanto no primeiro turno quanto no segundo, entretanto, em um quadro de disputa mais acirrada pela sucessão presidencial, o período referente ao segundo turno, entre a presidente Dilma Rousseff (PT) e o ex-senador Aécio Neves (PSDB), foi marcado pelo confronto também dito ainda mais agressivo e acalorado. É importante ressaltar que estas notícias e comentários sobre a agressividade da referida campanha são também construções discursivas, apresentam uma impressão que atestam um aumento da agressividade, motivo pelo qual não podemos tomá-las como pressuposto e ponto de partida para análise. Porém, a constante reprodução de discursos que caracterizam a campanha de 2014 como agressiva, já constitui um indício pertinente para análise do que se compreendeu como insulto, agressão. Outras importantes questões que nos impulsionam a olhar para esta campanha é a própria mudança da organização dos debates televisivos – interlocução direta entre os candidatos, posicionados frente a frente - , a intensificação do uso das redes sociais, bem como dos sites oficiais dos candidatos, dentre outros aspectos que favoreceriam um possível aumento da agressividade ou a produção de uma maior visibilidade do dito agressivo. Tendo em vista as particularidades referentes à organização e funcionamento dos médiuns (debates, sites, redes sociais e blogs) nesta campanha, e a emergência de discursos que a caracterizam como agressiva, elegemos como objetivo deste trabalho a análise do discurso dito agressivo, buscando compreender sua formulação e materialização no discurso político, a qual pode se dar pelos recursos da ironia, da seleção temática, do dizer derrisório, do escracho, da gestualidade, do tom de fala, da alusão, dentre outros. O que seria o discurso agressivo, ácido, desrespeitoso? Como ele se materializa no discurso político? Orientados por essas perguntas de pesquisa e pelo arcabouço teórico da Análise do discurso de linha francesa, propomos a análise de fragmentos dos debates políticos televisivos, imagens que circularam nas redes sociais (Facebook, Blogs), bem como nos sites oficiais de campanha, no período pré-eleitoral, tendo o objetivo de compreender como se produz e circula o que, no Brasil, se denomina agressivo no discurso político na atualidade.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-01-06T14:43:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1657736 bytes, checksum: 37cf08fcfbfe5530d575a79e23561391 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-06T14:43:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1657736 bytes, checksum: 37cf08fcfbfe5530d575a79e23561391 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-14 / This master thesis analysis the constitution of the smoker subject in anti-smoking campaigns present in the cigarette packs. We also aims to verify how occur the governmentality that focus on the body of this subject and his discursive construction in anti-smoking campaigns, in the statements molded over the syncretic materiality of cigarette packs. We anchor us in the Discourse Analysis and its resonance in Brasil, with emphasis on Michel Foucault’s contributions, beyond the Historical Semiology of the picture, anchored on Jean-Jacques Courtine’s presuppositions. Methodologically, we cut out a corpus consisting of eighteen statements inside of the archive that constructs the smoker subject in cigarette packs and distributed them in three statements series, which are: Smoking and the risks of illness and death to the smoker subject; The risks of the passive smoking to health; and Smoking and sexual impotence. We use Foucault’s archegenealogy theory, that allows us excavate from the history the conditions of the emergency of the anti-smoking discourse, the interdiction of the cigarettes advertising and the transformations in the statements positions of the smoker subject in our society. In our analysis, we resort to nine cigarettes advertising, molded over between 1930 and 1990. Such advertising are in a memory domain of statements about smoking, what allows us to relation them to our corpus. We concluded that the government of the population is legitimated by knowledge and institutions, such as the medical knowledge and the legal institutions, that procure the anti-smoking discourse and control its way of circulation. The publishing of research about the harm of smoking to health shows that the smoke is a factor of risk for countless illness, making the body of the smoker subject stop of being associated with vitality, virility, beauty and glamour and started to be discoursed as an abnormal body, morbid, sexually impotent, that represents threat to all the population, since he causes illness and death of others individual with the passive smoking. / Esta dissertação analisa a constituição do sujeito fumante em campanhas antitabagistas nas embalagens de cigarro. Pretendemos também verificar como ocorre a governamentalidade que incide sobre o corpo desse sujeito e sua construção discursiva em campanhas de prevenção ao tabagismo, a partir de enunciados que circulam na materialidade sincrética das embalagens de cigarro. Ancoramo-nos na Análise do Discurso e suas ressonâncias no Brasil, com ênfase nas contribuições de Michel Foucault, além da Semiologia Histórica da imagem, que toma como base os pressupostos de Jean-Jacques Courtine. Metodologicamente, recortamos um corpus de 18 enunciados no interior do arquivo que constitui o sujeito fumante em embalagens de cigarro e os distribuímos em três séries enunciativas, quais sejam: Tabagismo e os riscos de doença e morte para o sujeito fumante; Os riscos do tabagismo passivo à saúde; e Tabagismo e impotência sexual. Utilizamos o aporte da arquegenealogia de Foucault, que nos permite escavar da história as condições de emergência do discurso antitabagista, a interdição das propagandas de cigarro e as transformações nas posições enunciativas do sujeito fumante em nossa sociedade. Em nossas análises, recorremos a nove propagandas de cigarro, veiculadas entre os anos de 1930 e 1990. Tais propagandas estão em um domínio de memória dos enunciados sobre o tabagismo, o que nos possibilita correlacioná-las ao nosso corpus. Concluímos que o governo da população é legitimado por saberes e instituições, tais como o saber médico e as instituições jurídicas, que agenciam o discurso antitabagista e controlam o seu modo de circulação. A divulgação de pesquisas científicas sobre os males do tabagismo à saúde mostrou que o fumo é um fator de risco para inúmeras doenças. Em decorrência disso, o corpo do fumante deixa de ser associado à vitalidade, virilidade, beleza e ao glamour, e passa a ser discursivizado como um corpo anormal, mórbido, sexualmente impotente e que representa uma ameaça para toda a população, pois causa o adoecimento e morte de outros indivíduos com o fumo passivo.

Submitted by Clebson Anjos (clebson.leandro54@gmail.com) on 2016-02-22T17:25:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3500424 bytes, checksum: 5c3fb71a3f1fec456ee3ff69fb3c24b9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-22T17:25:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3500424 bytes, checksum: 5c3fb71a3f1fec456ee3ff69fb3c24b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The press, radio and television have historically occupied strategic places with regard to electoral propaganda, especially on the use of their language by the candidates. With the advent of internet and social networks, there are changes in techniques, languages and media narratives as well as new arrangements of participation and sociability, in particular the television context, because of the strength this vehicle has with the electorate. Among the changes in digital communication, we point out the processes "transmedia" (JENKINS, 2009), "interaction" (PRIMO, 2007) and "media convergence" (CASTRO & DUARTE, 2010), in which the languages of different media merge. This work includes the narratives used in the campaigns of candidates for mayor of the city of João Pessoa-PB and observes the processes of "transmediation" "interactivity" and "media convergence". This work also seeks to examine how social networks is becoming a propitious locus for the announcement of election messages, and the use of "transmedia storytelling" in the political environment. The media convergence imposes a new modus operandi in the work routine of professionals working in the political field, demanding that they recognize the power of network communication and adapt their language to the contingencies of this "new communication" (CHAREAUDAU, 2008). The communication shared through the network generates modes of interaction and sociability, encouraging citizens-voters to defend their interests, to make their choices and to take their own decisions, without prioritizing profitable ambitions of corporate communication (ANTOUN & MALINI, 2013). From this perspective, we proposed an analysis of the social networks Twitter and Facebook, considering the effectiveness of theiruse in the elections of 2012. / A imprensa, o rádio e a televisão historicamente têm ocupado lugares estratégicos no que diz respeito à propaganda eleitoral, principalmente, quanto ao uso de sua linguagem pelos candidatos. Com o advento da internet e redes sociais, verificam-se modificações nas técnicas, linguagens e narrativas midiáticas, assim como novos regimes de participação e sociabilidade, particularmente no contexto da televisão, devido à força deste veículo junto ao eleitorado. Dentre as mudanças ocorridas na comunicação digital, ressaltam-se os processos “transmídia” (JENKINS, 2009), “interação” (PRIMO, 2007) e “convergência midiática” (CASTRO & DUARTE, 2010), em que se fundem as linguagens das diferentes mídias. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho contempla as narrativas utilizadas nas campanhas dos candidatos a prefeito da cidade de João Pessoa-PB, observando os processos de “transmidiação” “interatividade” e “convergência midiática”. Para tanto, busca examinar como as redes sociais vêm se constituindo em locus propício para a divulgação das mensagens eleitorais e o uso da “narrativa transmidiática” no ambiente político. A convergência midiática impõe um novo modus operandi na rotina de trabalho dos profissionais atuantes na área política, exigindo que estes reconheçam o poder da comunicação em rede e adaptem sua linguagem às contingências dessa “nova comunicação” (CHAREAUDAU, 2008). A comunicação compartilhada das redes gera modos de interação e sociabilidade, estimulando os cidadãos-eleitores a defenderem os seus interesses, fazer suas escolhas e tomar suas próprias decisões, sem priorizar as ambições lucrativas da comunicação corporativa (ANTOUN & MALINI, 2013). Nesta perspectiva, propomos uma análise das redes sociais Twitter e o Facebook, considerando a eficácia de sua utilização no período eleitoral de 2012.

Emotion acts as a primer for our memory retention and encoding processes. In the 2016 election, we saw an increase in negative or hostile rhetoric from candidates. I argue this is due to the use of Twitter and the physical representation of engagement. This paper examines the effect of enthusiasm, anxiety, and hostility in response to political tweets. Tweets from Republican presidential candidates, Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, and Marco Rubio were analyzed for emotional response content to explore mean differences in retweets from the three emotions.

This research has been guided through the interest on relations between political agents and potential voters which are users of Facebook social media`s pages, especially in electoral periods. This assumption based on technological environment supports the idea the candidates gain a new platform for the polls. The voter now has theoretically a direct communication with no mediation of traditional communication vehicles to the politician. However, it has been followed by a problem: How does the electorate do with Facebook social media on municipal election campaign considering they are closer to the candidates in dispute? To address this issue we opted to investigate how conversations among voters and candidates to Aracaju city hall (Sergipe State capital city, in Brazilian northeast region) in 2016 election, by using the Facebook`s timelines as the main part of our work in the candidates profiles who had disputed that election. Based on Conversation Analysis Methodology, it was possible to observe out of 28,067 comments posted at that time, the vast majority of users who had chatted in such profiles on Facebook were limited to laconic conversations, with little or no interaction to others wasting opportunities in which civic debates could emerge. On the other hand, it was assumed the immense potential the tool could represents to the voters which might express their opinions by themselves and thus reach the politicians out with no one interference. Therefore, this work seeks to contribute to new researches that focus on Facebook`s approach in political campaigns by monitoring how this platform influences the netizens voters` choices in the electoral process. / A pesquisa que orientou o desenvolvimento desta dissertação partiu do interesse pelas relações entre agentes políticos e potenciais eleitores observáveis nas páginas do Facebook, sobretudo em períodos eleitorais. Parte-se da premissa de que, nesse ambiente tecnológico, o candidato ganha uma nova plataforma para a disputa pelo voto e o eleitor passa a ter, em tese, um canal de comunicação direta com o político, sem a mediação dos tradicionais veículos de comunicação. O problema de pesquisa que daí decorre é: como os eleitores se apropriam do Facebook em uma campanha eleitoral municipal, considerando a maior proximidade com os candidatos em disputa? Para abordar tal questão, optou-se por investigar as conversações entre eleitores e candidatos à prefeitura de Aracaju (capital do estado de Sergipe) no pleito de 2016, tendo como corpus de trabalho as timelines do Facebook nos perfis dos candidatos que disputaram aquela eleição. Com base na metodologia de Análise da Conversação, foi possível observar, nos 28.067 comentários postados naquele período, que a grande maioria dos usuários que frequentaram tais perfis no Facebook ainda se limita a conversações lacônicas, com pouca ou quase nenhuma interação mútua, na qual debates cívicos pudessem emergir. Por outro lado, constatou-se o imenso potencial que a ferramenta apresenta para que os anseios dos eleitores sejam expostos por eles mesmos e, assim, possam chegar aos políticos sem a interferência de terceiros. Assim, o presente trabalho busca contribuir para novas pesquisas que tenham como foco o uso do Facebook em campanhas políticas, visando acompanhar como essa plataforma influencia o processo eleitoral e as escolhas dos internautas-eleitores. / São Cristóvão, SE

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T14:23:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa_Santos_Lemos_Dissertacao.pdf: 11190698 bytes, checksum: d000559aa115b19e725d4ecc44ad5edd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-17 / This dissertation analyzes the elements of coercion and propaganda employed in education in the Estado Novo (1937-1945), especially in Pelotas - Rio Grande do Sul. The work examines how the policy of the dictatorship of Vargas manifested in education, which promoted the mechanisms massive participation of the school population in civic ceremonies, as well as adherence to the rules of society. The Vargas government, through its educational policy, sought to instill in Brazilian society, the cult leader, civic and patriotic values, forging a national identity. Are studied as the Civic Celebrations (Week Fatherland) and practices of physical education were employed in this process and how they were merged in the making of the New State pedagogical project, elements of the proposed Catholic teaching and the secular. It assessed the role of institutions in the school organization and monitoring of the community where they were inserted and how the state has co-opted families in the development of nationalization campaign. Perceived as a liberal discourse was linked to the practice in the joint dictatorship of accession and approval to the scheme. Demonstrates how the teaching of history was used in the formulation of an education grounded in a patriotic nationalism. Reflects on the promotion of physical education and a "civic" in caravans of Coloninhos in Camps and Scout groups, and how the military contributed to the discipline of Brazilian youth, so massive and coercive / Esta dissertação analisa os elementos propagandísticos e coercitivos empregados na educação no Estado Novo (1937-1945), especialmente em Pelotas Rio Grande do Sul. O trabalho verifica como a política do regime ditatorial de Vargas manifestou-se na educação, quais mecanismos promoveram a participação massiva da população escolar nas cerimônias cívicas, assim como a adesão da sociedade ao regime. O governo Vargas, através da sua política educacional, buscou inculcar na sociedade brasileira o culto ao líder, valores cívicos e patrióticos, forjando a identidade nacional. São estudadas como as Celebrações Cívicas (Semana da Pátria) e as práticas da Educação Física foram empregadas neste processo e como foram mesclados, na confecção do projeto pedagógico estadonovista, elementos pedagógicos da proposta Católica e da laica. É avaliado o papel das Instituições escolares na organização e na vigilância da comunidade onde estavam inseridas e como o Estado cooptou as famílias no desenvolvimento da Campanha de Nacionalização. Percebe como um discurso liberal esteve atrelado à prática ditatorial na articulação da adesão e aprovação ao regime. Demonstra de que forma o Ensino de História foi utilizado na formatação de uma educação calcada em um nacionalismo ufanista. Reflete sobre a promoção de um ensino físico e cívico nas Caravanas dos Coloninhos, nas Colônias de Férias e nos Grupos de Escoteiros, e como os militares concorreram para o disciplinamento da juventude brasileira, de forma coercitiva e massiva

Diploma thesis named Proposal of communication strategy for Euro Frigo Praha aims at proposing communication campaign that perfectly responds needs and financial possibilities of chosen company. Euro Frigo Praha is a company that imports fish and seafood to Czech market. The management of company has not developed almost any marketing activities since the company was found many years ago. This thesis aims at proving that also small Czech company with very limited budget can implement effective communication campaign when choosing suitable marketing message and communication mix.

Nous voyons apparaître, ces dernières années, ce que l'on nomme « les nouvelles spiritualités » : phénomène de société pour les uns ; danger alarmant pour les autres. Toutefois il n'est pas aisé de se faire un avis objectif sur la question, dans la mesure où chacun pense détenir une part de vérité qu’il s’obstine à défendre contre celle de l'autre. Il faudrait pourtant s’éléver au-dessus de toutes ces passions, dépasser le simple cadre de ces confrontations pour voir jaillir une vérité plus universelle.Ce sujet de recherche est une histoire ; une histoire qui commence avec « le baptême dans la Correspondance de Cyprien de Carthage » et qui s’est poursuivi avec « la querelle sur le baptême et les divisions de l’Église chrétienne africaine de Cyprien de Carthage à Augustin ». Il s’agit d’une histoire ascentionelle qui prend source dans la question du rebaptême si cher à Cyprien à la suite des lapsi, qui enchaîne avec la remise en cause de l’idée du rebaptême, pour déboucher sur la préoccupation de la paix dans l’unité avec Augustin. C’est la question centrale du «combat contre l’hérésie chez Augustin [dans] la campagne anti-manichéenne et anti-donatiste».Dans le cadre de ces recherches, j’ai surtout voulu aborder, par l’étude des documents essentiels des oeuvres d’Augustin d’Hippone [plus précisément l’ample « dossier » anti-manichéen et encore le plus ample « dossier » anti-donatiste], la façon dont l’histoire des communautés chrétiennes, à une certaine époque de l’antiquité, a été impactée dans son évolution sociale et idéologique par la pluralité des pensées qui se sont développées en son sein.Le choix du sujet imposait une nouvelle approche à l’étude et exploitation des sources afin de mieux appréhender les stratégies de combat développées par Augustin dans son offensive contre l’hérésie en Afrique et à l’époque théodosienne. Ainsi, dans ce travail de recherche j’ai eu à coeur de souligner l'information originale qui découle des oeuvres anti-manichéennes et anti-donatistes d'Augustin, en particulier sur les effets de la fonction préventive des pénalités, la terreur des lois et l’action des évêques pour découvrir les hérétiques. J’ai en outre eu à coeur de souligner que, dans le cas des manichéens, Augustin a toujours agi avec la rigueur et la méfiance d’une personne convertie, bien qu'il n’ait pas pu éviter l'empreinte du manichéisme dans certains de ses concepts. Quant au donatisme, j’ai mené mes investigations dans le cadre conceptuel du conflit religieux et des tensions ecclésiologiques.Ce travail est d’une certaine originalité. Une originalité davantage développer et perceptible dans la troisième partie grâce notamment à l'étude comparative de l'intervention d'Augustin avec les deux formes de dissidence. / We see appear, these last years, what we is called « the new spiritualities » : social phenomenon for some; danger alarming for the others. However it is not easy to make an objective opinion on the question, as far as each think hold a part of the truth which persists in defending against that of the other one. It would be necessary nevertheless to go over all these passions, to exceed the simple framework of these confrontations to see springing the truth more universal.This research topic is a history ; a story which begins with « the baptism in the Correspondence of Cyprian of Carthage » and that continued with « the quarrel on the baptism and the divisions of the african christian church from Cyprian of Carthage to Augustine ». It is about a climb story which takes its source in the question of the second baptism so expensive to Cyprian following lapsi, which continues with the questioning of the idea of the second baptisme, to lead to the concern about the peace in the unity with Augustine. It is the central question of « Augustine’s fight against the heresy [in] the anti-manichean campaign and anti-donatist ».In the framework of these researches, I especially wanted to approach, by the study of the essential documents of the works of Augustin of Hippo [more exactly the ample anti-manichean « file » and still the most ample « file » anti-donatiste], the way the history of the christian communities, in a certain period of the antiquity, was impacted in its social and ideological evolution by the plurality of the thoughts which developed within it.The choice of the subject required a new approach on the study and the exploitation of sources in order to better apprehend the strategies of fight developed by Augustine in its offensive against the heresy in Africa and in the period theodosian. So, in this research work I was eager to underline the original information which ensues from anti-manichean works and anti-donatist of Augustine, in particular on the effects of the preventive function of the penalties, the terror of the laws and the action of the bishops to discover the heretics. I was besides eager to underline that, in the case of the manicheans, Augustine always acted with the rigor and the distrust of a converted person, although he was not able to avoid the imprint of the manichaeism in some of his concepts. As for the donatism, I led my investigations in the conceptual framework of the religious conflict and the ecclesiological tensions.This work is of a certain originality. An originality futrther develop and perceptible in the third part in particular to the comparative study of the intervention of Augustine with both forms of dissident.

Syftet med studien är att ge insikt i om och hur lokala kampanjer kan användas för att öka framgången hos större välgörenhetskampanjer. Metoden som använts för att undersöka detta är en serie av intervjuer med personer som besitter insikter i hur kampanjen gick till och mottogs. Teorierna som använts är teorier kring kampanjande, tvåstegshypotesen samt dagordningsteorin. Resultatet visar att tvåstegshypotesen följts i kampanjen och att det varit framgångsrikt. Genom att använda sig av passande budskap och kanal har kampanjen lyckats engagera fler personer än vid tidigare Musikhjälpen-kampanjer. Slutsatsen efter denna studie är att lokala kampanjer kan användas framgångsrikt i dessa typer av kampanjer i Sverige och att valet av budskap och kanal är viktigt för kampanjens framgång. Vid framtida studier vore det intressant att undersöka välgörenhetskampanjer där de använt sig av andra typer av budskap och kanaler. Det vore även intressant att undersöka tvåstegshypotesen vid kommersiella kampanjer samt att undersöka eventuella risker vid denna typen av kampanjer. / The purpose of this study is to examine if, and how local campaigns can be used to increase the success of a bigger charity campaign. The method used to study this is a series of interviews with people with insight in the campaign. For the study interviews have been conducted with both the targeted audience and with one of the creators and head figures of the local campaign. The theories used in the study are various theories about campaigning, the two step-flow of communication and the agenda-setting theory. The result shows that local campaigns can be used successfully in bigger campaigns. By using a channel and a message well suited for the cause the campaign managed to engage people in a way that earlier campaigns failed to. The conclusion of this study is that the two-step flow of communication still is relevant in these types of campaigns in Sweden. Through the two-step flow of communication the campaigns can reach and engage people in a way that a more direct strategy cannot achieve. Future studies could examine campaigns that have used a different message and channel to achieve its goals. The usage of the two-step flow of communication in commercial campaigns would also be interesting to study in order to see potential differences between campaigns for profit versus not for profit. Something that in the future can contribute to the studies around the two-step flow of communication and charity campaigns are the potential risks it brings for the organization regarding public relations.