The coronavirus pandemic has thoroughly tested the Swedish crisis management system. It has affected and involved a large number of actors, across sectors and levels of government. Scholars of crisis management have long been interested in different forms of collaboration between actors. This large-scale crisis provides an opportunity to enhance our understanding of collaborative crisis management and to help us better deal with crisis in the future. This study aims to further enhance our understanding of collaboration in crisis management through the lens of a cen- tral actor in the Swedish crisis management system: the county administrative boards (länsstyrelserna). This study focuses on regional crisis management, where the county administrative boards play a central role, and aims to describe the con- text in which the actors operate and identify potential collaboration risks. This is being done through the application of the Institutional Collective Action Frame- work (ICA), which has been developed to identify and address collective action problems that may occur due to fragmented responsibility. Through a qualitative interview study this thesis has highlighted the complex nature of a large-scale crisis and the collaboration risks that follows. The main finding of this study is that the risk of coordination problems increases when a large-scale crisis involves a larger number of actors. Risks of incoordination are manifested in parallel communication channels and parallel networks, that if not identified and managed risks to short- circuit the ordinary collaborative structures in place. Some of the findings in the study may also be of interest for further studies.

Due to a changing situation around the world, Sweden like many other countries has chosen to rebuild their armed forces and prioritize their defensive capabilities. On behalf of the government, around thirty authorities that are responsible for surveillance need to grow in parallel. Within these organization’s the employees are one of the most important components. A large number of these employees have been or will be deployed to a wartime placement to prepare them to join the service if an event occurs where they are needed to defend the country. The question is what happens to those who have two societal jobs when it is only possible to have one wartime placement? For example, someone could be a part-time fireman who is also a preschool teacher, an official at the county administrative board who has previously done military service or as in this thesis; a reserve officer who also works as a police officer. The statement from the government to each authority is that if uncertainty arises about where a person should be stationed at war, the authorities shall cooperate. In a case study of the collaborative governance management model, this study intends to investigate the collaboration that has taken place in connection with war placements containing conflicts of interest. The empirical data has been collected through in-depth interviews from the Swedish Armed Forces, the Police and the Duty and Trials Agency, and argues that collaboration is made, that certain ambiguities apply in which management levels collaboration is or should be carried out. Success with collaborative governance can be explained on the basis of seven different categories, and the respondents to this survey emphasize certain categories are more important than others for successful collaboration. Collaboration is considered to be essential and is a well-functioning management method for solving complex problems. The main criticism presented is that collaboration should be implemented earlier, at a different management level or to a greater extent. Success factors for the collaboration that is carried out are that the Police and the Armed Forces have a similar organizational structure, in other contexts joint activities carried out and above all that the authorities share a common goal with the collaboration; to build a strong Total Defense together.

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Many scholars and practitioners consider culture an essential ingredient of sustainability that is often underrepresented in the mainstream discourse on sustainability. However, in the last decade, the idea of culture as an agent of transformation capable of driving urban sustainability has gained momentum. New movements for urban sustainability tend to focus on the socio-spatial benefits and try to improve and activate the public realm by fostering socially innovative cultural practices as strategies for urban regeneration to create open, accessible, engaging public spaces for collective uses and cultural production. In many European cities, local authorities, civil representatives and citizens are experimenting with cultural production in the public sphere, driven by co-creation and governed collaboratively. As the public, private, and citizen spheres become more interlinked, the governments and urban and cultural actors are mobilising large networks to support organisations, collectives, grassroots movements, innovation labs, cultural innovators, and community representatives of marginalised groups to co-create and co-govern the city. This thesis investigates the different mobilisations of socially innovative governance arrangements for cultural practices that enhance urban sustainability and how these governance arrangements are being organised. To this aim, cultural governance forms the theoretical underpinning and several cultural practices in Berlin are analysed. Analysis of documents and semi-structured interviews were conducted, providing comprehensive results.  Findings revealed the various interactions between actors and sectors, the motivation and context behind the practices, and the kind of sustainable cultural practice they want to pursue. A dynamic range of mobilisations can be found within Berlin, where some were driven by activism or solidarity, and others were self-driven. Some were top-down arrangements, some self-organised, and others were bottom-up or grassroots which the government later adopted. Irrespective of how and why they were initiated, they are all underpinned by the aim of collaboration- both as co-production of the cultural practices and the governance of such practices. Furthermore, several common themes concerning cultural governance, such as the central role of the government, multiscalar collaborations, networks, and the cultural discourse, emerged as key aspects to consider for mobilisations for cultural governance.  Furthermore, the investigation also presents key aspects to consider when mobilising cultural practices. Finally, the authors call for further research and empirical evidence regarding the different aspects of CG to further its theoretical and practical advancements in cultural governance.

How people in a city should be governed has been discussed since ancient philosophy. The complexity of today's society can no longer be govern without the co-operations of actors. In recent years the shift from government to governance has created new governance spaces. These spaces in which citizens are invited by the state open up opportunities for actors in communities to participate. But at the same time, research on community-focused initiatives suggests that these spaces are created and defined by the state and therefore have little room for citizens to influence over revitalize plans of their areas. This thesis investigates a new tool and approach in the governance of urban development, which includes networks of actors and citizens' involvement, to see results of citizens' participation in the partnership and case BID Sofielund. The thesis wants to find out whether BID Sofielund allows the residents to have any influence, focusing on the network's professional actors views of citizens participation. To answer the study's research aim, the theoretical framework is largely based on a model called “Arnstein's ladder”, that describes gradations of citizen participation. The theory about citizen participation in the context of power and powerlessness between authorities and citizens helps us to understand what levels of participation there are in the BID model. BID Sofielund is an example of a challenge in urban development when it explains that it wants to involve all parties in the process. BID is committed to give the community greater influence over policy making. However, the case study enables us to identify that there is a consultancy model in BID Sofielund according to Arnstein's ladder. It concludes that current policies in the BID model will need to address a number of important obstacles to community involvement in order to find ways of reconciling BIDs intention to give local people greater influence. The findings of this research, however, show that residents through the BID process can be able to influence and it indicates that it may be an opening for the residents to gain more power and "climbing on the ladder".

自1980年代以來，政府能力減弱導致治理的困境，需要引進其他部門的力量以持續公共服務之提供，「公私協力夥伴關係」理論應運而生，「協力治理」成為政府在新時代提供公共服務的重要方法。協力治理是一套建立在行為者之間網絡互動的治理體系，雙方共享合作夥伴關係產出的利益，但是新的治理模式也會帶來新的困境；地方異質性導致國家在治理上的困境，進而轉向倚賴社區與地方政府間協力推行政策。當旨在解決政府失靈問題的協力治理都出現侷限時，透過協力網絡所提供的公共服務要如何持續推行？本研究探討公私部門之間的協力合作與衝突，透過相關公共行政理論之討論，以「新北市土城桐花節」與「新北市三峽藍染節」為個案，分析我國地方層級文化節慶活動辦理過程的協力治理，以期為既有體制下運作出現失靈僵局的公私協力關係提出解決問題的參考。本研究以協力治理理論為分析架構，透過深度訪談與次級文獻分析嘗試回答下列問題：本研究兩個案例中公私協力運作過程為何？遭遇什麼樣的困境？當協力面臨失靈時行為者如何面對困境使協力成功或至少不致失敗？研究結果發現，公私部門的合作關係若僅止於契約委外，則協力傾向出現不穩定甚至失靈；若公私部門調整他們對協力治理的態度，亦即公部門確實扮演其領航角色，與地方團體對協力過程具共同的承諾與相近的目標、且積極參與協力過程，便可使出現困境的協力不致徹底失敗。 / Since the 1980s, governments around the world have suffered from weakened governing capacities. The idea of “public-private-partnership (PPP)” was thus proposed, hoping to help sustain public services. Central to the PPP is the concept of “collaborative governance,” which has become an important method for government to deliver public services. It is a governance system based on network built among actors who share the benefit generating from the partnership or collaboration. However, this new governance model faces challenges caused by local differences. State then turns to depend on collaborative governance between local government and community. Drawing upon major public administration theories, this study seeks to answer the question as to how could public services sustain when the collaborative governance fails. It is done so through examining the cooperation and conflict between public and private sectors, with Sanxia “Indigo Festival” and Tucheng “Tung Blossom Festival” in New Taipei City as cases. In-depth interviews and secondary literature analysis are adopted for this study. It is found from both cases that if the PPP is merely contract-based, it tends to be instable or even fail. If actors in both public and private sectors take collaborative governance seriously and commit to long-term collaborative relationship, the PPP tends to be stable and sustainable. It is also found that whether public sector can play a proper role of pilot in the collaborative relationship appears to be the key to success.

面對全球氣候急遽變遷的挑戰下，各國政府對於環境治理議題高度的重視與 關切。在1992年京都議定書制定後，國家透過彼此的規範制約，期望可減少二 氧化碳的排放與環境的破壞。然而，正式權威途徑的執行，對於經濟發展與環境 永續的趨避衝突，卻不見預期效益。爾後，森林認證概念倡議後，希冀以市場途 徑作為國際規範，進入各國的創新管道。而第一個透過非政府組織建立的FSC體系，在2001年經由WWF進入中國大陸推展認證項目。只是，西方的運作思維與原則框架，在中國大陸終究遭遇到體制與管理上的困境。2008年後，中國大陸政府除了主導國家體系CFCC外，也與PEFC在2014年正式達成互認的成果。本研究試圖從政策改變前與後，以兩個階段分析行動者協力合作的情況，網 絡互動與體系採用的擴散情況。 研究結果分為兩個部分，首先就問卷統計數據來看協力與體系採用的相關性。對於FSC而言，治理與規範性是行動者選擇採用與否的重要因素。也就是行動者選擇FSC是因為重視認證資源的獲取、非正式關係的信任度與公開透明的正式溝通管道。而對於PEFC而言，治理因素同樣重要，而受到行動者支持的是相互性因數。傘型認證體制的特性，共同分享資訊、資源，使得政策場域中的行動者支持 PEFC。然而，對於CFCC而言並沒有太大的差異性。而在協力與網絡互動的分析上，自主性成為影響的因數。代表政策場域中的行動者，重視管理協調與主導政策制定討論的過程。 第二，對於擴散因數與體系採用的相關檢定。對FSC而言，社會化是重要 的關鍵。政策制定行動者考慮的是體系鄰近性、市場偏好、企業喜好與國際組織 的支持。而採用CFCC的行動者，同樣認為社會化重要。表示，利益方瞭解這是一個市場遊戲，而CFCC得到PEFC的互認後，對國家體系保持肯定態度。然而，競爭因素與採用CFCC也具有顯著性。表示行動者瞭解在中國大陸，政府透過管制帶來的競爭情勢，因此選擇了CFCC體系。 第三，就社會網絡分析數據分析，來看組織協力與體系採用關係。以程度中 心性來看，在資源與專業知識面向，皆是從國際組織轉向政府部門。在影響力層 面，國際組織甚至在第二階段便消失。而正式途徑的合作，以政府及國際組織為 兩大群體。但在第二階段，政府集中性更高，而國際組織則愈趨降低。包括在信 任度上，國際非政府組織也是下降的情況。在結構洞分析方面，第一階段的資源 掮客是一個多元組織的分佈，到的第二階段則單一化，國際體系成為傳達訊息的 角色。在影響力方面，第二階段主要是政府的角色成為掮客，而國際組織傳達影 響力的功能消失。而在信度度方面，第二階段發現國際非政府組織與企業，反而 更突顯他們在非正式關係網絡中的掮客位置。影響信任網絡的因素，分析發現政 策制定過程的資訊分享是關鍵原因。 本論文認為國際規範不僅建立在行動者的合作上，更需要結合地方組織，透 過社區力量建立由下而上的互動網絡。尤其第一階段，中國大陸需要藉由國際力 量，協助國內政策制定。因此，給予行動一個大鳴大放的空間與環境。第二階段， 受到協商過程的困境，而形成權力收回的情況。再者，中國大陸對於非政治敏感 議題，並非完全恪守政治命令而行，來決定政策發展的方向。相反的，政府可相 對釋出部分的自主性給國際組織。然而，當遭遇話語權問題時，便會透過管制途 徑收回權力，是一種「妥協式的管制協力」。而擴散的效應則是源於政策場域中， 行動者對於政策的學習與社會化而成。本研究透過微觀的實證資料，對中國大陸 協力、擴散與網絡互動研究有興趣的學者，提供另一個角度的解釋。總結來說， 國際規範透過非政府組織的「非正式途徑」，從國外帶入國內，並同時垂直向上 與向下影響中央政府的決策，及提升草根的公民力量。以中國大陸經驗反思國際 政策治理理論，重構對於開發中國家的「迴力鏢效應 2.0」模式。 / While facing the challenge of global climate change, each country puts much emphasis on environmental governance issues urgently. Since the Kyoto Protocol declared in 1992, the effective approach to resolve environmental crisis aims to regulate environmental standards and reduce emission of carbon dioxide through various air, forest and water management. However, the management efficiency is not obvious to enhance the sustainable target by formal authorities because of the conflict of economic development and environmental sustainability. The forest certification mechanism is an innovative business strategy to implement international norms into domestic governance. Particularly, FSC is successfully getting into China to develop systems through the strong support from international organizations and enterprises. On the other hand, FSC also confronted many obstacles in regulatory institution and management difficulties from Chinese registration and standard laws. Meanwhile, Chinese governments dominated in national system (CFCC) which had recognized with PEFC in 2014. This research analysis focused on the development of collaboration, network interaction and system adoption in two stages of policy change. First, the statistical findings show that norm and governance factors are significant to actors in adoption of FSC which means that the policy makers emphasize on the resource, informal trust relationships and transparent formal communication. Also, governance is important to actors to adopt PEFC systems. Another influential factor is mutuality that actors prefer the umbrella mechanism of PEFC to share information and resources with more flexible institutions. Otherwise, the correlation of interval variable of collaboration and network interaction, the analysis shows that autonomy is the influential factor to affect the collaborative relationships among actors in policy domain. On the other side, the interactive relationship is not significantly correlated to system adoption and diffusion. Second, about the results of diffusion and system adoption, socialization is a crucial element to support FSC because of system approximation, market preferences and INGO support. To CFCC adopters, socialization is also a significant factor to them which means that they understand the certification system is a global market game. After CFCC recognized with PEFC, policy-domain actors approve CFCC. Meanwhile, competition is a considerable dimension to actors by regulatory approach by central governments. Finally, based on network analysis of centrality, the high-central actors transformed to governmental actors from international NGOs in the second stage. Meanwhile, INGOs disappeared in influential factor. As for formal collaborative relationship, the public sectors and INGOs are two main groups. However, the public sectors are more central, but INGO are more peripheral. Also, the trust centrality of INGOs descends since CFCC and PEFC recognized. Of the structural-constraint analysis, the resource brokers are multiple in the first stage, but more homogeneous to public sector then. In policy-influence dimension, the governmental organizations are still main brokers in the second stage, and INGOs disappeared. The trust brokers are INGO and private sectors that highlight their informal relationships in the broker network. The Chinese governments release the approach of “airing views freely” to INGOs and multinational corporations in the first stage, and take back the autonomous right in second one because of “political baselines”. In conclusion, this research argues that collaborative governance not only requires the legitimacy of international norms and rules implemented to domestic markets, but also integrates more local actors in policy-making process to enhance the efficiency. Chinese governmental actors are willing to cooperate with others by releasing more power and autonomy. However, they also take back the power while they lose the power of discourse which means that it is “negotiable regulation and collaboration”. Moreover, the research results reform the “Boomerang Effect 2.0” to rethink about another vertical effect of INGOs power bringing into domestic central governments and local civil society.

珊瑚礁位處熱帶海洋的赤道附近。台灣島被北回歸線分為南與北，為理想的珊瑚礁棲息地。然而，台灣珊瑚礁的保育地位和現代威脅，特別缺乏國際出版的科學研究和數據；加上社會缺乏保護珊瑚礁和沿海資源的必要認識，讓「台灣是海鮮國家，而不是海洋國家」的錯誤認知持續阻礙了保育工作。因此，本文通過文獻回顧和訪問利益相關者，來理解包括政府機構，學者和在地社區成員間的珊瑚礁論述。結果發現，政府機構和在地社區之間的深度不信任使得海洋保護工作複雜化，加上滿足短期利益往往犧牲環境整體資源。然而，通過實施沿海綜合管理計劃(ICZMP)可能為解決方案，在所有利益攸關的共議合作中，確保保育海岸和健康珊瑚礁的諸多可持續利益。 / The majority of the coral reefs are located in the tropical oceans between the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, with a particularly high concentration near the equator. The Tropic of Cancer runs through the center of Taiwan, dividing the island into tropical and subtropical climate zones in the South and North, respectively, and creating an ideal habitat for the coral reef ecosystem. Yet, there is an insufficient amount of scientific research and data regarding the status of and threats to Taiwan’s coral reefs, especially in English-language publications. There furthermore exists a lack of awareness of the need to protect the reefs and coastal resources, with the widespread mentality that ‘Taiwan is a seafood country, not an ocean country’ hindering conservation efforts. Strife at the political level, in part a result of Taiwan’s unique historical events, translate into legislative and economic priority given elsewhere. This paper thus aims to realign this information asymmetry through intensive literature reviews and interviews with key stakeholders, including governmental institutions, scholars, and members of indigenous communities. Results show that deep mistrust and miscommunication between governmental institutions and the indigenous communities complicate marine conservation efforts. Satisfying short-term dominant interests frequently comes at the expense of environmental progress, a phenomenon that does not seem to substantially change with the election cycles. Nevertheless, progress has been made through such measures as the implementation of the Integrated Coastal Zone Management Plan. However, persistent issues such as improper enforcement of laws, prioritization of immediate economic gains over long-term ecological concerns, opposition from interest groups, and a lack of incentives and awareness at all levels to protect coastal regions continue to impede effective coral reef and coastal management. Overall, despite the monumental challenges set before marine conservation, the solution lies within a unified collaboration of all the stakeholders determined to protect and cultivate the many benefits of a sustainably managed coast and healthy coral reefs.

When Canada took on the leadership role of the Kandahar Provincial Reconstruction Team (K-PRT) in Afghanistan, the liberation of women and children via multi-departmental collaboration was promoted by the government as a critical goal of the operation. Research from the fields of public administration, international development, and critical security studies hypothesizes that collaborative approaches to governance, particularly in fragile states, ensures that greater resources are available to address human rights issues, including gender equality. It is therefore surprising that the gendered implications of Canada’s collaborative governance commitments within the K-PRT have not been deeply explored. Through a feminist frame analysis, informed by critical and post-structural feminist theory, this dissertation asks whether the Canadian collaborative approach permits more attention to be paid to policy and programming on gender equality. Framing the case of the K-PRT from a feminist perspective, this dissertation identifies the hegemony of masculinity within the policy context that guided the Canadian collaborative approaches in Kandahar, highlighting how international guidelines for collaboration legitimized the leadership of the military and instrumentalized gender for militarized purposes. It also exposes the masculine structure of the K-PRT, identifying how the design of the PRT favoured the might of the military, and presented the exceptionalism of women as the only marker of gender. Finally, this dissertation highlights the narrative of masculinity that is threaded throughout the K-PRT, working to normalize the militarization of civilian departments and actors implicated within the Canadian collaborative approach. The application of a gender lens to the case of the K-PRT reveals the necessity of feminist analysis of collaborative approaches, as these are increasingly being seen as best practices for addressing state fragility worldwide.

Public-private partnerships in emergency management are widely encouraged in the academic literature, yet the government of the United States Virgin Islands (USVI) tends to view collaboration from the private sector as an impediment to good policy. This occurs in spite of the island nation's geography that makes it susceptible to natural and human caused disasters. The purpose of this correlational study was to use public choice theory to explore, from the perspective of potential private sector collaborators, whether sufficient support exists in the private sector to support the USVI government in emergency management efforts. A modified version of the Mulhearn Sustainability and Community Collaboration Survey was distributed to business owners (n = 156). These data were used to determine whether a statistically significant relationship between USVI preparedness and collaborative governance exists. The results of the linear regression were significant, (p < .001) and suggest private sector company owners believe that collaborative governance can increase USVI preparedness. The recommendation is that the USVI government and the Virgin Islands Territorial Emergency Management Agency involve the private sector in the planning, operations, and logistics of emergency management to prepare for any emergency such as natural disaster or terrorist action. The positive social change implication is based on the recommendation to the USVI government that the private sector be more involved in the planning, operations, and logistics of emergency management, thereby potentially improving emergency response in the event of a catastrophic event.