In the 1940s, Sweden adopted a policy known as Det fria kriget (approximately translated to The Free War) which was a conceptualization of a war in which its homeland had suffered a major invasion by a malignant and far stronger opponent. Det fria kriget remains, to this day, mostly a set of instructions outlining how the military were to reorganize itself, at that point, to uphold the nations military resilience. This paper compares, contrasts, and discusses established conceptualizations of guerrilla warfare along the traditions of Sun Tzu, Lenin, Mao, and Che Guevara and concludes that Det fria kriget is in fact a conceptualization of Swedish guerrilla warfare. This paper calls to action a deeper understanding of the tradition and how it might have changed up until today, if it is to serve the nation’s interests come tomorrow as well.

Submitted by Irvana Coutinho (irvana@ufpa.br) on 2013-09-20T13:40:10Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_HistoriaCidadeCompondo.pdf: 1938811 bytes, checksum: e34122536fd55026e6ea9dbae82ed403 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva(arosa@ufpa.br) on 2013-09-30T14:46:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_HistoriaCidadeCompondo.pdf: 1938811 bytes, checksum: e34122536fd55026e6ea9dbae82ed403 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-09-30T14:46:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_HistoriaCidadeCompondo.pdf: 1938811 bytes, checksum: e34122536fd55026e6ea9dbae82ed403 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Trata da gestação de uma ocupação urbana no município de Marituba-Pará, hoje bairro Che Guevara, levando em conta, principalmente, noções de tempo, estratégias e representações dos sujeitos que compuseram relações sociais em um novo lugar de moradia. Neste sentido, a ideia é trilhar um percurso entre o individual e o coletivo no que se refere aos significados do morar e como esses significados interferem na construção das relações sociais do lugar de convivência com outros sujeitos. Apesar da difícil definição das fronteiras entre a História e a Antropologia, a ideia de construção do lugar de moradias remete a um debate em torno do tempo histórico, aqui concebido como o que busca sistematizar um enredo com base em uma diversidade de informações de diferentes documentos escritos e orais e, também, o antropológico, ao considerar a diversidade de formas de apresentação do tempo descrito pelos sujeitos envolvidos na trama. A pluralidade de versões sobre a construção de um ambiente urbano na Amazônia considera as narrativas que as memórias dos sujeitos oferecem. / The pregnancy of an urban occupation in the city of Marituba-PA, today neighborhood Che Guevara, taking into account, mainly, notions of time, strategies and representations of the subjects that composition social relations into a new place of residence. In this sense, the idea is along a route between the individual and the collective regarding the meanings of living and how those meanings interfere in the construction of social relations of the place of coexistence with other subjects. Despite the difficult definition of the borders between the History and Anthropology, the idea of building the place of housing refers to a debate on the long history here that the search designed as a systematic plot based on a variety of information from many written documents and oral and also the anthropological, in considering the diversity of forms of submission of the time described by subjects involved in the plot. A plurality of versions on the construction of an urban environment in the Amazon takes into account the narratives that the memories of the subjects offered.

Insurgency is considered to be the principal form of conflict in the world today. Since the end of WWII, large-scale conventional war between states has been minimal. In Iraq, a band of insurgents are attempting to defy the strongest power in the world. This insurgency in Iraq may be the beginning of a new phenomenon of insurgency conflict. This thesis argues that the Iraqi insurgency has no center of gravity, with no clear apparent leader or leadership. As seen in other examples of insurgency throughout history, no leadership has emerged in response to any of the conditions present in Iraq. There is no attempt to seize and actually hold territory, and no single, defined, or unifying ideology. Most important, through the research of this project, there has been no identifiable insurgent organization. It is true that there are multiple organizations involved, such as Al Qa’ida and Al Ansar, but there is no clear indication of any cohesion in the insurgency. This insurgency involves small groups who communicate, coordinate, and conduct their campaigns without a precise central command. The command and control is a very loose environment where individuals gravitate toward one another to carry out armed attacks, exchange intelligence, trade weapons, and then disperse at times never to operate together again. The immediate goal of the insurgency in Iraq is to disrupt the political process and drive US forces out of Iraq. However, each element of the insurgency is also driven by its own unique motivations. No matter the differences, they fight together for a common cause. Their strategy is to seize power by draining the Coalition financially and winning popular support through coercion and fear. Their resources may be unlimited, and with support coming in from all corners of the earth, they may be unstoppable. The future will determine whether or not the insurgency in Iraq is a new type of insurgency. If the Iraqi example fails to spread to other countries, then it can be said that the insurgency in Iraq was a phenomenon unique only to Iraq and its conditions.

This dissertation explores the central paradox of Mexico's foreign relations with Cuba and the United States in the decade following the Cuban Revolution--why did a government that cooperated with the CIA and practiced conservative domestic policies defend Castro's communist regime? It uses new sources to prove that historians' previous focus on the foreign and ideological influences on Mexico's relations with Cuba was misplaced, and that the most important factor was fear of the domestic Left. It argues that Mexican leaders capitalized upon their country's "special relationship" with Castro as part of their efforts to maintain control over restive leftist sectors of the Mexican population. This project uses new sources to illuminate how perceptions of threat shaped Mexico's foreign and domestic politics. In 2002, the Mexican government declassified the records of the two most important intelligence organizations--the Department of Federal Security and the Department of Political and Social Investigations. The files contain the information that Mexico's presidents received about potential dangers to their regime. They reveal that Mexican leaders overestimated the centralization, organization, and coordination of leftist groups, and in so doing gave them more influence over policy than their actual numbers or resources logically should have afforded. The dissertation uses the concept of threat perception as an analytic and organizational tool. Each chapter considers a different potential source of danger to the Mexican regime in the context of the Cold War and the country's relations with Cuba. For the sake of clarity, it breaks the threats into the categories of individual, national, and international, even though these subjective categories may blend into one another throughout the course of the analysis. The first chapter begins with an individual threat: Lázaro Cárdenas, a powerful former president who became one of Fidel Castro's most dedicated supporters. The next three chapters analyze threats on the national level by looking at the domestic groups that Mexican leaders perceived to be the greatest dangers to their regime. The final two chapters move to the international level and examine the roles of Cuba and the United States. As a whole, this study of the connections between Mexico's foreign and domestic politics makes a significant and timely contribution to the historiographies of modern Mexico, U.S.-Latin American relations, and the Cold War. / text

Denna uppsats undersöker hur samma historiska händelse kan ha olika betydelser i film. Idag är människor mer benägna att se en film om en historisk händelse än att läsa en historiebok, och detta innebär att vi måste lära oss att förstå de konventioner som används för att placera historia på film. Historiefilmen kan sägas besitta en palimpsestisk historiskt medvetenhet där lager av fakta och myt smälter samman, hellre än att skiljas åt. Men för att en historisk händelse ska passa in i filmens tidsram måste den bearbetas och detta resulterar i att vissa människor, händelser och rörelser prioriteras, medan andra utesluts. Därför undersöker denna uppsats vad som lagts till / uteslutits och effekterna på sammanhanget och trovärdighet, hur filmen hävdar sin autenticitet, och hur upphovsmannen påverkar trovärdigheten. Analysresultaten av två filmer om den kubanska revolutionen, visar att beroende på vilken del av den historisk händelsen som skildras, skapar filmerna helt olika berättelser med olika budskap. Medan filmen Che-Argentinaren (2008) fungerar som en hyllning av gerillanledaren Che Guevara som Kubas frälsare, visar en vänsterideologi och uttrycker USA förakt, skildrar däremot den andra filmen The Lost City (2005) revolutionens baksida. Den visar en högerideologi, familjevärderingar och USA som frihetens och drömmarnas land. Båda filmerna använder sig av liknande stilistiska strategier för att uppnå illusionen av autenticitet, och filmernas upphovsmän påverkar filmernas trovärdighet i olika grad. Vad jag i uppsatsen till sist menar är att historiefilmen inte bör tas som sanning, utan har en viktig roll som intresseväckare, som förhoppningsvis leder till att åskådaren blir intresserad av att söka sig mer kunskap. / This paper examines how the same historical event can have different meanings in films. Today people are more likely to watch a film about a historical event than to read a history book, and this means that we must learn and understand the conventions used to place history on film. The history film can be said to possess a palimpsetic historical consciousness in which layers of fact and myth come together rather than be separated. But for a historical event to fit within the film's time frame, it must be processed and this results in that certain people, events and movements are given priority, while others are excluded. Therefore, this paper studies what has been added/excluded and the effects on the context and credibility,how the film claims its authenticity, and how the author/filmmakers affects the credibility. The results of the analysis of two films about the Cuban revolution, shows that depending on which part of the historical event depicted, the films create entirely different stories with very different message. While the film Che-Part One (2008) serves as a celebration of the guerrilla fighter Che Guevara as Cuba's savior, according to a leftist ideology and the film is expressing U.S. disdain, the other film The Lost City (2005) however, portrays the revolutions backside, it shows a right-wing ideology, family values and the U.S. as the land of freedom and dreams. Both films use similar stylistic strategies to achieve illusion of authenticity, and the films' creators affect the films credibility in different amounts. What I finally conclude, is that the history film should not be considered as truth, but serve to arouse interest, which will hopefully lead the spectator to seek more knowledge about the historical event.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.