Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:27:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Claudio de Almeida Braga.pdf: 102232088 bytes, checksum: 795a7894457b779ab3fc0ef370c74412 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-12-15 / The Roman Catholic Church is not only a message of salvation: it is the message itself. It is a sign of Christ's presence on earth. Currently the Church is called to be the signal through the media: radio, TV, internet and newspaper. Since 1956, the Archdiocese of St. Paul owns the newspaper the São Paulo, which aims to answer the call of this advertisement through social media. Throughout its history this weekly even fought for an end to military dictatorship and its pages had been mutilated by the censorship of the federal government. After 54 years of its creation, after a month of struggles for social justice law and the newspaper still plays its role in society, but with far less visibility and expression. This research aims at performing a radiograph of the newsletter of the Archdiocese of St. Paul, and whether, 54 years after its creation, and 14 years after his censure, this weekly is still providing good role to be those who have no voice voice in society, and to dialogue with the postmodern world around them / A Igreja Católica Apostólica Romana não tem apenas uma mensagem de salvação: ela é a própria mensagem. É sinal da presença do Cristo na terra. Atualmente a Igreja é chamada a ser este sinal através dos meios de comunicação social: rádio, TV, internet e jornal. Em 1956 a Arquidiocese de São Paulo criou o jornal O São Paulo, com o objetivo de atender a este apelo de anúncio através dos meios sociais. Ao longo de sua trajetória este semanário, inclusive, lutou pelo fim da ditadura militar e teve suas páginas mutiladas pela censura prévia do governo federal. Passados 54 anos de sua criação, o jornal ainda cumpre seu papel na sociedade, mas, com bem menos expressão e visibilidade. A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo realizar uma radiografia do informativo e saber se, 54 anos após sua criação, e 14 anos após sua censura, ele ainda continua prestando bem o seu papel de ser voz daqueles que não tem voz na sociedade, e de dialogar com o mundo à sua volta

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-27T12:41:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arleandra de Lima Ricardo.pdf: 2644423 bytes, checksum: 608c8551bf76812296260ae03fb64351 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-27T12:41:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arleandra de Lima Ricardo.pdf: 2644423 bytes, checksum: 608c8551bf76812296260ae03fb64351 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The objective of this thesis is to apprehend the repressive daily activities of the agents from the Bureau of Political and Social Order in the state of Pernambuco, during the period of 1931 to 1956. These repressive practices were perpretated with the consent, integration and participation of the civil society and the military forces regarding the restriction of freedom of expression, violation of correspondence, arbitrary arrests, persecutions, punishments and tortures. Such traces of history have been extracted from the documentation available in the Jordão Emerenciano State Archives in Pernambuco, and in the medical records and books. They deal with the exchange of information between the Public Security Secretariat, the Regional and State Stations, the Army and the Navy, also involving the Ministries of War, Foreign Affairs, Labor, as well as businessmen and the press. All this logic of surveillance, oppression, coercion and repression were invested against militants and people suspected of being part of left wing organizations, especially the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), people associated with the integralist right wing, or because they were suspected of affecting the good manners, like the artists, or for expressing opinions on the political conjuncture, such as journalists, or for suspicion, such as the military staff, North American soldiers, among others. Based on the ideals of defense of national security and moral integrity, the functions attributed to the agents located in the various bureaucratic instances overlapped, when they did not conflict. The changes in the correlation of political forces that oscillate from the increase in central power expressed in the figure of Getúlio Vargas, for their final fragilization, impact on the services rendered by such agents, resulting in a maze of accusations, suspicions and repressive procedures that were not always coherent between themselves. The agents advocated both in defense of the upper echelons of regional politics, or the central government of Vargas, as well as in their own cause. Therefore, the daily life of these agents expresses a period in which the state goes beyond the limits of bourgeois democracy, assuming its Bonapartist form / Esta tese teve como objetivo apreender o cotidiano repressor dos agentes lotados na Delegacia de Ordem Politica e Social de Pernambuco, no período de 1931 a 1956. Práticas repressivas que contaram com a anuência, integração e participação da sociedade civil e dos militares e expressas no cerceamento à liberdade de expressão, à violação de correspondências, prisões arbitrárias, perseguições, punições e torturas. Tais vestígios da história foram extraídos da documentação disponível no Arquivo Estadual Jordão Emerenciano de Pernambuco, e constam dos prontuários e livros de ofícios. Versam sobre as trocas de informações entre a Secretaria de Segurança Pública, as Delegacias Regionais e Estaduais, o Exército e a Marinha, envolvendo também os Ministérios da Guerra, do Exterior, do Trabalho, bem como empresários e imprensa. Toda essa lógica de vigilância, opressão, coerção e repressão foi investida contra militantes e pessoas suspeitas de integrarem organizações de esquerda – em especial o Partido Comunista do Brasil, ou de pertencerem à direita integralista, ou porque suspeitas de afetarem os bons costumes como os artistas, ou por exprimirem opiniões sobre a conjuntura política, como os jornalistas, ou por desconfiança como militares, soldados norte-americanos, entre outros. Calcada no ideário de defesa da segurança nacional e da integridade moral, funções atribuídas aos agentes lotados nas diversas instâncias burocráticas se superpunham, quando não conflitavam. As alterações na correlação de forças políticas que oscilam do aumento do poder central expresso na figura de Getúlio Vargas, para a sua fragilização final, impactam nos serviços prestados por tais agentes, resultando em um emaranhado de acusações, suspeições e procedimentos repressivos nem sempre coerentes entre si. Agentes advogam tanto em defesa dos altos escalões da política regional, ou do governo central de Vargas, quanto em causa própria. Assim, o quotidiano desses agentes expressa um período no qual o Estado ultrapassa os limites da democracia burguesa assumindo sua forma bonapartista

Introdução: Dados de custo necessários na Análise de Custo-Efetividade (CEA) são, muitas vezes, obtidos de estudos longitudinais primários. Neste contexto, é comum a presença de censura caracterizada por não se ter os dados de custo a partir de certo momento, devido ao fato de que indivíduos saem do estudo sem esse estar finalizado. A ideia da Ponderação pela Probabilidade Inversa (IPW – do inglês, Inverse Probability Weighting) vem sendo bastante estudada na literatura relacionada a esse problema, mas é desconhecida a disponibilidade de ferramentas computacionais para esse contexto. Objetivo: Construir ferramentas computacionais em software Excel e R, para estimação de custos pelo método IPW conforme proposto por Bang e Tsiatis (2000), com o objetivo de lidar com o problema da censura em dados de custos. Métodos: Através da criação de planilhas eletrônicas em software Excel e programação em software R, e utilizando-se bancos de dados hipotéticos com situações diversas, busca-se propiciar ao pesquisador maior entendimento do uso desse estimador bem como a interpretação dos seus resultados. Resultados: As ferramentas desenvolvidas, ao proporcionarem a aplicação do método IPW de modo intuitivo, se mostraram como facilitadoras para a estimação de custos na presença de censura, possibilitando calcular a ICER a partir de dados de custo. Conclusão: As ferramentas desenvolvidas permitem ao pesquisador, além de uma compreensão prática do método, a sua aplicabilidade em maior escala, podendo ser considerada como alternativa satisfatória às dificuldades postas pelo problema da censura na CEA. / Introduction: Cost data needed in Cost-Effectiveness Analysis (CEA) are often obtained from longitudinal primary studies. In this context, it is common the presence of censoring characterized by not having cost data after a certain point, due to the fact that individuals leave the study without this being finalized. The idea of Inverse Probability Weighting (IPW) has been extensively studied in the literature related to this problem, but is unknown the availability of computational tools for this context. Objective: To develop computational tools in software Excel and software R, to estimate costs by IPW method, as proposed by Bang and Tsiatis (2000), in order to deal with the problem of censorship in cost data. Methods: By creating spreadsheets in Excel software and programming in R software, and using hypothetical database with different situations, we seek to provide to the researcher most understanding of the use of IPW estimator and the interpretation of its results. Results: The developed tools, affording the application of IPW method in an intuitive way, showed themselves as facilitators for the cost estimation in the presence of censorship, allowing to calculate the ICER from more accurate cost data. Conclusion: The developed tools allow the researcher, besides a practical understanding of the method, its applicability on a larger scale, and may be considered a satisfactory alternative to the difficulties posed by the problem of censorship in CEA.

Prenant pour point de départ les controverses contemporaines sur la liberté d’expression et la vie privée à l’ère numérique, cette thèse propose de revisiter l’histoire d’Internet au croisement de l’histoire du droit, des théories politiques et de l’histoire des sciences et des techniques. À travers une enquête de temps long sur l’affrontement des stratégies de pouvoir et de résistance associées aux techniques de communication, elle se veut une contribution à l’histoire de l’espace public et de l’activisme numérique. À partir de la « naissance » de l’imprimerie, la première partie retrace les formes de contrôle de l’espace public qui se structurent en même temps que l’État moderne, et la manière dont elles sont reconduites dans le cadre des régimes représentatifs-libéraux (XVe-XXe siècle). Dans un deuxième temps, l’étude suit l’émergence des projets antagonistes qui ont présidé au développement des réseaux informatiques, et ce afin d’expliquer la profonde ambivalence des appropriations politiques de ces technologies, à la fois instrument de la domination technocratique et outil d’émancipation (1930-1990). La troisième partie revient sur les premières controverses autour des libertés sur Internet et la structuration de l’activisme numérique, Internet étant bientôt investi comme un espace et un objet de luttes politiques, dans une période marquée par la mondialisation néo-libérale (1990-2001). La quatrième illustre, à travers les mesures de contrôle d’Internet adoptées au nom de la « guerre contre le terrorisme » et à travers la répression de certaines franges de l’activisme numérique, les mutations illibérales des États (2001-2017). L’étude entend ainsi contribuer à une réflexion collective sur l’un des en jeux identifiés par Michel Foucault dans ses écrits sur le pouvoir, à savoir : « comment déconnecter la croissance des capacités » – en l’espèce, les capacités associées aux « techniques de communication » – « et l’intensification des relations de pouvoir » ? / Taking contemporary debates on freedom of expression and privacy in the digital age as a starting point, this thesis revisits the history of the Internet at the intersection of legal history, political theory and history of science and technology. Through a long-time study of the clash between power and resistance strategies associated with communication technologies, it aims to contribute to the history of the public sphere and of digital activism. From the inception of the printing press on, the first part provides an overview of the forms of control of the public sphere developed under the modern state power, and of their extension under liberal-representative regimes (15th 21st century). In the second part, the study follows the antagonist utopias that shaped the development of computing technologies to explain the pro found ambivalence of their political appropriations, these technologies being construed both as an instrument of technocratic domination and a tool for emancipation (1930-1990). The third part analyses early controversies around the protection of civil rights online and the growth of digital activism, as the Internet becomes a locus of political struggles in a period marked by neoliberal globalization (1990-2001). Finally, the fourth part surveys recent Internet control measures adopted in the name of the "war on terror" and the repression of some segments of digital activism to illustrate the illiberal drift in state practices (2001-2017). The study thus aims to advance a collective thinking on one of the key questions identified by Michel Foucault in his writings on power: "How can the growth of capabilities" – and more specifically those brought about by "techniques of communication" – "be disconnected from the intensification of power relations?"

Em 1977, a Alfa-Omega, uma editora de oposição ao regime militar, publicou Em Câmara Lenta, de Renato Tapajós. Foi a primeira obra nacional, produzida por um escritor que atuou em um grupo da esquerda armada, a trazer uma reflexão crítica sobre as estratégias da guerrilha e a denunciar o emprego brutal da tortura pela repressão. O autor participara da Ala Vermelha, um agrupamento urbano de influência maoísta que empreendeu ações armadas, e por isso cumpriu pena de 1969 a 1974. Divulgado por todo o Brasil, o livro despertou a fúria de setores conservadores e levou a um episódio inusitado: em julho de 1977 Tapajós foi preso em São Paulo e ficou dez dias incomunicável, sob a acusação de que Em Câmara lenta era \"instrumento de guerra revolucionária\". Isso apesar de o livro não ter sido proibido e não ter, do ponto de vista legal, nenhum empecilho à sua circulação. Somente 15 dias depos da prisão de Tapajós, a obra foi censurada e sua venda, proibida. A partir das intricadas repercussões desse fato, o propósito principal deste trabalho é procurar demonstrar como a experiência da luta armada se transformou em narrativa literária. Para tanto, apresentamos um estudo sobre a história do livro, sobre os procedimentos empregados tanto na formação da culpa dirigida contra Renato Tapajós (com base em documentos do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social, DOPS, de São Paulo, produzidos durante a investigação policial) quanto os utilizados pela defesa do caso, bem como a respeito da recepção crítica e do teor testemunhal presente no romance / In 1977, Alfa-Omega, a publish house which opposes the Military Regime, published Em Câmara Lenta, by Renato Tapajós. It was the first book to analyze the leftist guerilla groups strategies and to denounce the brutality of the torture enforced by the military and the police against the activists of those groups. Tapajós had been a militant of Ala Vermelha, an urban Maoist guerilla group, and had been jailed from 1969 to 1974. Publicized all over the country, the book was furiously received by the conservative sectors of Brazilian society. In a surprising move, Tapajós was jailed in São Paulo in July of 1977 and stayed 10 days without any communication, under the accusation that Em Câmara Lenta was a \"tool of the revolutionary guerrilla\". Formally, the book was not forbidden and legally, there was no problem to publish and publicize it. Just after 15 days of Tapajós got the jail, the book was formally censured and it was made illegal to sell it. Taking in consideration the complex repercussions of this event, the initial aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate how the leftist guerrilla experience was transformed in a literary narrative. In order to do that, I present a study of this book history, the criminal procedures enforced against Renato Tapajós (using the documentation of the State Department of Political and Social Order, DOPS, the political police of São Paulo, produced during the police investigation) and in favor of him, as well as the testimonial narrative of the romance and its critical reception by the public and the specialists.

Orientador: Zélia Lopes da Silva / Banca: Maximiliano Martin Vicente / Banca: Sérgio Augusto Queiroz Norte / Banca: Rozinaldo Antonio Miani / Banca: Laura Antunes Maciel / Resumo: O período de censura militar sobre o Pasquim, entre seu lançamento, em 1969, até 1975, evidencia aspectos sobre a capacidade de produção intelectual no campo da imprensa alternativa passíveis de uma análise mais acurada. A formação de uma geração em torno do jornal, e em nome dele, ajudou a manutenção e a continuidade do semanário, mesmo com as diferentes formas de tentar acabar com sua circulação. Através de uma linha editorial humorística de representação do cotidiano daqueles anos, o Pasquim passou por três fases de censura durante o período: uma censura circunstancial, que coexiste com o início do jornal; uma censura prévia, feita por militares cariocas que censuravam o material jornalístico próximos aos redatores; e uma censura centralizada em Brasília, que visou prejudicar o processo de produção do jornal. Nesta tese, o Pasquim torna-se fonte e objeto de pesquisa. As trezentas primeiras capas representam o semanário como um todo: a geração que alimentava suas páginas e seu processo de produção; as entrevistas diferentes em formato, conteúdo e linguagem; as frases-editoriais, que definiam o jornal semanalmente; e as ilustrações, principalmente do ratinho-mascote, Sig. O discurso subjetivo, coloquial e humorístico do Pasquim, aliado aos documentos do governo Ernesto Geisel e reportagens da imprensa internacional sobre a censura ao jornal, evidenciam o jogo de ação e reação que se estabeleceu naqueles anos. Censurado desde seu início, o Pasquim persiste e resiste às pressões militares, evidenciando, em seu estilo e linguagem, os elementos de integração entre os novos grupos culturais ligados à geração de 60, e os elementos de repressão das variadas formas de censura ao semanário. / Abstract: The period of time military censorship over Pasquim, between its launch, in 1969, until 1975, highlights aspects about the intellectual production capacity on the alternative press field that are liable to an accurate analysis. The development of a generation around the newspaper, and after its name, helped the maintenance and the continuity of the weekly publication, besides the different forms of mining its circulation. Using a humoristic editorial guidance of representing the quotidian of those years, Pasquim overcame three phases of censorship during the period: a circumstantial censorship, that coexists with the beginning of the newspaper; a prior censorship, executed by militaries in Rio de Janeiro that censored the journalistic material close to the editorial staff; and a censorship centralized in Brasília, which aimed to damaged the newspaper production process. In this thesis, Pasquim becomes the source and the object of research. The first three hundred covers represent the weekly publication in its totality: the generation that feeded its pages and its production process; the innovative in format, content and language; the editorial sentences that defined the newspaper every week; and the illustrations, especially of Sig, the mascot mouse. The subjective, colloquial and humoristic discourse, allied to Ernesto Geisel's government documents and articles from the international press about the censorship over the newspaper, evidences the action and reaction dynamics established in those years. Censored from its beginning, Pasquim insists and resists the military pressures, evidencing, in its style and speech, the integrational elements among the new cultural groups connected to the 60's generation and the repression elements of the different forms of censorship over the weekly newspaper. / Doutor

Esta tese propõe-se a investigar os usos do livro na América Portuguesa, fazendo referências também a Portugal. Embora concentre-se nos anos compreendidos entre 1750 e 1822, para compreender as especificidades deste mesmo período, recua quando necessário ao século XVI. Primeiramente, apresenta um quadro das referências culturais e dos alvos de ataque da censura portuguesa e dos leitores no período do Reformismo Ilustrado: de um lado, as teorias corporativas de poder da Segunda Escolástica, os milenarismos e o anti-cientificismo e, de outro, a Ilustração e, ainda, as linhas gerais do Reformismo Ilustrado português, de Pombal ao Príncipe Regente D. João VI. Em segundo lugar, focaliza a atuação da censura e da Coroa em relação aos livros, isto é, os usos prescritos e interditados, avaliando os parâmetros censórios e suas modificações sob o Reformismo Ilustrado; acompanhando as práticas de controle e, inversamente, de difusão que afetaram a circulação e a posse de livros; e, ainda, examinando as concessões de licença para a leitura de livros proibidos. Por fim, aborda os usos do livro no mundo luso-brasileiro, através da análise da distribuição da posse de livros e da composição das bibliotecas; depois, da identificação das concepções de uso formuladas pelos próprios leitores; e, em seguida, examinando as práticas de leitura que acompanharam a formulação de proposições heréticas e, de forma mais particularizada, a Conjuração de Minas Gerais, avaliando os pesos respectivos da influência das Luzes e de outras referências culturais. / This thesis proposes a research about the uses of books in Portuguese-America with reference to Portugal also. Although it concentrates in the years between 1750 and 1822, it goes back to the sixteenth Century to understand particular characteristics of the later period. Firstly, it presents a series of cultural references and some practices of the Portuguese censorship with readers during the period of the Enlightened Reformism. On one hand, there were the corporate theories of power from the Second Scholastic, the millennium beliefs and the anti-scientificism, and, on the other hand, the Enlightenment and the main characteristics of the Portuguese Enlightened Reformism, since the rule of marquis of Pombal until that of the Regent Prince D. João VI. Secondly, it focuses on the practices censorship and the Crown in relation to books - that is, the prescribed and prohibited use which evaluated the parameters that established censorship and their modifications under the Enlightened Reformism. Also it accompanies the controlling practices and the diffusion practices that affected the circulation and the possession of books and examines the concession of licenses for the reading of prohibited books. Finally, it incorporates the uses of books in the Portuguese-Brazilian world through, the analysis, lastly, of the distribution of the possession of books and the composition of libraries and the conceptions identified and formulated by the readers themselves. Concluding, the practices that accompanied the formulation of heretic proposals and the Inconfidência Mineira are examined and specifically the different influences of the Enlightenment and other cultural influences.

O objetivo dessa tese é investigar de que maneira Little Caesar (Mervyn Leroy, 1931) e Force of Evil (Abraham Polonsky, 1947) registram, dentro do gênero gângster, questões como a Depressão na década de 1930, e o macarthismo na década de 1940, ao mesmo tempo em que estabelecem homologias estruturais entre o crime organizado e o mundo dos negócios. Tais questões surgem nesses dois filmes por força da matéria histórica envolvida nas condições de produção. Nossa tese é de que os filmes configuram, em diferentes medidas, estratégias de representação da matéria histórica apesar das tentativas de seu apagamento, como a censura e o macarthismo. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze how Little Caesar (Mervyn Leroy, 1931) and Force of Evil (Abraham Polonsky, 1947) portray, in the gangster genre, historically relevant questions such as the Great Depression in the 1930s and McCarthyism in the 1940s, while establishing structural homologies between organized crime and the business world. These themes arise in both films due to the strength of the historical substance implicated in the conditions of production. Our thesis is that these films depict, in different proportions, strategies of representation of the historical substance in spite of attempts to suppress it, such as censorship and McCarthyism.

The dissertation examines the field of popular magazines in 1930s Italy, by first examining the broad field of magazine production under Fascism and then undertaking three case studies of individual magazines - L'Avventuroso (1934 - 1943), Omnibus (1937 - 1939), and Grazia (1938 -) - in order to build an in-depth analysis of the production, format and reception of the popular press in this period. In the interwar years, and in particular from 1934 onwards, innovative printing techniques and production methods transformed the periodical press worldwide. The emergence of new forms of illustrated magazines expanded the readership and started a process of standardisation and mass production of periodicals. The dissemination in Italy of the rotocalco, a new product aimed at the masses that was developed in the 1930s, offers a particularly interesting starting point for analysing the development of a modern Italian mass press and culture within the peculiar dynamics of a controlling Fascist regime and the mixed national and international forces that shaped it. Modern Italian magazines developed in dialogue with foreign industries, imitating models from abroad and adapting them to the Italian culture. The development of popular press in the 1930s represented a challenge for the Fascist regime, which approached it both as a threat and an opportunity to shape Italian popular culture. Through the analysis of three case studies, each from a key sector of popular press - comics, general cultural magazines, and women's magazines - and each produced by one of the three main publishing companies in the field - Nerbini, Rizzoli, and Mondadori - the dissertation aims to provide a detailed picture of the development of mass print culture in Italy during Fascism. The analysis provides examples of the impact of and cracks in Fascist censorship and cultural autarchy on the periodical press and argues that the Italian popular press developed in dialogue with European and American culture, which influenced both the form and content of rotocalchi, reinterpreting and adapting these models to Italian standards and to the constrictions of Fascist control.

La censure de la musique existe depuis l’antiquité. Aristote et Platon ont rappelé le danger de la mimesis musicale et sa valeur morale a été largement discutée par les Pères de l’église, mais le débat est également enflammé à l’époque moderne, lorsque l’on trouve deux tendances fondamentales sur les fronts catholiques et réformés : d’un côté le rôle central de la musique pour la liturgie, de l’autre le contrôle des autorités ecclésiastiques à tous les aspects de la vie des fidèles (la religion, les lectures, les croyances magiques, les habitudes alimentaires et sexuelles, et toutes les formes de sociabilité desquelles la musique est l’ingrédient essentiel). Un examen des sources peut montrer qu’aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, le domaine dans lequel on trouve une formulation claire et des réponses à cette problématique n’est pas l’humanisme laïque. Les intérêts des humanistes se concentrent sur la reconstruction d’une grammaire des affects qui est un alibi pour l’émancipation de la musique moderne, la seconda pratiqua, et la capacité de la musique à provoquer les affects importe davantage que sa faculté à leur imposer une limite. C’est dans le terrain de la théologie et de la casuistique qu’on discute l’aspect éthique de la question. Le concile de Trente (1564) et les édits diocésains condamnent le chromatisme, la messe parodie et l’utilisation des répertoires musicaux profanes dans la liturgie. La censure de la Congrégation de l’Index et du Saint Office s’étend à toutes les pratiques de communication populaire écrites et orales, et notamment au pétrarquisme. De Savonarole à Descartes, toutes les tentatives de déterminer la valeur affective des éléments de la composition supposent un diagnostic sur les facultés de l’âme et sur ses opérations lors de la fascination. La grammaire polyphonique peut modifier par ses tressages sonores le rapport entre le texte et la mélodie, détourner l’attention et conduire l’auditeur à une transgression émotionnelle (altérité, alienatio, excessus mentis). Étant donnée la corruption de la nature humaine, l’abandon au plaisir de la mélodie constitue un désordre coupable, sans commune mesure avec la musique qui pouvait bercer l’âme harmonieuse du premier homme. Reste, comme remède, la grâce sanctifiante du texte révélé des psaumes, à utiliser comme frein modérateur pour tempérer la puissance émotive de la musique. / Is it possible to censure music? This question may sound rather extravagant, and this is perhaps why music is often overlooked in studies on ecclesiastical censorship in the early modern period, for it would seem that its very essence is incompatible with any form of control. In fact, the huge transformation the Catholic Church had to face, between the sixteenth and the seventeenth century, had a big impact on the music scene. Unavoidably, music was involved in the disputes between Catholics and Protestants as essential liturgical element. The musicologists have mainly studied the Council of Trent action, which seemed to be animated by the desire to remove the secular textual and melodic components from the church repertory. Therefore, Rome became the main center of production for sacred and spiritual music used in celebrations, devotional practices and also in teaching catechism. The case of the Society of Jesus is exemplar: music represent a powerful means of education in college programs, and a strategic tool in the catechesis work. To the enhancement of spiritual genres corresponds as well the will of ‘suppress’ the profane repertories. This is well documented during the age of Counter Reformation, by the variety of cases of ‘‘travestimento’’ which invest canzonette and madrigals. This attitude was also proved by some of the measures the ecclesiastical censure adopted against the vocal production since the seventies of the sixteenth century. In ancient Greek musical theory, harmony was seen as being endowed with a natural virtue capable of altering the rational faculties of the listener’s soul, to the extent of depriving that person of his freedom. The many ethical implications of this classical axiom featured in early modern theological debates. My thesis tries to provide a first answer to these questions by studying the conciliar decrees, the documents of the Index Congregation, the treatises on music and the manuals on demonology. These sources reveal musical censorship did not only involve zealous inquisitors battling with some licentious musician, but also the language of worship and the circulation of prohibited knowledge, which included dangers in the form of sounds that went beyond erotic seduction.