Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:20:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 43908.doc: 525824 bytes, checksum: 4c3944515d07f134e8202dc094ec22bd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-12-13T00:00:00Z / A representatividade é um conceito de caráter público que, junto com o conceito de legitimidade, relaciona-se ao processo democrático, à escolha, normalmente por eleições ou sufrágios, de atores e instituições, a quem se outorga poder para agir. Há, também, nas sociedades contemporâneas, uma dimensão consolidada do que se pode chamar “representatividade privada”, obedecendo, em certa medida, à lógica democrática, pela qual instituições são formadas, recebem a outorga de poder para agir em nome coletivo, e adquirem o que se denomina “capacidade institucional”, utilizando instrumentos difundidos no Ocidente, como o lobby e o poder de pressão, calcando-se também no direito positivo. Medir a qualidade dessas instituições, e sua real influência sobre a vida social e dos seus representados não é tarefa fácil. Não existindo fórmula pronta e consagrada para tanto, porém pode-se investigar a efetividade (eficiência e eficácia) de instituições através de métodos empíricos de levantamento e pesquisa, sobretudo quando o conjunto de representados pode ser acessado, possibilitando interação pesquisador-pesquisado. A presente dissertação de mestrado, partindo de fundamentos teóricos e conceituais econômicos e sociológicos, sobre representatividade, ação coletiva e ação institucional, busca entender a formação e a consolidação da ABRAMGE – Associação Brasileira de Medicina de Grupo. A hipótese fundamental do trabalho é que a elevação do número de representados, a partir do advento da Lei 9566/98, reduz a efetividade da ação coletiva, prejudicando a representatividade. O trabalho propõe-se a compreender a relação entre representantes e representados e medir a percepção que ambos os lados possuem sobre o caráter da representatividade e sobre sua extensão e capacidade de ação, avaliando também se as expectativas gerais vêm sendo satisfeitas ao longo do tempo. / Representation is a concept of public character that, with the legitimacy concept, is related to the democratic process, to the choice of actors and institutions, normally for elections or suffrages, to be able to act. There is also a "private representation", obeying, in certain measure, to the democratic logic, by which institutions are formed, receive the grant from being able to act in collective name, and acquire “institutional capacity". Measures the quality of these institutions and its real influence on the social life is not easy. This dissertation, using theoretical and conceptual basis on representation, collective action and institutional action, search to understand the formation and the consolidation of the ABRAMGE - Brazilian Association of Medicine of Group – evaluating its performance from the perspective of the associates and former-associates and of the current representatives. The basic hypothesis of the work is that the rise in the number of associates reduces the effectiveness of the collective action, harming the representation. The work considers understanding relation between representatives and represented and to measure the general perception that both the sides possess on the character of the representation and its extension and capacity of action, also evaluating if their expectations come being satisfied.

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:51:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 142122.pdf.jpg: 20296 bytes, checksum: 90f153038020d7ff5ac21790fa0bbec6 (MD5) 142122.pdf: 1110716 bytes, checksum: 75b5900f6a098625f6ab8439bea6453a (MD5) 142122.pdf.txt: 310684 bytes, checksum: 96bb3d0c399052cb36de25f11032ea9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-03-22T00:00:00Z / Esta pesquisa insere-se no campo de estudos das redes e cadeias de suprimentos, como estruturas fragmentadas e complexas de organização de empresas autônomas para produção de pacotes de valor, necessários para atender os desejos e necessidades dos clientes. Procura responder como essas redes de suprimentos, e as empresas e cadeias que as compõem, são coordenadas para produzir em conjunto. Especificamente, busca compreender como as associações de ação coletiva contribuem para sua coordenação. Com base na revisão da literatura de redes de suprimentos e de associações de ação coletiva, foi projetada uma pesquisa de múltiplos casos nas associações da rede de suprimentos da construção civil no Brasil. Os resultados indicam que novos processos e mecanismos de coordenação das redes estão sendo criados ou reformulados para atender às exigências da nova estrutura de produção em redes. É proposta uma série de ações coletivas para melhorar as operações e gestão das empresas, cadeias e redes. / This research belongs to the field of studies of the supply networks, as fragmented and complex organization and structure of independent firms, to produce and deliver value packages (goods and services) needed to satisfy the clients’ wills and needs. Research to answer how these networks, and the supply chains and firms embedded in it, are coordinated to produce together. Specifically, research to understand how associations of collective action contribute to it. Based on the supply chain and networks literature revision, a field multiple cases research was designed, on collective action associations in the construction industry in Brazil. The results show that new processes and mechanisms of network coordination are being created or reshaped to reach the demands of the new network production structure. It is proposed a series of collective social actions to improve operations and management of firms, supply chains and supply networks.

A agroindústria familiar rural surge como uma alternativa na busca de novos nichos de mercados, utilizando-se da maior diversidade de produtos e da diferenciação dos produtos através da transformação dentro da propriedade. Sua implantação é considerada uma alternativa eficaz como política de Desenvolvimento Rural, mas com todos os esforços, existem muitas limitações neste setor, principalmente da legislação sanitária. O objetivo deste estudo é analisar a agroindústria familiar rural, como as regras são construídas dentro da comunidade e aceitas pelos próprios agricultores, quanto à realidade produtiva, às leis e às normas que qualificam a produção agroindustrial. A Teoria das Convenções baseia-se no reconhecimento mútuo e coletivo da qualidade ampla do produto, e foi utilizada para explicar como funcionam as interações entre produtores com relação às regras de produção ou “modos de fazer” no processo produtivo. Foram entrevistadas 14 agroindústrias na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre, nos municípios de Porto Alegre, Viamão, Gravataí e Glorinha. Este estudo caracterizou-se por uma pesquisa exploratória, cuja coleta de dados foi feita através de formulário semi-estruturado, diário de campo e dados secundários. Foi feita análise de conteúdo e análise quantitativa de dados. A construção dos mercados e das regras que os regem, mesmo com o cumprimento das normas legais, vem de dentro do processo e com a colaboração de todos os atores: produtores, consumidores e instituições apoiadoras do setor. A incorporação de novas práticas e de um consumidor mais informado e atuante trouxe uma realidade de maior interação, onde a construção do mercado é feita por todos os atores, e estes também utilizam do prévio conhecimento uns dos outros para atestar a qualidade dos produtos e de tudo que compõe o mercado, consolidando assim, uma rede de interações baseada também na confiança. Mesmo com garantias legais, como os selos e os alvarás da inspeção sanitária, a garantia baseada na confiança é a mais importante, aliada à efetiva qualidade dos produtos. A qualidade é construída e vista nas agroindústrias não só como um processo físico, mas também contando com aspectos sociais e culturais e considerando o esforço pessoal na confecção dos produtos, a dedicação, a tradição e os “modos de fazer” artesanal, que trazem o toque especial colonial. Utilizam-se das boas práticas na produção à medida que seu capital para investimento pode atender, prezando pela qualidade (apresentação e sanidade dos produtos), e compartilham essas premissas tanto com colegas de feira e associação, quanto com os consumidores. As convenções nas agroindústrias existem e são seguidas pelos produtores e supervisionadas por seus consumidores, onde todos contribuem e coletivamente as constroem, trocando informações, fiscalizando e sugestionando mudanças. Os produtores demonstram grandes esforços em prosperar e desenvolver, mas é necessário que exista apoio governamental e institucional para divulgação, qualificação e adequação da legislação para a agricultura familiar. / The rural familiar agroindustry is an alternative in the search for new niche markets, using the greater diversity of existing products and product differentiation by transforming them inside the property. Its implementation is considered an effective alternative as policy fot Rural Development, but despite all efforts there are many limitations in this sector, especially in sanitary legislation. The aim of this study is to analyze rural familiar agroindustry, how these rules are built within the community and accepted by the farmers themselves, as the present production, laws and standards that qualify the agroindustrial production and The Theory of the Convention is based on mutual recognition and collective of wide quality of the product, and was used to explain how interactions are worked among producers regarding production rules or “ways to make” the production process. 14 agroindustries in the Metropolitan Area oh Porto Alegre, in the municipalities of Porto Alegre, Viamão, Gravataí e Glorinha were interviewed. This study was characterized by an exploratory research, whose sample collection data was made through a semi-structured field diary and secondary data. Content analysis and quantitative analysis of data were made. The construction of markets and the rules that govern them even with the compliance of the law comes from within the process and the collaboration of all agents: producers, consumers and supporting institutions of the sector. The incorporation of new practices and a more informed consumer and acting also brought reality for more interaction, where the construction market is made by all agents, and they use prior knowledge of each other to improve the quality of products and anything that makes up the market, thus consolidating a network of interactions also based on trust. Even with legal safeguards, such as labels and licenses from the sanitary inspection, the assurance based on trust is the most important, combined with the effective product quality. Quality is built on the agroindustries by looking not only at a physical process, but also relying on social and cultural aspects, considering personal efforts in making the products, dedication, tradition and artisanal “ways to make”, which bring the colonial touch. Utilizing the best practices in production that their capital investment can provide, emphasizing quality (presentation of products and sanity), and sharing these premises with colleagues from fair and association, as with consumers. The conventions in agroindustries already exist, and are followed by producers and supervised by its consumers, which all contribute and build collectively, exchanging information, monitoring and suggesting changes. Producers showed great effort in prospering and developing, but there must be government support and institutional basis for marketing, qualifying and adequacy of rules for family farmers.

La crise financière a démystifié le système capitaliste aux yeux de larges segments de la population d’Europe de l'Est, exacerbant le décalage entre les attentes suscitées par le processus de démocratisation et la situation, souvent difficile, d’un nombre important de citoyens. Dans ce contexte, l'indignation que certains d’entre eux expriment s'est dirigée contre la classe politique, donnant naissance à de nouvelles formes de mobilisation. Cette thèse analyse ces mobilisations dans un cadre comparatif incluant des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie, sur la période 2008 - 2014. Quelles sont les caractéristiques des récentes vagues de protestations ? Ces protestations s’inscrivent-elles dans la continuité de répertoires d’action plus anciens ? Si la Roumanie et la Hongrie sont « en transition », quelles sont les mutations qui affectent les conditions de mobilisation ? Comment expliquer les différences de dynamiques que l’on observe dans les deux pays ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons essayé de bâtir des passerelles entre deux champs de recherche, celui de la transition démocratique et celui des mouvements sociaux. En Roumanie comme en Hongrie, la prise en compte des transformations systémiques induites par la transition semble en effet essentielle à la compréhension des phénomènes de mobilisation récents. L'analyse détaillée des processus d'accumulation de capital social relationnel et cognitif qui en résulte - à l’origine de l’émergence de nouvelles générations d’activistes – constitue l’apport principal de notre travail. La démarche diachronique que nous avons adoptée nous a par ailleurs permis d’identifier et de caractériser les influences qu’un réseau militant peut avoir sur un autre et l’impact d’une protestation sur la suivante. Soucieux de produire des informations précises et circonstanciées sur l’environnement politique, économique et culturel dans lequel naissent les mobilisations étudiées, nous avons interrogé, à partir d’un sondage en ligne, des spécialistes de la société civile, des médias et de la vie politique des deux pays. Parallèlement, nous avons réalisé 26 entretiens approfondis avec des activistes en Hongrie et en Roumanie pour parvenir à définir les processus de mobilisation des ressources, les canaux de mobilisation utilisées, les caractéristiques des réseaux et des organisations en présence, mais aussi l’identité des activistes et, subséquemment, leur perception du contexte d’action dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. En prenant en compte l’ensemble de ces éléments, nous avons pu montrer comment l'accumulation d’expériences de mobilisations nourrissait les mouvements suivants, plus nombreux et plus visibles au fil du temps. Dans cette dynamique, les réseaux sociaux en ligne jouent un rôle essentiel. La socialisation politique sur Facebook a notamment contribué au développement d’une identité commune et à la transformation de l'indignation personnelle en engagement collectif. La multiplication des interactions sociales, une certaine similitude de goûts et de visions du monde, ainsi qu’un effort de réseautage ont permis à l'activisme en ligne de se transformer en activisme de rue. La nature et l’intensité de cet engagement diffèrent selon les deux pays. En Roumanie, « un militantisme récréationnel » puisant ses racines dans la simultanéité de la consommation culturelle et de l'implication civique est observable. A l’inverse, en Hongrie l’enthousiasme civique semble s’essouffler. Confrontés à un pouvoir politique stable, soutenu par la majorité de la population et capable de s'opposer fermement aux initiatives de la société civile, les mouvements de contestation hongrois n’ont pas réussi à déstabiliser le pouvoir en place. Cet exemple montre qu’une culture de protestation relativement vivace ne débouche pas automatiquement sur un fort niveau de mobilisation citoyenne. Par contraste, le cas de la Roumanie .... / In Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes.

Esta tese tem como tema o conjunto de recursos comuns naturais e os formatos de gestão que permitem novos sistemas de governança nos espaços rurais no entorno de áreas protegidas. Como questão central, busca responder como os diversos atores afetados pelo processo de criação de uma área protegida organizam-se e desenvolvem ações coletivas para a gestão dos recursos comuns no entorno destas áreas. Têm-se como hipótese que há uma aproximação entre os atores conforme seus objetivos em relação aos recursos comuns naturais, o que remete a configuração de um novo sistema de governança que propicia o desenvolvimento de ações coletivas próprias de gestão dos recursos comuns. Outra hipótese é que a ação do Estado, por meio de políticas governamentais, apresenta efeito limitado na coordenação das ações e na promoção do consenso entre os atores. Desta forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é estudar a ação coletiva dos atores sociais na gestão dos recursos comuns no entorno do Parque Nacional da Serra da Bodoquena (PNSB), o qual abrange áreas dos municípios de Bodoquena, Bonito, Jardim e Porto Murtinho no Estado de Mato Grosso do Sul. Por meio da abordagem institucional no estudo da auto-organização e autogovernança em situações de gestão do conjunto de recursos comuns desenvolvida por Elinor Ostrom, buscou-se a fundamentação teórica para explicação dos fenômenos e problemática identificada. Metodologicamente trata-se de uma pesquisa de campo e documental, a qual apresenta um delineamento de estudo de caso small-N, aplicando-se o framework para análise de sistemas sócio-ecológicos (SES), procedendo-se também uma sistemática análise documental próxima à meta-análise. Conclui-se que a esperada mobilização de grupos de indivíduos em busca de objetivos comuns encontra duas vertentes neste caso, com os participantes da arena de ação criando distintos objetivos e distintas ações coletivas de acordo com seus interesses, produtivos ou ambientais, sendo que governo dos comuns permanece sob o controle dos interesses produtivistas arraigados na cultura de produção agropecuária local. / This thesis has as its theme the common natural resources and the management models that allow new governance systems in the rural areas in the surrounding of protected areas. As central question, seeks to answer how the various actors affected by the process of creation of a protected area organise themselves and develop collective actions for the management of common natural resources in the surroundings of this area. There has been hypothesised that there is a closeness among the actors as their goals in relation to common natural resources, which refers to setting up a new governance system that promotes the development of collective actions specific to the management of common resources. Another hypothesis is that state action, through government policies, has limited effect on the coordination and promotion toward a consensus among actors. In this sense, the objective of this work is to study the collective action of social actors in the management of common natural resources in the surroundings of the National Park of Serra da Bodoquena (PNSB), which covers areas of the municipalities of Bodoquena, Bonito, Jardim and Porto Murtinho in the State of Mato Grosso do Sul. Based on institutional approach for the study of the self-organisation and self-governance in common-pool resources situations developed by Elinor Ostrom, the investigation sought the theoretical explanation of phenomena and problem identified. Methodologically this is a documentary and field research, which has a feature of small-N case of study, proceeding an applying of the framework for analysing social-ecological systems (SES), conducting also a systematic analysis of documents close to a meta-analysis. The conclusions point out that the expected mobilisation of groups of individuals in the pursuit of common goals is twofold in this case, with the participants of the action arena creating different goals and different collective actions according to their interests, environmental or productive, and that the govern of the commons remains under the control of agribusiness interests rooted in the culture of the local agricultural production.

Porto Alegre é uma cidade brasileira que apresenta particularidades significativas em termos de experiências políticas inovadoras, sendo um caso importante tanto em investigações nacionais quanto internacionais. Dessa forma, a presente tese se insere em uma agenda de pesquisas empíricas com foco nos formatos organizacionais existentes na sociedade civil brasileira. O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar as relações estabelecidas entre os regimes políticos e a dinâmica associativa na cidade de Porto Alegre, de 1930 até 2012. Para tanto, utilizamos uma base de dados inédita disponibilizada pelo cartório de registro civil da cidade, junto de fontes secundárias e bases auxiliares. Partimos da hipótese de que os regimes políticos mais democráticos ampliam e pluralizam o associativismo, enquanto nos regimes autoritários ocorre o contrário. Concluímos confirmando parcialmente nossa hipótese, mas demonstrando que o desenvolvimento associativo não se dá de maneira tão homogênea, pois alguns tipos de associações sofrem maiores alterações do que outros, em função das ameaças e das oportunidades existentes. / Porto Alegre is a Brazilian city which presents significant particularities in terms of innovative political experiences, being an important case in both national and international investigations. Thus, the present thesis is part of a empirical research agenda focusing on the organizational formats of Brazilian civil society. The main purpose of this work is to analyze the relations between political regimes and the associative dynamic in the city of Porto Alegre, from 1930 to 2012. Therefore, we use an unpublished database available by the city Civil Registry Office, with secondary sources and auxiliary data. Our hypothesis is that democratic political regimes expand and pluralize the associationism, while in the authoritarian regimes the opposite occurs. We conclude partially confirming our hypothesis, but showing that the development of associations does not occur in such a homogeneously way. We can see this once some kinds of associations have greater changes than others because of the threats and opportunities existing. / Porto Alegre es una ciudad brasileña que tiene características singulares en términos de experiencias políticas innovadoras, siendo un caso importante tanto en investigaciones nacionales cuanto internacionales. De esa forma, la presente tesis se insiere en una agenda de investigaciones con el foco en los formatos organizacionales de la sociedad civil brasileña. El objetivo de ese trabajo es analizar las relaciones establecidas entre los regímenes políticos y la dinámica asociativa en la ciudad de Porto Alegre, desde 1930 hasta 2012. Para eso, utilizamos una base de datos inédita concedida por el registro civil de la ciudad, junto de fuentes secundarias y bases auxiliares. Nuestra hipótesis es que los regímenes más democráticos amplían y pluralizan el asociacionismo, en cuanto en los regímenes autoritarios ocurre en contrario. Concluimos confirmando parcialmente nuestra hipótesis, pero mostrando que el desarrollo asociativo no ocurre de manera tan homogénea, pues algunos tipos de asociaciones sufren más alteraciones que otras, debido a las amenazas y oportunidades existentes.

Ce travail de thèse part d’un intérêt pour les démarches éducatives mettant au centre du processus d’apprentissage l’attitude interrogative et exploratrice de l’enfant. C’est le cas des pratiques philosophiques réalisées en contexte scolaire, en école primaire et au collège, dont nous analysons 14 séances dans notre thèse. Les recherches existantes s’attachent généralement à décrire ces pratiques sous l’angle des bénéfices dans le développement des compétences langagières, cognitives et sociales de l’enfant. Cependant, bien que le questionnement soit à l’origine de tout processus résolutoire et de confrontation d’idées, la question de son émergence n'a jamais été traitée frontalement jusqu’alors.Comment le questionnement émerge, se construit et se modifie dans l’interaction lors des discussions philosophiques ? Afin de répondre à cette problématique, notre thèse propose une démarche descriptive et interprétative qui se situe à trois niveaux. Il s’agit d’abord d’analyser les verbalisations d’actes de question réalisées par les acteurs de la discussion dans leur énonciation. Par la suite, l’analyse s’intéresse à l’interprétation des actes en lien avec un questionnement sous l’angle des effets perlocutoires produits dans le contexte interactionnel et dialogique. Enfin, le troisième niveau d’analyse propose une perspective globale sur l’action collective du questionnement dans les discussions analysées.Du point de vue théorique, ce travail offre un modèle d’analyse pragmatique du questionnement qui permet de mettre à jour une articulation entre pensée, langage et dialogue. Le corpus analysé porte sur des classes d’âge différentes : primaire et collège, ce qui ouvre également sur une perspective développementale permettant de s’interroger sur l’évolution de l’étonnement et le développement de la réflexion chez l’enfant. Il a également des visées pédagogiques puisque nous avons identifié, au long de l’analyse, les conditions favorables à un développement dialogique du questionnement. / This thesis is inspired by an interest in educational approaches that focus on children’s exploratory and questioning attitudes in learning processes. In order to study such attitudes, we have analyzed fourteen discussions recorded during philosophical practices carried out in primary and middle school. Existing research generally attempts to describe these practices in terms of the benefits they provide for children’s development of linguistic, cognitive and social skills. Yet, even if questioning is the foundation of all problem solving processes and of the confrontation of ideas, the emergence of learners’ questioning for initiating conceptual and problematical reflection has not yet been studied.How does questioning become visible, how is it elaborated and how does interaction with others change it, during philosophical discussions? To answer this, we provide a descriptive and interpretative analysis at three levels. First we analyze verbalizations of question acts performed by the actors taking part in discussion. Secondly we focus on perlocutory effects produced by question acts in an interactional and dialogical context. Finally we put the collective act of questioning into a global perspective.From a theoretical viewpoint, this thesis proposes a pragmatic analysis model based on a new articulation between thought, language and dialogue. The corpus focuses on different age groups and perspectives include constructing a developmental view about the evolution of children’s astonishment and of their reflection. Our aims are also pedagogical because our analysis has allowed us to identify conditions that promote the development of dialogical questioning.

Cette thèse porte sur le mouvement altermondialiste dans sa déclinaison européenne, en s'intéressant en particulier au processus du Forum Social Européen tel qu'il a été initié à Florence en novembre 2002. Plus spécifiquement, nous nous intéressons à des réseaux thématiques qui se sont constitués au fil des éditions du Forum Social Européen avec l'objectif de renforcer la coordination entre les différents participants au Forum, sur des thèmes économiques et sociaux liés à l'intégration européenne. Ces réseaux ont été constitués dans le sillage des grandes manifestations altermondialistes de portée européenne qui se sont développées dans les années 90-2000. Rapidement après leur création, ces réseaux ont cependant réuni de moins en moins de participants et ont finalement disparu en tant qu'espaces d'organisation collective. Cette thèse vise principalement à expliquer l'échec de ces réseaux. La mise en relation de la création de nos réseaux thématiques avec les mobilisations de l'altermondialisme européen, qui semblent s'essouffler au milieu des années 2000, nous incite à les analyser dans le cadre d'un processus de démobilisation au niveau européen. Celui-ci se traduit par des conflits entre les participants restant sur les modes de fonctionnement collectif au sein des réseaux ou sur les stratégies collectives à mettre en œuvre, et finalement à de nouveaux retraits de participants. La distinction de plusieurs phases entre 2005 et 2010 nous permet par ailleurs d'envisager cette combinaison entre démobilisation et conflits à plusieurs niveaux. Tandis que la fin de campagnes altermondialistes en Europe nous permet d'observer des conflits entre les acteurs sur le rôle de réseaux thématiques comme structures potentielles d'action collective, la baisse de la participation dans le cadre spécifique du Forum Social Européen fait naitre des conflits sur le rôle que devraient endosser ces réseaux dans ce processus. Finalement, le fort déclin de la participation dans le FSE d'Istanbul en 2010 aboutit à la disparition des réseaux thématiques étudiés. Au-delà de leur échec, ce travail se termine néanmoins par la mise en évidence des apports de ces expériences sur la constitution d'un groupe d'acteurs à l'échelle européenne entretenant des objectifs proches. / This thesis is about the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in its European dimension, focusing on the European Social Forum process which was launched in Florence in November 2002. More precisely, specific thematic networks have been created in the course of this process with the aim of strengthening coordination between different participants on economic and social issues linked with the European integration. These networks were created in the wake of some campaigns of the Global Justice Movement in Europe which developed in the years 1997-2005. However, fewer and fewer participants took part in the meetings of the networks, and they finally disappeared as spaces of collective organisation. This thesis is aimed at explaining the failure of these networks. We first analyze their creation as a sign of a larger process of demobilisation after 2005, concerning the whole GJM in Europe. This process leads to conflicts between remaining participants, about the internal functioning of the networks (modes of decisions, etc.) and the external collective strategies that should be defined. We distinguish several phases between 2005 and 2010 where we can find this combination between demobisation and internal conflicts in the networks. Although we observe conflicts between actors of the networks while some global justice campaigns are coming to an end in Europe (2005-2006), the decline of participation in the European Social Forum leads to conflicts about the role these networks should have in this process (2007-2010). Finally, the huge loss of participants in the ESF in Istanbul in 2010 led to the end of the thematic networks which are studied here. Beyond their failure, we point at the end of this thesis the positive contribution of these experiences that favoured the constitution of a coherent group of actors with similar objectives at the European level.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:36:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MariaASF_TESE.pdf: 2171639 bytes, checksum: b27f1bef4492211e598fbd7cdc5d1c28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-19 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This study focuses on a methodology of unchained action by Father Sabino Gentili in M?e Luiza, suburb of Natal-RN, which has enhanced social participation in what Castells calls project identity. The perception of collective actions, focused on the development of subjects from the perspective of Alain Touraine occurs continuously in a popular neighborhood, whose history marked by conflict mainly related to the resistance in the remaining living space. It is argued that there was an appropriation of resistance identity, which was already present in the community of M?e Luiza, in order to channel it to create a project identity, through an implicit methodology that has been identified as Pedagogy of Consensus, based on Paulo Freire s concepts of dialogue and participation. Therefore, by means of qualitative research, using tools such as semi-structured interviews and documented sources, we tried to describe the intent of the action of a social actor and the political and educational strategies that motivate the collective action aiming a social change, observing the elements present in this action that allowed the continuity of organizational and participating processes through the dynamics of M?e Luiza s neighborhood / Este trabalho debru?a-se sobre uma metodologia de a??o desencadeada por Pe. Sabino Gentili, entre 1980 e 2006, em M?e Luiza, bairro perif?rico da cidade de Natal-RN, que potencializou a participa??o social em torno do que Castells chama de identidade de projeto. H? a percep??o da exist?ncia de a??es coletivas, focadas na constitui??o de sujeitos na perspectiva de Alain Touraine que se d?o de modo cont?nuo em um bairro popular cuja hist?ria ? marcada por conflitos, relacionados, principalmente, ? resist?ncia pela perman?ncia no espa?o habitado. Defende-se que houve a apropria??o de uma identidade de resist?ncia, j? presente na comunidade de M?e Luiza, de modo a canaliz?-la para a constru??o de uma identidade de projeto, atrav?s de uma metodologia impl?cita que foi identificada como uma Pedagogia do Consenso, calcada nos conceitos de di?logo e de participa??o de Paulo Freire. Assim, por meio da pesquisa qualitativa, utilizando de instrumentos como entrevistas semiestruturadas e fontes documentais, buscou-se descrever a intencionalidade da a??o de um ator social, as estrat?gias pol?ticas e as pr?ticas educativas que perpassam a a??o coletiva com vistas ? mudan?a social, observando os elementos presentes nessa a??o que propiciaram a continuidade de processos organizativos e participativos em meio ? din?mica pr?pria do bairro de M?e Luiza

Porto Alegre é uma cidade brasileira que apresenta particularidades significativas em termos de experiências políticas inovadoras, sendo um caso importante tanto em investigações nacionais quanto internacionais. Dessa forma, a presente tese se insere em uma agenda de pesquisas empíricas com foco nos formatos organizacionais existentes na sociedade civil brasileira. O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar as relações estabelecidas entre os regimes políticos e a dinâmica associativa na cidade de Porto Alegre, de 1930 até 2012. Para tanto, utilizamos uma base de dados inédita disponibilizada pelo cartório de registro civil da cidade, junto de fontes secundárias e bases auxiliares. Partimos da hipótese de que os regimes políticos mais democráticos ampliam e pluralizam o associativismo, enquanto nos regimes autoritários ocorre o contrário. Concluímos confirmando parcialmente nossa hipótese, mas demonstrando que o desenvolvimento associativo não se dá de maneira tão homogênea, pois alguns tipos de associações sofrem maiores alterações do que outros, em função das ameaças e das oportunidades existentes. / Porto Alegre is a Brazilian city which presents significant particularities in terms of innovative political experiences, being an important case in both national and international investigations. Thus, the present thesis is part of a empirical research agenda focusing on the organizational formats of Brazilian civil society. The main purpose of this work is to analyze the relations between political regimes and the associative dynamic in the city of Porto Alegre, from 1930 to 2012. Therefore, we use an unpublished database available by the city Civil Registry Office, with secondary sources and auxiliary data. Our hypothesis is that democratic political regimes expand and pluralize the associationism, while in the authoritarian regimes the opposite occurs. We conclude partially confirming our hypothesis, but showing that the development of associations does not occur in such a homogeneously way. We can see this once some kinds of associations have greater changes than others because of the threats and opportunities existing. / Porto Alegre es una ciudad brasileña que tiene características singulares en términos de experiencias políticas innovadoras, siendo un caso importante tanto en investigaciones nacionales cuanto internacionales. De esa forma, la presente tesis se insiere en una agenda de investigaciones con el foco en los formatos organizacionales de la sociedad civil brasileña. El objetivo de ese trabajo es analizar las relaciones establecidas entre los regímenes políticos y la dinámica asociativa en la ciudad de Porto Alegre, desde 1930 hasta 2012. Para eso, utilizamos una base de datos inédita concedida por el registro civil de la ciudad, junto de fuentes secundarias y bases auxiliares. Nuestra hipótesis es que los regímenes más democráticos amplían y pluralizan el asociacionismo, en cuanto en los regímenes autoritarios ocurre en contrario. Concluimos confirmando parcialmente nuestra hipótesis, pero mostrando que el desarrollo asociativo no ocurre de manera tan homogénea, pues algunos tipos de asociaciones sufren más alteraciones que otras, debido a las amenazas y oportunidades existentes.